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Photographic 

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Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


> 

^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


Th« 
to  tr 


The  institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


0 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagie 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelliculde 


r~~\    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gAographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  pc!jt  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  itait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film^es. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


y 


n 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restauries  et/ou  pellicul^es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxei 
Pages  ddcolordes,  tachet6es  ou  piqudes 


!      I    Pages  damaged/ 

I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

r~]    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


Th« 

pOM 
Of  tl 

filmi 


Orig 
bogi 
thai 
sion 
othfl 
first 
•ion 
or  ill 


Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 


r~71    Showthrough/ 


Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  6dition  disponible 


I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I    Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I      I    Only  edition  available/ 


Th« 
shal 
TIN! 
wiii< 

M»p 
diffi 
antii 
bogj 
righ 
roqi 
met 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcles  par  un  feuiliet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmies  it  nouveau  de  facon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppldmentaires; 


Irregular  pagination  :    [i]  -  iv,  i-vii,  liv]  -  431,  [1]  p. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

n/ 

1 

i 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  hare  has  b««n  r«produc«d  thank* 
to  the  ganarosity  of: 


L'axamplaira  filmi  fut  raproduit  gribca  A  la 
gtnArositA  da: 


University  de  Sherbrooke 


Univeriitt  de  Sherbrooke 


Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  the  baat  quality 
poasibia  considering  tha  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifieations. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  ara  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illuatratad  imprea- 
sion.  or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copiee  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imprea- 
sion.  and  ending  on  the  laat  page  with  a  printed 
or  illuatratad  impraaaion. 


Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  6t4  reproduites  avec  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nattetA  de  I'exemplaira  film^,  at  an 
conformit*  avec  lea  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmage. 

Lea  exemplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  film^s  an  commanpant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  una  empreinta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'lllustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axamplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  an  commanpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  amprainte 
d'impraasion  ou  d'illustration  at  en  tarminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^(meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
wiiichaver  applies. 


Un  dea  symbolas  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  salon  la 
cas:  le  symbols  — *>  signifie  "A  SUIVRE ',  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  piatea,  charta,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratioa.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  aa 
required.  The  following  diagrama  illuatrata  the 
method: 


Las  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  pauvent  dtre 
filmte  d  des  taux  da  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtra 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film^  d  partir 
da  Tangle  sup^rieur  gauche,  da  gauche  &  droite, 
et  de  haut  an  bas,  an  prenant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nicassaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithoda. 


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LIFE     AND     VOYAGES 


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AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS; 


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WITH 


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|U»strati0n5  tanarning  t|}t  |[nMpt0r, 


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*i»? 


ANIV 


THE   DISCOVERY  OF   THE   NEW  WORLD. 


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Agit  grates,  purHgrtuiBque  oacula  term 
Vigit,  et  igDotoa  muiiteii  agro^iiue  sulutnt. 

Ovid,  Met.  iU.  t.  M. 


^ 


i^- 


BY    C.    EDWARDS    LESTER,— 

U.  8.  CONSUL  FOR  SIX   YEARS  TO  UENOA  ;  AUTHOR  OF  "THE  GLORY   AND  SHAME 
OF   ENGLAND  j"   "  MY  CONSULSHIP,"  ETC. 

ASSISTED  BY 

iLNDREW   FOSTER    - 


FOURTH    EDITION. 


NEW    HAVEN: 
PUBLISHED      BY      HORACE      MANSFIELD. 


■m 


1853. 


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Rn'I'krku,  ucciiriliiiir  lo  Act  of  Coiij^n-ss,  in  thi'  your  1851,  liy 

HORACE     M  A  N  S  F I  K  L  U . 

In  ibo  Clerk'ii  OiGce.  of  i!ic  District  C/ourt  of  the  Unitnil  SIuIcb,  for  the 
Soutlierii  Di.il  riot  of  New  Vork. 


m., 


r*  -  a': 


-¥: 


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1.   CNAKIHKAI).   PIIINTKR. 

53  Vtsty  :jtrttl,  ,V.    Y 


m 


^'ik-i 


Ak: 


..*■: 


X'x 


i 
*!•• 


DEDICATION 


TO    THE 

REV.   T.   WOODBRIDGE, 

op  austerlitz,  n.  y. 

My  Dear  Uncle, 

I  should  long  ago  have  inscribeu  to  you  some  one  of  my  books, 
if  I  had  written  one  worthy  of  being  dedicated  to  my  earliest  and 
latest  Teacher,  and  my  truest  Friend.  Long  study  and  cahn  refleo 
tion  have  made  you  famiUar  with  almost  every  department  of  Idarn- 
ing :  and  I  am  happy  in  tlic  thought  that,  while  you  read  this  vol- 
ume as  a  scholar,  you  will  judge  it  as  a  friend. 

One  of  my  earliest  recollections  is  of  leading  you  through  the 
gardens,  and  maple  groves,  and  green  fields  of  the  home  of  my  child- 
hood ;  when  I  looked  up  and  saw  serene  cheerfulness  always  beam- 
ing from  your  face,  and  heard  you  talk  about  all  my  little  sports,  I 
could  not  then  solve  the  mystery  that  one  whose  eyes  the  holy  light 
of  heaven  never  visited,  could  sympathize  so  warmly  with  every- 
thing around  him. 

Since  then  the  lights  and  shadows  of  more  than  twenty-five  years 
have  fallen  upon  our  path — nor  have  I  ever,  in  all  my  wanderings, 
found  a  fellow-man,  to  whom  you  could  not  say, 


^•- 


"  I  see  a  hand  you  cannot  see ; 
I  hear  a  voice  you  cannot  hear." 


If  I  have  accomplished  any  thing  in  life  worthy  of  your  approba- 
tion, I  owe  it  chiefly  "to  your  sage  counsels  and  generous  encoiurage* 


'■'V. 


'■*■"' 


IV 


DEDICATION. 


■r 


inent.  I  have  never  fled  from  the  crowded  city  to  breathe  the  calm, 
pure  country  air  without  a  kind  greeting  to  your  hospitable  dwelling, 
and  I  never  left  it  without  your  benediction.  I  never  returned  from 
my  wanderings  in  other  lands  without  your  generous  welcome.  My 
children,  too,  who  now  lead  you  round  your  own  green  'fields,  hear 
your  kind  voice,  and  kneel  before  your  household  altar  to  recei^re 
your  blessing. 

Around  that  altar  may  the  richest  blessings  of  Heaven  cluster, )  f 
many  years. 

Now,  as  always,  your 

Aflectionate  nephew, 

C.  EDWARDS  LESTER. 
New  York. 


* 


^^ 


-*■« 


■•[.■^--f 


NOTE 


TO 


THE   FOURTH    EDITION, 


-'^ 


•■ 


This  work,  wbich  has  now  passed  to  a  Fourth  edition,  has  been  recently 
revised  by  Mr.  Lester,  and  it  goes  out  with  new  claims  to  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Public.  The  circumstances  under  which  it  first  appeared, 
prevented  It  for  some  time  from  getting  into  general  circulation. 
Nothing  -i.^.  could  even  temporarily  have  kept  the  book  from  wide 
popularity — for  it  contained  within  itself  the  most  essential  elcraente 
of  success. 

In  "  The  Life  and  Voyages  of  Americus  Vespucius,"  are  given  to  us, 
for  the  first  time  in  the  English  Language,  the  original  writings  of  Ves- 
pucius himself.  Here  a  signal  service  was  rendered  to  History,  and  to 
American  Literature.  It  seems  hardly  credible  that  those  Journals  of 
the  Great  Navigator  should  have  so  long  escaped  the  notice  of  American 
Scholars.  No  little  "attention  had  been  bestowed  upon  Columbus,  and 
various  biographies  and  records  of  that  extraordinary  man  had  appeared 


¥* 


i 


"5^R 


-^•fs.; 


NOTE   TO   TlIK    FODRTII    KDITIOW. 


I    ' 


if. 


^ 


in  Enp^lnnd  mid  America.  One  of  om  H.ost  popular  authorti,  now  owes 
much  of  Ilia  fiuno,  to  having  given  his  roadurs  so  glowing  and  romantic 
an  account  of  "The  Voyages  of  Columbus,"  jis  w«  all  acknowledge  Mr. 
Irvini^'s  book  to  bo.  liut  it  contained  little  that  learned  readers  did 
not  know  before.  It  was  but  a  graceful  and  fortunate  effort,  to  faini- 
liarizo  the  American  mind,  with  what  the  pioneer  pen  of  Navarreto — the 
great  Spanlwh  Historian — had,  after  indefatigable  labor,  already  published 
to  all  l*]uropo. 

Mr.  J<estor'3  long  residence  in  Italy,  and  the  special  favor  with  which 
bo  was  treated  by  the  Grand  Duko  of  Tuscany,  gave  him  extraordinary 
facilities  for  entering  this  new  field  of  study  and  investigation,  llo  col- 
lected nearly  everything  of  value  that  is  now  supposed  to  exist, 
published  or  unpublished,  on  the  gubject  of  Americus  Vespucius.  No 
writer  of  any  celebrity  had  preceded  him  in  this  new  track ;  he  had  to 
make  his  investigations  for  himself;  and  while  it  has  been  acknowledged 
by  the  scholars,  the  journals,  and  the  institutions  of  Europe,  that  the 
"  Life  and  Voyages  of  Vespucius "  was  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
historic  knowledge  of  the  world,  the  spirit  of  the  work  has  been  applauded 
for  its  impartiality,  especially  so  far  as  Columbus  is  concerned.  No 
attempt  was  made  in  this  Avork,  to  set  aside  any  claims  of  the  great 
Genoese  to  the  gratitude  and  admiration  of  mankind.  IJut  the  attempt 
was  made,  and  with  acknowledged  success,  of  rescuing  the  name  of 
Vespucius  from  the  odium  which  had  been  <'ast  ujton  it,  by  the  unjust 
accusations  of  his  enemies.  These  accusations  had  remained  unanswered 
for  more  than  three  centuries,  when  ^Ir.  Lester  began  this  work.  lie 
has  demonstrated  that  Americus  Vespucius,  so  far  from  having  given  his 
name  to  the  continent,  had  no  agency  whatever  in  naming  it ;  and  that 
the  Western  World  was  not  known  by  the  title  of  America,  until  after 
Vespucius  was  dead. 

To  show  bow  liigh  an  estimate  has  been  placed  on  this  work,  tho 
publisher  is  allowed  to  introduce  a  letter  which  has  never  before 
appeared,  written  under  the  instructions  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
by  the  learned  Count  Graberg  de  Ilemso,  who,  for  nearly  forty  years, 


iHv  I         <* 


L- 


V-.;r 


HOTB   TO   Tits   KOlinll    EDITIOM, 


ib 


occupied  the  honorable  post  of  Cir;inil  CJIiiiniheiliiiii  iiiid  Chiof  liib'ariiin 
to  tho  Grand  Duko  of  Tuscany.  TIio  Count  Iwid  ourly  cntcrt'd  with 
oariiostncss  and  enthusiasm  into  Mr.  Lester's  views  on  tho  Kuhjoct  of  tho 
]  I  reparation  of  this  work,  and  had  given  him  all  thu  assistiince  that  lay 
in  his  power.  Tho  original  of  this  letter  is  in  tixo  possession  of  tho 
publisher. 

^    .  •  Florcvcc,  March  \r}th,  ]  841. 

Sm : — With  feelings  of  real  pleasure  I  coinply  with  tho  conimanda  of 
lii.s  Imperial  and  Royal  lliglinoss  the  Archdulcc,  'Jrand  Duke,  my  August 
M;ist«r,  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  learned  .'tiid  liii,^Iily  inte- 
!i:4.ing  "Life  and  Voyages  of  Americus  Vespucius,"  and  in  assuring  you 
tliat  this  valuable  donation  has  been  received  with  great  pleasure,  not 
only  in  consideration  of  the  more  than  common  talent  and  erudition 
displayed  in  the  performance,  but  also  of  tho  very  courteous  manner  in 
which  you  speak,  particularly  of  His  Highness,  and  in  general  of  Italy 
and  the  Italians^  who  must,  of  course,  feel  alike 'grateful  for  the  new 
and  brilliant  light  you  have  spread  over  thu  authentical  pedigree  and 
biography  of  that  famous  Italian  navigator. 

Tho  elegant  volume,  having  been  kept  to  tliis  time  in  the  CJrand  Duke's 
own  Cabinet,  has  just  now,  by  express  order  of  Ilis  I,  and  R.  Highness, 
been  placed  conspicuously  in  liis  splendid  Palatine  Library,  and  I  liavo 
boon  commanded  to  offer  you  His  Uighness's  warmest  thanks  for  your 
polite  and  kind  attention. 

And  having  thus  fulfilled  my  Royal  Master's  behests,  and  performed 
an  agreeable  duty,  in  communicating  them  to  you,  I,  at  present,  add  only, 
that,  with  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  respect, 

I  have  tho  honor  to  be.  Sir, 

Your  obliged  and  faithful  servant, 

Ct.  Jacob  Ghabeug  of  IIemso. 
««  Chamberlain  and  (^Iiief  Librarian 


To  C.  Edwauds  Lester, 
United  States  Consul,  at  Genoa. 


U)  II.  I.  and  R.  Highness. 


It  is  not  thought  improper  alsi),  to  introduce  into  this  note,  passages 
from  some  other  sources,  indicating  tho  value  of  this  volume,  as  a 


•  • 


I 


■iiUlii'iiiililil 


itfUi. 


w 


iv 


NOTE    TO    TUR    POUIITII    EDITION, 


coiitribuiloii  to  history,  and  us  furiiisliiug  to  Amorican  roftJora  a  vast 
deal  inuro  aciiiruto,  ruliublo,  ami  iriturustitij^  infurination  about  A(n«ricu* 
Vu8^)iU!iUi),  ttiau  had  ovur  boon  givuu  bufuru. 

Cambridfjc,  May  Oth,  I860. 
Gknti.kmkn  ; — I  Iiavo  read  with  iniirh  iiitt'rest  "Tho  Lilb  and  Voyagon 
of  Anmricus  Vospucius,"  as  containiiii^  a  Hpiritcd  bkutch  of  tlio  uvcntd 
connected  with  tho  early  dirtooveries  iii  America,  and  especially  as  pre- 
Henting  a  translation  of  tho  original  lettera  of  Vespucuus,  and  oth" 
njHlerials  of  much  historical  vahiu  drawn  from  original  soureus.  I  look 
upon  it  as  a  work  filling  p.u  iniportaut  ^ipacu  in  tho  early  history  of  the 
New  World,  as  conveying  to  A.nerican  readers  a  mass  of  curious  fact*, 
which  t'uuld  ho  obtained  only  from  various  books  difficult  to  bo  procured, 
and  in  foreign  hmguagea.  Ilespuctfully  and  truly  yours, 

Jakgd  KrAUKS. 

Tho  following,  which  is  but  one  of  numerous  uoticea  of  this  work  in 
tho  leading  journals  of  Europe,  appeared  in  tho  "Espero,"  the  chief  lite- 
rary authority  of  Genoa : 

"  We  aro  glad  to  learn  that  u  translation  of  this  valuable  historic  work, 
written  by  Mr.  Lester,  who  has  for  some  years  so  ably  and  acceptably  dis- 
clmigod  tho  duties  of  tho  Araorican  Consulate  in  this  city,  is  in  course  of 
propii  ration  by  experienced  and  accomplished  hands.  Our  readers  all 
know  li')w  niueh  Italy  has  already  been  indebted  to  America  for  the  illus- 
Unlioii  < 'f  some  of  tho  brightest  passages  in  our  history.  Mr.  living's  book 
put  U.1  inunediately  into  possession  of  all  tho  authentic  materials  that  had 
come  to  li.rht,  up  to  tho  period  of  its  i>ubIication ;  and  all  Italy  opened 
it«  hi  lit  to  receive  fho  'Life  and  Voyages  of  Christopher  Columbus.' 

"Tiie  ]iublication  of  Mr.  Lester's  '  Vespucius,'  has  placed  us  under  a 
new  »)!(.ig;ition,  because,  althougli  the  work  is  not  so  voluminous  as  Mr. 
Irving's,  it  is  far  more  original,  and  has  thrown  great  light  upon  a  sub- 
ject thr.t  IkkI  not  attracted  among  Italian  writers  tho  attention  which  it 
deserved.  It  h  singular  that,  with  the  exception  of  liandiui,  wh'^  .  te 
a  small  work  on  tho  subject,  nothing  really  of  miK;h  value  had  b*  .n 
published  in  Italy  on  tho  subject  of '  Vespucius.'     It  was  a  new  and  invit- 


( 


1i<jrii..ni»-nr -. 


NOTE   TO   TIIK    rOURTll    RDITIDN. 


i 


e 


in;^  fluid  for  liUtoric  invi'Htijjation,  and  it  is  ii  mattor  of  profoutid  antoniah- 
rru'iit,  that  our  scholars  Hliould  liavo  allowed  tlio  writers  of  thu  Western 
World  to  gut  80  fur  ahead  of  thotii  in  this  inturustiiig  and  splundid  path 
of  fanjo. 

"  During  Mr.  Lester's  visits  to  Florence,  in  1844-5,  ho  was  treated  with 
great  condescension  and  regard  hy  His  Imperial  and  Uoyal  Highness, 
the  Urnnd  Duko  of  Tuscany,  to  whom  Mr.  Lester  made  known  his 
intentions  of  writing  'The  Life  and  Voyages  of  Americus  Vespucius.' 
The  sovereign  became  deeply  interested  in  Mr.  Lester's  labors,  and 
extended  to  him  every  facility  in  his  power.  The  libraries  were  thrown 
open  to  him,  and  the  learned  Count  Graborg  do  Ilemso,  the  Grand 
Duke's  librarian,  devoted  much  of  his  time  in  assisting  Mr.  Lester  in  his 
investigiitions.  Under  such  favorable  auspices,  Mr.  Lester  pushed  his 
investigations  on  this  subject  far  beyond  any  other  writer;  and  it  ended 
8ome  thjee  or'four  years  afterwards,  in  giving  us  altogether  the  com- 
pletest  work  on  that  subject  which  has  ever  appeared,  lie  has  boon 
justly  rewarded  for  his  labors  by  tokens  of  respect  from  the  Grand 
Duke — by  being  elected  a  member  of  tho  Imperial  and  Royal  Valdarnese 
Academy,  Del  Toggio — and  from  His  Holiness,  Pius  IX.,  ho  received  a 
largo  silver  mtdal  as  a  token  of  appreciation.  We  are  glad  also  to 
learn  that  our  own  gracious  sovereign  1ms,  in  the  most  flattering  manner, 
inndo  known  to  Mr.  Lester  his  respect  and  esteem. 

"  We  find  occtv»ion,  in  connection  with  these  facts,  to  express  our 
admiration  for  flie  wisdom  which  seems  to  guide  tho  policy  of  the  United 
States,  in  choosing  for  their  foreign  representatives  men  of  talent  and 
literary  abilities.  One  man  like  Mr.  Lester,  holding  an  official  post  and 
using  the  facilities  it  gives  him  for  literary  and  historical  investigations, 
reflects  enduring  lustre  upon  the  government  which  appoints  him.  We 
believe  that  Mr.  Irving's  'Columbus,'  was  the  result  of  his  connexion 
with  the  United  States  Embassy  at  tho  Court  of  Madrid ;  while  many  ^ 
other  American  representatives  in  foreign  countries,  have  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  contributions  to  literature. 

"  Altliougli  wo  have  not  space  to  make  many  extracts  from  this  work, 


X 


.'irTi'i'iiiiiii'-m 


"■^'ifff' 


n 


NOTE  TO  THE   FOCRTH  EDITION. 


and  much  less  to  enter  into  a  broad  and  minute  analysis  of  its  contents, 
yet  the  most  superficial  Italian  reader  will  discover  in  what  respects  this 
work  is  especially  valuable  to  us. 

"  Ist.  The  book  opens  with  a  clear  survey  of  the  commercial  state  of 
the  world,  previous  to  the  discovery  of  America.  A  brief  but  brilliant 
account  is  given  of  Italian  manufactories — the  advanced  state  of  civiliza- 
tion in  1400 — the  eftecta  of  the  conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire — the 
invention  of  the  compass  and  the  astrolabe — the  various  expeditions  that 
were  sent  out  on  voyages  of  discovery  by  the  courts  of  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal, &c.-  The  writer  then  approaches  his  immediate  subject,  the  birth 
of  Vespucius,  which  took  place  iu  1451.  Ho  gives  the  origin  of  the 
Vespucci  family — the  oflSces  of  state  which  its  distinguished  members 
held,  and  then  passes  on  in  his  rapid  narration,  with  almost  the  com- 
pactness, and  with  more  than  the  /ire  of  Plutarch. 

"  2nd.  Mr.  Lester  has  succeeded  in  giving  us  an  accurate  but  graceful 
translation  of  the  letters  of  Americus  Vespucius,  written  to  the  Gonfalo- 
niere  of  the  Republic  of  Fl-^'ence,  and  the  Princes  of  the  House  of  the 
Medici.  It  is  the  first  time  they  have  ever  been  presented  entire  in  the 
English  language ;  and  it  is  a  curious  and  not  a  flattering  ftict,  that  even  in 
tlie  Italian  language,  we  did  not  before  possess  any  pure  aiid  entire  tran-  . 
scripts  of  the  original  letters  of  Vespucius  himself.  Those  were  all 
mixed  up  with  foreign  idioms  and  dialects. 

"3d.  The  summing  up  of  the  writings  and  character  of  Vespucius,  in 
the  eighteenth  chapter,  is  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  philosophical  ana- 
lyses we  have  for  a  long  time  seen.     We  give  it  .to  our  readers  entire. 

"  4th.  Another  item  of  value  in  this  work,  is  in  the  second  part,  which 
is  made  up  of  collections  from  a  great  variety  of  quarters,  which  servo 
to  illustrate  the  subject.  Brief,  but  interesting  accounts  are  given  of  the 
origin  of  many  of  the  expeditions  of  that  time,  and  the  characters  and 
histories  of  those  to  whom  they  were  committed  ;  while  the  book  closes 
with  the  modern  history  of  the  Vespucci  fimiily — to  whose  living  mem- 
bers Mr.  L.  is  well  known  to  have  shown  much  kindness — thus  com- 
pleting a  noble  and  enduring  work. 


I 


iifctlllf  III    H"  '  ■■■•■-■■ "-■ — L-ii^l:.^.-:..^^..  Jt^ 


7-^7™*-.'---"-!^'  -   ■^■^ft.-.-T 


.  t 


"(I* 


NOTK   TO   THE    FOURTH   BDITION. 


VH 


**  In  thus  payin^c;  this  tribute  to  Mr.  Lester,  whose  genius  has  illustrated 
one  of  our  greatest  historic  names,  wo  cannot  withhold  our  admiration 
for  the  impartiality  with  which  he  has  treated  his  subject,  and  the  justice 
and  even  the  magnanimity  with  which*  he  has  steered  clear  from  tho 
temptations  that  surrounded  him  on  every  aide,  of  depreciating  in  some 
manner,  the  claims  of  tJolumbus  to  the  discovery  of  America.  Even 
here  in  (Jenoa,  the  birthplace  of  that  immortal  man,  this  has  been  a 
Bubject  of  rem;irk ;  and  although  our  readers  are  aware  that  Mr.  Lester 
has  achieved  reputation  by  several  other  works  that  have  been  widely 
circulated  in  his  own  country  and  in  Europe,  yet  ho  has  claims  now 
upon  our  lasting  regard,  more  especially  for  the  services  ho  has  rendered 
to  the  cause  of  Italian  history." 


-..ifii 


V 


1- 


♦ 


^'fpK" 


I 


■  ■WJIW*  ^w^^-^^t'^ 


,,^.-ji.i»'  ;'tf.nmjBgj,..». 


iMMiiMMMWl 


f 


PREFACE, 


Residing  for  some  years  in  the  land  which  gave  birth  to  the  two 
great  men  who  have  divided  the  honour  of  discovering  America, 
my  attention  was  frequently  turned  to  the  subject  of  this  volume. 
Vrithout  any  fixed  purpose  of  writing  about  Americus  or  his  times, 
I  devoted  the  leisure  I  had,  to  the  study  of  the  era  of  Discovery, 
and  collected  those  books,  charts,  and  MSS.,  which  throw  light 
over  the  subject. 

A  superficial  survey  of  my  materials  begat  a  feeling  of  surprise, 
that  no  English  or  American  historian  had  ever  been  attracted  to- 
wards so  fine  a  theme,  while  a  more  diUgent  investigation  at  last 
kindled  a  desire  to. possess  my  countrymen  generally  of  information 
which  could  not  be  found  in  the  literature  of  our  language. 

But  I  was  beset  with  uncommon  difficulties  in  the  very  begin- 
ning of  my  labours.  Various  accounts  of  Americus  and  his  Voy- 
ages had  appeared  in  Italian,  Spanish,  and  German  books,  but  no 
writer  of  research  or  celebrity  had  thrown  much  light  over  the 
Life  and  Voyages  of  the  Discoverer.  A  careful  review  of  Canovai, 
Bandini,  and  Bartolozzi,  who  are  almost  the  only  Italians  that 
have  written  much  about  Ameiicus,  with  a  minute  examination 


.^- 


\im< 


M 


ct 


VI  PREFACE. 

of  Other  authors,  convinced  mc  it  would  be  no  easy  task  to  recon< 
cile  their  conflicting  opinions,  and  separate  history  from  fiction. 
But  the  very  obstacles  I  found  in  my  way  only  served  to  show  the 
claims  of  the  subject  upon  ihe  historian.  I  wished  to  publish  the 
result  of  my  studies  before  my  return  to  Europe,  but  this  would 
have  been  impossible  without  essential  aid  from  some  one  familiar 
with  the  subject.  For  this  purpose,  I  applied  last  autunin  to  my 
friend,  Mr,  Andrew  Foster,  of  Bojiton,  whose  acquaintance  with  tht; 
languages  and  literature  of  Modern  Europe  rendered  his  assistance 
invaluable.  He  kindly  complied  \vith  my  request,  and  for  several 
months  has  devoted  himself  entirely  to  this  work.  It  was  but  an 
act  of  simple  justice  to  insist  that  his  name  should  appear  on  the 
title-page,  and  to  make  this  grateful  acknowledgment,  which  I 
'do  with  unmixed  pleasure. 

It  has  been  remarked  of  Petrarch,  that  "  his  verses  and  his  let 
tcrs,  wlien  read  together,  furnished  a  sort  of  running  history  of  the 
man."  Though  this  remark  cannot  be  applied  in  its  fullest  force 
to  Americus,  yet  it  may  be  said  to  be  partially  true  with  regard  to 
him.  His  letters  carry  us  through  the  scenes  which  he  visited 
during  the  most  interesting  part  of  his  Ufe,  and  though  seldona 
alluding  to  himself  personally,  it  is  easy  to  place  him  in  the  im- 
agination in  every  position  he  describes.  I  thought  it  advisa 
ble  to  adopt  a  new  arrangement^  of  these  documents,  or  rather  to 
follow  the  arrangement  partially  laid  out  by  Canovai,  and  to  divide 
the  letter  to  Soderini  into  four  parts,  placing  the  dilfcrent  accounts 
of  each  voyage  together. 

In  preparing  the  translation  of  the  letters  many  different  editions 
in  Italian,  Latin,  and  Spanish,  have  been  consult<;d  and  compared. 
The  lettejr  to  Soderini  follows  principally  the  text  of  the  Grunigeit 


','"%,«. 


«■'■ 


n»; 


PREPACL. 


VU 


r  task  to  recon- 
f  from  fiction, 
ted  to  show  tVic 
l1  to  publish  tiie 
,  but  this  wouhS 
)ine  one  fainiUai 
L  autumn  to  my 
intance  with  iht; 
red  his  assistance 
I,  and  for  several 
c.     It  was  but  an 
uld  appear  on  the 
idgment,  which  I 

verses  and  his  let 
ling  history  of  the 
i  in  its  hdlest  force 
Liuu  with  r(!gard  to 
which  he  visited 
nd  though  seldonj 
ace  him  in  the  ini- 
thought  it  advisa- 
imenl?,  or  rather  to 
.novai,  and  to  divide 
le  ditlorent  accounts 

my  (liircrcnt  editions 
jltcd  and  cMnparcd. 
text  of  the  GrunigcK 


edition,  translated  into  Spanish  by  NavarrSte,  with  some  altera- 
tions and  corrections  of  manifest  errors.  The  letters  to  De  Medici 
were  taken  from  the  Italian  of  Bandini  and  Canovai,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  second  letter,  giving  an  account  of  the  thiid  voyage, 
which  was  translated  from  the  work  of  Bartolozzi.  The  Latin 
copy  of  the  letter  contained  in  the  Novus  Orbis  of  Grmseus  was 
compared  with  the  Italian. 

The  works  of  Mr.  Irving,  "  The  Life  of  Columbus"  and  "The 
Companions  of  Columbus,"  have  been  carefully  consulted.  The 
Paris  edition  has  been  used,  and  is  the  one  referred  to.  It  is 
the  last  edition,  and  published  under  Mr.  Irving's  own  eye,  and 
therefore  in  all  probaBility  the  most  correct.  The  Collection  of 
Sefior  Navarretc  has  been  invaluable,  and  has  brought  to  light 
many  facts  of  which  all  p<^ious  biographers  of  Americus  were 
ignorant. 

Before  concluding  these  prefatory  sentences,  I  wish  to  express 
my  warm  sense  of  obligation  to  Mr.  Moore,  the  Librarian  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  for  his  uniformly  courteous  treatment 
and  his  kind  aid  in  facilitating  the  researches  necessary  in  the  prep- 
aration of  tliis  work.  The  Library  itself  is  a  fine  collection  of  val- 
tiable  historical  works,  and  I  doubt  whether  any  one,  with  the  excep- 
tion perhaps  of  the  Elibeling  collection,  in  the  Harvard  University 
Library,  is  more  rich  in  matter  relating  to  the  early  history  of 
America.  Indeed,  there  arc  some  rare  works  found  in  the  N.  Y. 
H.  S.  Library  which  are  not  readily  met  with  in  Europe. 

I  cannot  close  this  account  of  my  labours  without  petitioning  the 
reader  to  lay  aside  the  prejudice  so  common  in  this  country  against 
the  very  name  of  Americus.  The  learned  have  said  that  he 
"  usurped  the  name  of  the  continent,"  and  the  vulgar  have  re- 


{-. 


d 


« 


tUI  fbefaok. 

pcatod  it.  How  poorly  tho  great  Navigator  has  merited  this  charge 

the  following  pages  will  show.    Tho  work  is  now  given  to  the 

Public,  with  the  hope  that  tho  labours  of  the  authors  will  not  bo 

•in  vain.       »*  ^ 

■  H..  C.  EDWAEDS  LESTEK.. 

N'ew  York. 


CONTENTS, 
PART  L 


CHAPTER  I. 


PAoa 


Introductorj  Remarks. — General  View  of  the  State  of  the  Commerce  of  the 
World  previous  to  the  Discovery  of  America. — Merchants  necessarily 
Travellers. — High  Rates  of  Interest  of  Money. — Evidence  of  approaching 
Change. — Italian  Manufactories. — State  of  Civilization,  1400. — Effects  of 
the  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire. — Marco  Polo. — Mandeville. — Inven- 
tion of  the  Compass  and  Astrolabe. — Prince  Henry  of  Portugal. — Rob- 
ertson's Character  of  him. — His  Zeal  for  the  Cause  of  Discovery. — Vas- 
co  De  Gama — Doubles  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  1497. — Progress  of  Dis- 
covery.— Portuguese  Expeditions  to  the  Coast  of  Africa. — Papal  Grants 
of  Dominion. — Death  of  Prince  Henry. — Discoveries  by  Columbus. — What 
moved  him  to  attempt  them. — Islands  of  St.  Brandan  and  of  the  Seven 
Cities. — Paolo  Toscanclli. — Discoveries  of  the  Scandinavians. — Italian 
Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian  Cabot. — Pre-eminence  of  particular 
Ideas  at  particular  Epochs. — Cotemporary  Authors. — Fernando  Columbus. 
— Bartolomeo  de  Las  Casas. — Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo. — Andrez  Ber- 
nal. — Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas. — Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara. — Pe- 
ter Martyr. — Concluding  Remarks, 


21 


CHAPTER  II. 


Birth  of  Vespucius,  1451. — His  Parents. — Anastasio  Vespucci  and  Elizabetta 
Mini. — Origin  oi'  the  Vespucci  Family. — Peretola. — Extract  from  Ugolino 
Verini. — Estates  of  the  House. — Old  Family  Mansion. — Inscription  over 
its  Door. — Smione  Vespucci. — His  great  Wealth. — Offices  of  State  of  Flor- 
ence held  by  the  Vespucci. — Guido  Antonio  di  Giovanni  Vespucci. — Im- 
mediate Relatives  of  Americus. — Antiquity  of  Family. — Destiny  of  Amer- 
icas.— Commerce  and  Italian  Bankers,   ... 


54 


x-ia 


mti. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  Ul. 


The  Youth  of  Great  Men.— Lack  of  Detail  in  this  Respect.— Early  Educa- 
tion of  Americus. — Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci. — His  Uncle. — Brilliant  Ex- 
pectations of  his  Family. — Studies  in  Astronomy  and  Cosmography. — 
Friendship  fur  Piero  Soderini. — Toraaso  Soderini. — The  Plague  in  Flor- 
ence, 1478. — Dissolution  of  the  School  of  the  Friar  Vespu<;ci. — Early  Let- 
ters of  Americus. — Lorenzo  de  Medici  — His  Brilliant  Administration. — 
Paolo  Toscunelli,  th",  Learned  Florentine  Physician. — JleUfpous  Educa- 
tion of  Amerin  us. — Letter  of  Americus  to  his  Father,       .... 


62 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Period  from  1480  to  l490. — Cosmography. — High  Value  of  Maps. — Gabriel 
de  Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes  of  the  Departure  of  Americus  from  Flor- 
ence.— Girolamo  Vespucci. — His  Loss  of  Property. — Piero  de'  Medici 
commissions  Americus. — Spain. — Wars  against  the  Moors. — Giovanni 
Vespucci,  the  Nephew  of  Americus. — Account  given  of  him  by  Peter  Mar- 
tyr.— Letter  of  Americus  and  Donato  Nicollini. — Juan  Berardi,  1492. — 

^  The  necessary  Reflections  of  Americus. — An  Epoch  of  Enterprise  and  Im- 
provement,     70 


CHAPTER  V. 


Meeting  of  Americus  with  Columbus,  1492,  '93. — Description  of  the  Per- 
sonal Appearance  of  Columbus. — Personal  Appearance  of  Americus. — 
Sketch  of  their  different  Views. — The  Problem  of  Longitude. — Discussion 
at  Salamanca. — Conversation  between  Columbus  and  Americus. — Singu- 
lar Vow  of  the  Fonner. — He  repels  tlio  Imputation  of  Mercenary  Motives. 
— Doubts  of  Americus  us  to  the  Territories  of  the  Khan,  drawn  from  the 
Appearance  of  the  Natives,  &c. — His  Ideas  of  a  large  Islan.l  between  Eu- 
rope and  Asia. — Confidence  of  Columbus. — CnnsidTs  hiiu.'clf  Divinely 
Commissioned. — Hi.s  Plan  of  Atl.irl;  upon  tlm  Int'dclx. — Cites  Paolo  Tos- 
canelli. — Vespucius  States  his  View  of  th(;  Qu(;.stion  of  Longitude. — Ter- 
restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm  of  Columbus  on  this  Subject. -"Exaggera- 
tion of  Marco  Polo. — Criticism  of  Americus,  .        .  .        . 


78 


..■f.:Sf-. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Death  of  Berardi. — Payments  to  Americus. — Wreck  of  Fleet  fitted  oAt  by 
him. — His  Letter  to  Soderini. — Moilosty  displayed  by  liitn. — Position  held 
by  Americus  in  his  First  Voyage. — CoHmograjdiy  of  Uaconuli). — Diblio- 
ihecu  lliccardiuna. — Rcau,  Titular  King  of  Sicily  mid  ■Icru^nleii'i. — Date 
of  the  Voyage. — Herrera's  Statements. — Tlio  Niiine  of  Aiucrieu. — Span- 
ish Archives. — Voyages  of  Alouzo  do  Ojeda. — His  Kvidciice  itulic  Law- 
suit of  Don  Diego  Columbus. — Silence  of  the  Cotriinjiorary  Hiitoinans. — 
Negative  Evidence. — Kxtract  from  Gouiara  on  the  Subject. — No  Dispar- 
agement of  Columbus. — Autlicnticity  of  the  Letti-rs. — Feelings  of  Colum- 
bus.— His  Letter  respecting  Americus  to  his  Son. — General  Licenses  of 
the  Crown  for  other  Voyages, 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Piero  Soderini. — His  Character. — Elected  Gonfalo- 
ni6re  of  Florence. — His  Fall  and  Banishment. — His  Death  at  Rome. — 
Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  deseribinfr  his  First  Voyage. — His  Reasons 
for  Writing. — Sails  from  Cadiz,  May  10th,  1497. — .Vrrivos  at  the  Grand 
Canaries. — Arrives  at  the  New  "World. — Appearance  of  the  Inhabitants. 
— Sails  along  the  Coast. — Their  Weajrons  and  their  Wars. — Mode  of 
Life.— Religion  anrl  Laws. — Their  Riches. — Their  System  of  Physic. — 
Burial  Rites. — ^Their  Food.  — Ignami. — Finds  trifling  Indications  of  Gold. 
— Venezuela. — 'Treachery  of  the  Inhabitants. — Fight  with  th(;m. — Five 
Prisoners. — Their  Artful  Escape. — Singular  Animals. — Fish  made  into 
Flour. — Americus  received  by  another  Tribe  with  great  Honour. — Laugh- 
able Occurrence. — Establishes  Baptismal  Fonts. — Loriab. — Caniiibaiisni. 
— Repairing  the  Ships. — Sail  for  the  Islands. — Battle  with  the  Natives. 
— Slave  Prisoners. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  15tli  of  Octo- 
ber, 1498, 109 


V 


%  CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Arrival  of  Columbus  on  the  Coast  of  Pari  a,  and  at  Hispaniola,  August 
30th,  1498. — Distracted  State  of  the  Colony  he  had  left. — Despatches 
News  of  his  Discovery  of  the  Continent  on  18th  of  October,  1498,  from 
Isabella. — Americus  arrives   at   Cadiz,   loth  of  Octobi^r,  1498. — News 


zu 


CONTENTS. 


tkn 


made  Public. — Conaofiucnt  Excitement. — Alonzo  de  Ojeda. — His  Plan  of 
au  Expedition. — Bishop  Fonaoca. — His  Hatred  of  Columbus. — Commis- 
rioQ  of  Ojcdu. — Ilia  Companionship  with  Americas. — Interval  between 
First  and  Second  Voyage. — Marriage  of  Americus  with  Maria  Cerozo. — 
He  goes  to  Court. — Is  Importuned  by  Ojeda. — Coiisenta  to  go  with  him. 
— Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Preparations  for  sailing  at  Seville. — Lorenzo  di  Pier- 
Francesco  de'  Medici. — Sketch  of  his  Life, 140 


CHAPTER  IX. 


riRST    LETTKR    OF    AMERICUS   TO   LORENZO    DI    PIER-FRAIfCESCO    DE*    MED- 
ICI,   UIVINU   AN    ACCOUNT    OF   HIS    SECOND   VOTAOK. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May  18th,  1499. — Makes  the  Canary  Islands. — Ar- 
rives at  the  New  World  in  twenty -four  Days. — Difficulty  of  Disembarca- 
rion. — Freshness  of  the  Water  at  Sea. — Two  large  Rivers  Discovered. — 
Ascent  of  one  of  them. — Description  of  the  Scenery. — Remarkable  Cur- 
rent.— Shadows  of  the  Sun. — The  Stars  (jf  the  South  Pole. — Remarka- 
ble Passage  in  Dante. — Calculation  of  Distance  from  Cadiz. — Calculation 
of  Longitude,  Aug.  23,  1499. — Occultation  of  Mars.— Sails  Northwardly. 
— Discovers  an  Island. — Description  of  the  Natives. — Their  Hospitality. 

•  — Present  of  Pearls. — Voyage  continued. — Meets  with  Unfriendly  Na- 
tives.— Cannibalism. — Battle  with  them. — Valour  of  a  Portuguese  Sail- 
or.— A  very  large  Race  of  Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds  to  Hispaniola. 
— Refitting  the  Fleet. — Continue  Homeward  Voyage. — Take  a  Cargo  of 
Slave-prisoners. — Arrive  at  the  Azores  and  Cadiz. — Conclusion  of  the 
Voyage, 


151 


CHAPTER  X. 


COIfTINUATION    OF   THE    LETTER  OF   AMERICUS    TO   PIERO   SODERINI,  OIVINO 
AN    ACCOUNT    OP   HIS    SECOND   VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May,  1499. — Arrival  in  the  New  World. — Signs  of 
Inhabitants. — Coasting  the  Shores. — San  Luis  de  Maranham. — Chase  and 
Capture  a  Canoe. — Cannibalism. — Pearls  and  Gold. — Inimical  Natives. — 
Chewing  the  Cud. — Want  of  Water. — Immense  Leaves. — Island  of  Cura- 
coa. — Large  Islanders. — Visit  to  their  Village. — Returning  to  Castile. — 
Trade  with  the  Indians. — Large  Quantity  of  Pearls. — Visit  Antilla. — 
Take  in  Provisions. — Sail  for  Spain. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  June  8th,  1500, 


175 


a 


1 


i  . 


CONTENTS. 


.    xiu 


CHAPTER  XI 


rAQi 


Unjostifiablu  Perversion  o{  the  Words  of  Americus. — Attack  of  Sickness. — 
New  S|)uni«h  Fleet  for  liim. — His  Position  in  Spain. — Motives  of  the 
King  of  Portugal  in  attempting  to  gain  the  Services  of  AmoricuH. — First 
Attempt  by  Letter. — Second  Attempt  by  a  Messenger. — Juliuno  Uiooondo. 
—He  leaves  Spain  secretly. — Goes  to  Lisbon. — Kcccptiin  at  the  Court  of 
Emmanuel. — Importance  of  bis  Voyage  to  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal. — Ex- 
tract from  Thomson's  Seasons. — A  Word  respecting  the  Date  of  the  Voy- 
age.— Inaccuracy  of  Herrera .        •    188 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

■CCOND   LETTER  OF  AMERICUS   TO   LORKNKO   qi   PIER-FRANCESCO   DF.    MED- 
ICI, aiVINO   A    BRIEF   ACCOUNT   OP   III9    TItlUD    VOrAQE,  HADK 
FOR   THE   KINO   OF    FORTUOAL. 

Departure  from  Cape  Verd. — Arrival  at  the  Continent. — Heavenly  Bodies. 
— Beauty  of  the  Country. — Numerous  Animals. — The  Notives  destitute  ol 
Laws  and  Religion. — Their  Food  and  Ornaments. — Longevity. — Mode  of 
Reckoning  Time. — Their  Wars  and  Cannibalism. — Climate. — Products 
of  the  Country, .        ,        .        .     195 


CHAPTER  Xni. 

BECOND   LETTER  OF  AHERICUS   TO   LORENZO   DI   FIER-FRANCGSCO    DE*  UED- 

ICI,    OIVINO     A     FULLER     ACCOUNT     OF     IIIS     THIRD     VOTAOE, 

MADE    FOR  THE    KINO   OF   PORTUGAL. 

Preamble  respecting  the  First  Letter  of  Americus  to  De  Medici. — Sails  from 
Lisbon  May  13th,  1501. — Arrives  at  the  Canaries. — Coasts  the  Shores  of 
Africa. — Experiences  violent  Gales. — Provisions  fall  short. — Long  Passage. 
— Despair  ot  their  Situation. — Arrive  at  last  at  the  Continent. — Ignorance 
of  the  Pilots. — Astronomical  Observations  of  Americus. — Coast  along  the 
Shores  of  South  America. — Intercourse  with  the  Natives. — Thickly-inhab- 
ited Country. — Singular  Customs  of  the  Natives. — Their  Mode  of  Life. — 
Cannibalism  again. — Climate  and  Fruits. — Stars  of  the  Antarctic  Pole. — 
Beautiful  Iris  or  Rainbow. — Geometrical  Calculations  of  Americus. — Grati- 
tude to  the  Supreme  Being.— Arrival  at  Lisbon.— 'Another  Voyage  in  Con- 
templation,       '.'0? 


■!«:' 


xiv 


C30NTENT8. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CONTINUATION     OF     TIIIC    LKTTER   TO    IMKHO    SODKRIM,    UIVINO   A    DP.8CHIP- 
TION    or    THE    TIIIHU    VUrAOK    ()»'   AMKKICIIM. 

Stay  at  Lisbon  nfter  Second  Voyn;?*'. — Leitlorst  from  tho  King  of  Portugnl. 
— Juliono  Burtolomtio  ili;!  (liocondo  wnt  from  Lishon  to  urgn  AnicrirnH  to 
§nil  ill  tho  Porhigueso  Servici'. —  His  Consrnt  and  Dcpiirtun!  for  Lisbon. 
— Sails  from  Lisbon,  13th  of  May,  1501. — Kni:ountor8  severe  Storms. — 
Arrives  at  tho  Continent. — Sail?*  along  tho  SliorcH. — Atlriii|)ts  to  treat 
with  tho  Natives. — Two  of  the  Crew  proceed  Inland. — Trenihcry  of  tho 
Natives. — One  of  tho  Crew  Killed  and  euten. — Leurn  the  Ucath  of  the 
other  Two. — At  length  inert  with  Friendly  Niitivos. — Continue  the  Voy- 
age to  the  North. — April  7tli,  discover  New  Land. — More  severe  Storms. 
— Return  to  Lisbon. — Arrive  on  tho  Sovuntb  of  September,  15U2, 


223 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Reception  at  Lisbon. — Honours  in  that  City  and  Florence. — High  Reputo- 
tion  of  Americus. — His  Astronomical  Discoveries. — His  Method  of  deter- 
mining Longitude. — The  Southern  Ooss. — A  New  Expedition  prejjared. 
— Goiiznlo  Co(;llio. — Sails  from  Lisbon  with  six  Ships  on  the  lOlh  of 
May,  l.'jO;}. — Foolisli  Vanity  and  Obstinacy  of  the  Commander  (jocllio. — 
Loss  of  I'art  of  the  Fleet. — Great  luetmvenieiicc  occasioned  thiTcby. — 
Americus  pursues  his  Voyage. — Discovers  au  Island. — Very  tame  Birds 
thereon. — Arrives  at  the  Continent. — Bay  of  All  Saint.s. — Builds  u  Fort 
there, — Leaves  a  Garrison. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Ijisbon,  Juno 
18th,  1504. — Commends  his  Family  to  the  Notice  of  Soderini. — Conclu- 
ding Remarks, 234 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Return  of  Americu8  to  Spain,  1501. — At  Court,  February,  1505. — Colum- 
bus.— 111  Treatment  of  him. — Death  of  Queen  Isabella. — Effect  on  the 
Fortunes  of  Americus. — Royal  Grants  to  him. — New  Expedition. — Vi- 
cente Yufics  Pin/on. — TIk;  Naaic;  of  America. — False  Assertion  and  De- 
duction.— Reasr)ns  why  tho  Name  was  first  given. — Ilacomilo's  Cosmog- 
raphy.— First  Use  of  the  Name. — Extracts  from  au  able  Article  in  the 
N.  A.  Review. — Canovai's  Opinion, 24i 


CONTENTS. 


sv 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

CHfticttlties  of  the  Now  Expedition.— Perplexity  of  the  Offlciala  of  tho 
Board  of  Trodc. — Accession  of  Philip  ttml  Jounnn. — Disaffroomcnta  be- 
tween Piiilip  and  Ferdinand, — The  Board  df  Trade  send  Amerieus  to 
Court. — 'riicir  Iiist'uction.s  to  him,  —  Dcotli  of  Kinp;  Philip. — Compluinta 
of  tho  Portuguese  Court. — Tho  Voyngo  given  up. — Ultiinntt;  Fate  of  tho 
Vessels  coinpo^inp;  this  Fleet. — (Ireat  Expense  occasioned  by  it. — Atwence 
of  King  Fenlinnnd,  and  his  Return. — Aniericus  ordered  to  Court. — His 
Occupation  tliere. — Apj)()inted  Chief  Pilot.-rllis  Death,  February  22nd, 
1512 


256 


CHAPTER  XVIU. 

Character  and  Writings  of  Americua,         .        . 


265 


iM^A^'WSA^^tfVS^'M* 


PART  II. 


BDLOOIVM  OF  AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS,  WHICH  OBTAINED  THE   PllEMIUM  FBOM 

THE   NOBLE   ETRU.SCAN   ACADEMY   OF   CORTONA,   ON   THE    15tH 

OF  OCTOBER,  IN  THE  YEAR  1788. 


Letter  of  the  Etruscan  Academyof  Cortonn,  to  Count  John  Louis  of  Durfort, 
then  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  Royal  Court  of  Tuscany, 
accompanying  tho  Premium  Eulogy. — Praise,  the  Aliment  of  Genius.— 
The  Youth  of  Americas. — The  Position  of  Americus. — The  Spirit  of  Emu- 
lation and  its  Effecta. — The  Eulogist  imagines  an  Address  to  Americus. — 
The  Doubts  nnd  Decision  of  Americus. — The  Advantages  and  Disadvanta- 
ges of  the  Discovery  of  Americus. — Comparison  of  tho  Tracks  of  Columbus 
nnd  Americus. — Cosmographical  Calculations  of  Americus. — Rejoicings  at 
Florence  in  consequence  of  the  Discoveries  of  Americus. — The  Voyages  of 
Americus  in  th'i  Service  of  Portugiil. — Itiiportimce  of  the  Discovery  of 
Brazil. — Thoughts  respecting  tho  Civiliziition  of  American  Aborigines. — 
Tho  Name  of  America,  his  flewnrd. — Death  and  Mcin:.ry  of  Americua. 


xvl 


CONTENTS. 


— Motives  of  Canovai  in  writing  the  Eulogium. — The  Hbtory  of  Tira- 
buschi, >>73 


II. 


A  NARRATIVB  ADDRESSED  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER -FRANQESCO  D£    MEDICI ; 

IJiving  nn  Accimnt  of  the  Voyngo  anil  discoveries  of  Vasco  de  Gama  beyond 
the  Capi'  t)t"  (lODil  Hope,  tlic  Autli()rshi|)  of  wiiitli,  has  been  attributed  to 
Amcricus  Ves|uu'ius. — Keasims  of  Canovni  for  discroi'.iting  the  Narrative. — 
The  Arguments  of  Canovai  cousiclcreii. — The  Kelulion  of  the  Voyage  of 
Gainu. —  Discovery  of  Liiiids  Leyoiul  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. — Departure 
from  Mi!liii(hi.— U<'scriptioii  of  the  City  of  Calic'ut. — The  IVIoorish  Mer- 
chants of  Caliiiil. — Tilt!  (.-'urreiK'y  of  tlii^  Country. — Prices  of  the  (lilferent 
Articles  of  Proiluec. — Precious  Stones. — Arrival  of  Strangers  at  Calicut. — 
Tlie  Monarch's  Mode  of  Life. — Calculation  of  Distance  from  Lisbon. — 
Productions  of  the  Country, 3 1-' 


UI. 


LETTERS   OF   PAOLO   TOSOANELLI   TO   COLUMBDS. 

Letters  of  Paolo  ToscancUi  to  Columbus. — Letter  of  Toscanelli  to  Marti- 
nez.— Distance  from  Lisbon, XV) 


IV. 


MARCO  POLO   AND  HIS   TRAVELS. 


Election  of  Visconti  to  the  Papal  Chair. — Friars  sent  by  the  Pope  to  accom- 
pany the  Polos. — The  Polos  ])ursuo  their  Journey. — Marco  Polo  sent  on 
Embassies  by  the  Khan. — Their  Scheme  to  return  to  V«nicc. — Depart- 
ure from  Cathay. — Magnificent  Letters  Patent, — Arrival  at  Venice. — 
Marco  taken  Prisoner  by  the  Genoese. — Marriages  of  the  I'olo  Family. — 
Effects  of  the  Travels  of  the  Polos. — Great  F.xtcnt  and  Public  JJuildings 
of  the  City. — Judicial  Ollicers. — Private  Residences  an  I  Domestic  Hub- 


f 


CONTENTS. 


xvii 

9kQm 


ita. — Lake  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  City. — Palace  of  the  King,  and 
his  great  Luxury. — llevcnuo  of  the  Khan. — The  Island  of  Cipango. — 
Paper  Money. — Immense  Wealth  of  the  Great  Khan. — The  Care  and 
Bounty  of  the  Monarch  towards  his  Subjects, 337 


T. 


FELLOW-VOYAGERS  OF   AMERICUS. 


Alonzo  dc  Ojcda  and  Juan  dc  la  Cosa. — Juan  de  Vergara  and  Garcia  de 
Campos. — Settlement  at  Bahia  Honda. — Quarrels  of  Ojeda  and  his  Part- 
ners.— Legal  Process  agninst  Ojcda. — The  Gold  Mines  of  Veragua. — 
Juon  de  la  Cosa. — Voyage  of  Bastidcs. — Connection  of  Dc  la  Cosa  with 
Ojeda. — Bitter  Feud  between  Ojeda  and  Nicuessa. — Departure  from  San 
Domingo,  15th  Nov.,  1509. — Proclomation  of  Ojeda  to  the  Indians. — De 
la  Cosa  tries  to  dissuade  Ojeda  from  settling  in  this  Part  of  the  Coun 
try. — Death  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Character  of  De  la  Cosa. — Great  Anxiety 
on  Board  the  Ships  ,nd  Escape  of  Ojeda. — Ojeda,  vrith  the  Aid  of  Nicu- 
essa, prepares  for  another  Attack. — Settlement  in  the  Gulf  of  Uraba. — 
Ojeda  Wounded. — Arrival  of  Talavera  with  sconty  Supplies. — Departure 
of  Ojeda,  and  liis  Shipwreck. — Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in  Cuba. — Ojeda 
builds  a  Chapel  in  fulfilment  of  his  Vow. — Sends  a  Message  to  Esquibel, 
in  Jamaica. — News  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso. — Last  Days  of  Ojeda,  . 


366 


VI. 


I 


DOCUMENTS   RELATING  TO   AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS  :   PRESENTED  IN  THE 
COLLECTION   OF  NAVARRETE. 

Documents  of  Navarr^te. — M.  de  Humboldt's  Remarks  on  the  Letter  of 
Santaren, .        .    395 


VII. 


UIFTER  OF  M.  RANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDT,  RESPECTING  THE  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE OF  AMERICUS  WITH  SODERINI  AND  De'  MEDICI. 

Letter  of  M.  Ranke. — The  Soderini  Famify. — Political  Connections  of  the 
Vespucci  Family, ...    401 

3 


1 


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:■•■:--".  ■  ■■'+      ^.  <■ 


XV1U 


CONTENTS. 


.        VIII. 

THB  VESPUCCI  fAMIL7. 


MM 


The  Vespucci  Family. — Memorial  to  the  generous  American  Congress.— 
Letter  to  C.  Edwards  Lester,  from  Amerigo  Vespucci,        .        .        .    405 


I 


A 


.  ."^ 


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PART  1 


BIOGRAPHY. 


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;>^  LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 


or 


;^.-.  . 


.^  AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS. 


;     U     ^     ^        CHAPTER  I.        .        ,  r 

Introductory  Remarks. — General  View  of  the  State  of  the  Commerce 
of  the  World  previous  to  the  Discovery  of  America. — Merchants  ne-        's 
cessarily  Travellers. — High  Rates  of  Interest  of  Money. — Evidence  v*'. 

of  approaching  Change. — Italian  Manufactories. — State  of  Civiliza- 
tion, 1400. — ^Effects  of  the  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire.  —Mar- 
co Polo. — Mandeville. — Invention  of  the  Compass  and  Astrolabe. —  v 
Prince  Henry  of  Portugal. — Robertson's  Character  of  him.— His 
Zeal  for  the  Causa  of  Discovery. — Vasco  De  Gama — Jluubles  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  1497. — Progress  of  Discovery. — Portuguese 
expeditions  to  the  Coast  of  Africa. — Papal  Grants  of  Dominion. — 
Death  of  Prince  Henry. — Discoveries  by  Columbus. — What  moved 
him  to  attempt  them. — Islands  of  St.  Brandan  and  of  the  Seven 
Cities. — Paolo  Toscanelli. — Discoveries  of  the  Scandinavians. — 
Italian  Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian  Cabot. — Pre-eminence 
of  particular  ideas  at  particular  Epochs. — Cotemporary  Authors. — 
Fernando  Columbus. — Bartolomeo  de  las  Casas. — Gonzalo  Fernan- 
dez de  Oviedo. — Andrez  Bemal. — ^Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas. 
— Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara. — Peter  Martyr. — Concluding  Re-  ;'/ 
marks. 

The  commerce  of  the  world  until  nearly  the  chapter 


% 


Commercs 


close  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  carried  on  chiefly 

by  means  of  land  transportation.    Voyages  of  much  of^^*«»  J*f- 

extent  were  almost  unknown,  and  the  mariner  con-  »"^- 

fined  himself  to  inland  waters,  or  hovered  along  the 

shores  of  the  great  Western  Ocean,  without  venturing 

out  of  sight  of  land.   The  principal  marts  of  Europe 

were  the  Hanseatic  cities — a  league  of  mercantile 


it". 


«-:%(,' 


;^'  • 


,  '^^^^^■wiiilJ'i'*'-' 


22  /  .         LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

OBAPTER  towns,  which  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  security 

and  mutual  protection. 

The  thriving  Republics  of  Italy  were  the  carriers 
of  the  world.  For  many  centuries  their  citizens 
'were  almost  the  only  agents  for  commercial  com- 
munication with  the  countries  of  the  East.  Venice 
and  Genoa  maintained  establishments  on  the  far- 
thest shores  of  the  Mediterranean  and  Black  Seas. 
Immense  caravans  crossed  the  deserts  of  Arabia 
and  Egypt,  their  camels  laden  with  the  costly  fab- 
rics of  the  Indies,  which  were  received  by  the 
Italian  traders  from  the  hands  of  the  Mahometans, 
and  distributed  over  Europe.  Here  and  there  upon 
the  deserts,  a  green  oasis  with  its  bubbling  spring 
or  fresh  rivulet,  served  these  mighty  trains  for  a 
resting-place,  where  man  and  beast  halted  to  re- 
cover from  the  fatigues  of  their  weary  journeys. 

2S  E^  Occasionally,  on  these  spots.  Where  the  soil  was 
of  sufficient  fertility  to  sustain  a  population,  villages 
grew  up.  In  rarer  instances  and  in  earlier  ages, 
large  cities  had  been  built  upon  these  stopping- 
places,  and  were  for  the  time  the  centres  of  traffic. 
Their  warehouses,  cumbered  with  the  fruits,  the 
treasures,  and  the  fabrics  of  India,  tempted  the  tra- 
ders of  all  nations  to  their  gates,  and  their  market- 
places resounded  with  the  busy  hum  of  a  crowded 
population.  While  the  current  of  business  flowed 
in  that  direction,  all  within  their  walls  evinced 
life  and  activity,  but  as  soon  as  a  new  channel  was 
adopted  by  merchants,  they  fell  into  insignificance, 
and  were  once  more  abandoned  to  the  solitude  of 


M 


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Mtffl3)Mtl»»iB»« 


iiillWimilif 


fe»Ljiiii.J.igK'. 


lif.l,ip|.iipipin,Hiiiii. 


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AMEMOnS  VESPUCIUS. 


23 


the  desert.    Travelers  of  the  present  day  occasion-  cHApm 
ally  visit  their  sites,  and  tell  tales  of  wonder  of  the  — '■ — 
gigantic  ruins  of  some  Balbec  or  Palmyii  of  the 
wilderness. 
In  the  fifteenth  century  merchants  were,  of  ne- .  system  oi 

''  buBinesa  in 

Cv'issity,  travellers.  They  could  not,  as  in  tjje  present  ^,"^^* 
day,  sit  quietly  in  their  counting-rooms,  and  transact 
business  with  all  parts  of  the  known  world,  re- 
ceiving by  each  day's  post  communications  from 
distant  agents,  and  issuing  orders  for  future  opera- 
tions, with  the  certainty  of  their  receipt  and  prompt  ». 
execution.  The  stranger  was  regarded  as  an  ene- 
my by  the  laws  of  most  countries,  and  the  foreign 
merchant  was  looked  upon  with  distrust  and  appre- 
hension. There  existed  little  confidence  in  mer- 
cantile honor,  and  bills  of  exchange  were  rarely 
resorted  to,  except  in  cases  of  emergency  and  dan- 
ger. The  exorbitant  rates  of  interest  which  were 
in  all  cases  demanded  for  the  use  of  money,  mate- 
rially checked  active  commercial  operations. 

Absurd  as  it  seems  in  the  present  day,  an  idea  f^m  idwa 
generally  prevailed,  that  the  receipt  of  interest  for 
loans  came  within  the  scriptural  denunciation  of 
usury,  and,  notwithstanding  the  enlightened  views 
which  were  beginning  to  gain  ground,  there  were  not 
wanting  learned  doctors  of  the  church  who  main-  - , 
tained  the  guilt  of  those  who  received  pay  for  the 
risk  they  took  in  loaning  their  capital.  The  mer- 
chants of  Italy,  or,  as  they  were  called  in  the  North 
of  Europe,  the  Lombards,  were  the  bankers  as  well 
as  the  carriers  of  the  age,  and  finding  themselves  ' 


^^ 


r-^-:, 


m 


■M- 


■\ 


84 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


tJ 


OHAPTEB  engaged  in  a  business  w^ich  was  considered  dis* 

'■ —  graceful  and  irreligious  by  the  mass  of  the  people, 

naturally  became  extravagant  in  their  demands  in 
the  ratio  of  the  infamy  of*  their  transactions.  The 
consequence  was,  that  extravagant  profits  were 
■\^^^^^^^''''^■  required  Jo  remunerate  traders,  and  traffic  was  con- 
fined almost  exclusively  to  barter  and  exchange. 
The  merchant  accompanied  his  goods  to  their  des- 
tination, sold  them  himself,  and  purchased  a  new 
stock,  which  was  saleable  in  his  own  country ;  and 
in  most  cases  this  transaction  was  effected  without 
the  medium  of  gold  or  silver. 
Evidence  of  But  evidcuce  of  au  approaculng  change  was  not 
*mercanuie"  Wanting.  Thc  demauds  of  advancing  civilization 
had  begun  to  develop  a  vast  alteration  in  the  face 
of  Europe.  The  increasing  demand  for  the  fabrics 
of  the  East  stimulated  the  enterprise  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  South  of  Europe,  and  eflforts  were  made 
to  cultivate  the  plaLts  of  India,  while  manufactories, 
already  established  in  Italy,  gave  fair  promise  of 
success  and  profit.  The  looms  of  her  silk- weavers 
had  already  begun  to  clothe  her  citizens  in  gar- 
,  ments  which  heretofore,  from  their  costliness,  could 

only  be  obtained  by  princes  and  nobles. 
Compera-       It  is  curious  to  Contemplate  the  vast  difference  in 

live  luxury 

•fubtiu.  luxury  and  comfort  which  existed  between  those 
countries  which,  from  their  natural  geographical 
position,  were  placed  in  the  course  of  trade,  and 
those  more  secluded  or  out  of  the  way  of  travellers. 
In  England,  for  instance,  an  isolated  country,  many 
of  the  inhabitants  of  her  largest  towns  lived  in  huts, 


■  t 


T  ■ 


^ 


lafj 


r-rS.,. 


gs-..:. 


I 

1 


AMCRICUS  YESrVCIlIk 


26 


T  • 


¥' 


f 


built    CHAPTU 

L 


^•-••X^., 


without  window  or  chimney.  T  fire  wi- 
on  the  ground,  in  the  centre  of  th  liouae,  and  its  ■ 
smoke  was  left  to  find  its  way  out  by  the  door,  or 
escaped  by  a  hole  in  the  r9of.  Chairs  and  tables, 
the  commonest  articles  of  domestic  utility,  were  al- 
most unknown  to  the  largest  part  of  the  papulation. 
How  difierent  the  scene  in  Ghent,  or  Bruges,  or 
Venice,  or  Genoa !  There,  costly  palaces  for  the 
wealthy,  furnished  with  most  of  the  luxuries  of  later 
times,  and  comfortable  habitations  for  the  poorer 
classes,  every  where  abounded.  Art  and  literature 
flourished  by  the  side  of  commerce,  and  universities 
and  schools  were  established,  which  disseminated 
knowledge  far  and  wide  among  mankind.     ^ 

The  manufacturing  spirit  of  Southern  Europe  con«iert  <rf 
was  brought  to  life  mainly  by  the  fact  that  the  old- 
established  ways  of  transporting  goods  from  India, 
which  had  gradually  been  growing  more  and  more 
precarious,  were  then  almost  entirely  abandoned, 
on  account  of  their  danger.  The  Turks,  a  nation 
of  ferocious  religious  warriors,  had  overrun  the 
Greek  provinces  of  Asia  bordering  upon  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  annihilated  the  Christian  power  in 
the  East  by  the  conquest  of  Constantinople.  They 
were  as  a  people  little  adapted  to  commercial  pur- 
suits, even  had  they  possessed  the  willingness  to 
engage  in  them  which  characterized  their  prede- 
cessors, and  their  lawless  character  and  marauding 
habits  rendered  the  passage  of  the  deserts,  even 
by  their  own  countrymen,  a  task  of  great  uncer- 
tainty and  danger. 


Em})in. 


ojti 


■%» 


16 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


oBAPTEi      It  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  shrewd  spirit  of 
mercantile  enterprise  and  speculatit)n  would  remain 

Ellbrfai  to     , 

and  a  new  domiant  in  this  state  of  affairs.     Traders  in  every 

roaia  to  In-  '' 

«"»•  part  of  Europe  were  alive  to  the  advantages  to  be 
derived  from  the  discovery  of  a  new  route  of  trans- 
.,**—/*'  portation.  Several  efforts  were  made,  and  in  some 
few  cases  attended  with  immense  profit  and  suc- 
cess, to  communicate  with  India  by  the  long  and 
arduous  journey  round  the  Black  Sea,  and  through 
the  almost  unexplored  regions  of  Circassia  and 
Georgia.  The  far-off  shores  of  the  Caspian  were 
reached  by  some  travelling  traders,  and  the  geo- 
graphical knowledge  they  circulated  on  their  re- 
turn gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  growing  spirit  of 
adventure.  Apocryphal  as  the  narratives  of  Mar- 
co Polo  and  Mandeville  appeared,  there  was  a  suf- . 
iicient  mixture  of  truth  with  exaggeration  to  stimu- 
late the  minds  of  men,  ever  greedy  of  gain,  and  the 
endless  wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan  and  his  people 
were  the  subjects  of  many  eager  and  longing  antici- 
pations. 
Invention  of     Tlic  inventions  of  the  Compass  and  the  Astrolabe, 

the  comptuR       I  .         1       •  1 

wd  Mtro-  while  they  increased  the  facilities  of  navigators  most 
opportunely,  added  greatly  to  the  confidence  of 
merchants.  They  began  to  perceive  that  they  must, 
in  future,  rely  mainly  upon  water  carriage  in  trans- 
porting their  goods,  and  ships  and  seamen  multipli- 
ed rapidly  in  consequence.  Ability  to  define  their 
position  with  accuracy  led  mariners  to  undertake 
longer  voyages,  and  at  length  nautical  enterprise 
was  powerfully  roused  by  the  influence  of  a  saga- 


% 


^ 


^' 


-.1, .  .>"  —  ■ 


jaM     '!■  I1-" 


,. ^      ,'         •   -v.  *'*"""y.^ 


^^ 


AMBRI0V8  VBSPUCIUB. 


tr 


cious  mind,  whose  energies  for  many  years  had  niArrE* 

been  devoted  to  the  elucidation  of  a  grand  problem. 

TliiN  was  no  less  than  the  possibility  (»f  reaching 
the  Indies  by  the  circunmavigation  of  Africa. 

Prince  Henry  of  Portugal  is  iustiv  entitled  to  the  rrinre^Hm. 
grateful  remembrance   and  respect  ol   the  world,  gai.  Robert. 

"  '  Ndii  II  (liar- 

The  character  which  is  given  by  Dr.  Robertson  of  acterofium. 
this  truly  great  man  is  indeed  enviable.  "That 
prince,"  he  says,  "  added  to  the  martial  spirit 
which  was  the  characteristic  of  every  man  of 
noble  birth  at  that  time,  all  the  accomplishments 
of  a  more  enlightened  and  polished  age.  He  cul- 
tivated the  arts  and  sciences,  which  were  then 
unknown  and  despised  by  persons  of  his  rank. 
He  applied  with  peculiar  fondness  to  the  study  of 
geography,  and  by  the  iistruction  of  able  masters, 
as  well  as  by  the  acc*)unts  of  travellers,  he  early 
acquired  such  knowledge  of  the  habitable  globe, 
as  discovered  the  great  probability  of  finding  new 
and  opulent  countries  by  sailing  along  the  coast 
of  Africa.     Such  an  object  was  formed  to  awaken  j 

the  enthusiasm  and  ardour  of  a  youthful  mind, 
and  he  engaged,  with  the  utmost  zeal,  to  patron- 
ize a  design  that  might  prove  as  beneficial  as  it 
appeared  to  be  splendid  and  honourable.  In  order 
that  he  might  be  able  to  pursue  this  great  scheme 
without  interruption,  he  retired  from  court  imme- 
diately after  his  return  from  Africa,  and  fixed  his 
"  residence  at  Sagres,  near  Cape  St.  Vincent,  where 
the  prospect  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  invited  his 
thoughts  continually  towards  his  favourite  project, 


.    i.;rhK:^-i.V^.; 


»i  iip'rim  II  >'i 


,^-^/*'' 


98  .     LIFE  A^D  VOYAGES  OF 

CHAPTER  and  encouraged  him  to  execute  it.     In  this  retreat 

'■ —  he  was  attended  by  some  of  the  most  learned  men 

in  his  country,  who  aided  him  in  his  researches. 
He  applied  for  information  to  the  Moors  of  Bar- 
bary,  who  were  accustomed  to  travel  by  land  into 
the  interior  provinces  of  Africa,  in  quest  of  ivory, 
gold-dust,  and  other  rich  commodities.    He   con- 
sulted the  Jews  settled  in  Portugal.    By  promises, 
rewards,  and  marks  of  respect,  he  allured  into  his 
service  several  persons,  foreigners  as  well  as  Por- 
tuguese, who  were  eminent  for  their  skill  in  navi- 
gation.     In  taking  those  preparatory  steps,   the 
great  abilities  of  the  Prince  were  seconded  by  his 
private  virtues.     His  integrity,  his  aifability,  his 
respect  for  religion,  hid  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his 
country,  engaged  persons  of  all  ranks  to  applaud 
his  design,  and  to  favour  the  execution  of  it.    His 
schemes  were  allowed  by  his  countrymen  to  pro- 
ceed neither    from    ambition   nor  the  desire  of 
wealth,  but  to  flow  from  the  warm  benevolence 
of  a  heart  eager  to  promote  the  happiness  of  man- 
kind, and  which  justly  entitled  him  to  assume  a 
motto  for  his  device  that  described  the  quality  by 
which  he  wished  to  be  distinguished, — The  talent 
of  doing  good."^ 
Vwcode       It  is  impossible  to  avoid  a  feeling  of  regret  that 
^ags^of  this  great  Prince  was  nqt  permitted  to  live  long 
^*^-     enough  to  behold  all  his  ardent  aspirations  realized. 


# 


1  Vide  Robertson's  History  of 
America,  vol.  i.  p.  43,  44.  This 
volume  has  been  frequently  re- 
ferred to  while  this  chapter  was  in 


progress,  and  has  been  of  much 
service,  which  is  gratefully  ac« 
knowledged. 


M-Thl 


a> 


AMERICDS  VESPUCIUS. 


29 


When,  at  last,  in  the  year  1497,  Vasco  de  Gama,  chaptbe 
proceeding  from  the  port  of  Lisbon,  with  four  ships. 


Vasco  de 


coasted  the  shores  of  Africa  to  their  farthest  extent,  Gama.  h97. 
and  doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  he  must  have 
regarded  with  veneration  the  memory  of  the  able 
and  patriotic  Prince  who  first  prompted  to  the  de- 
sign he  had  now  brought  to  such  a  glorious  con- 
clusion. It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  Portu- 
guese Admiral  found  in  use,  among  the  mariners  of 
the  Red  Sea  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  a  nautical  instru- 
ment answering,  very  nearly,  the  description  of  the 
astrolabe,  which  that  noble  prince  had  so  recently 
assisted  in  perfecting  in  Portugal.' 


II  ■ 


jdt^. 


1  Vasco  de  Gama  was  bom  in 
Portugal,  in  the  town  of  Synis. 
The  historians  who  have  recorded 
his  discoveries  have  omitted  to 
give  many  particulars  of  his  life 
previous  to  his  departure  for  the 
Indies.  It  was  the  current  opinion 
at  the  time  De  Gama  sailed,  that 
there  existed  on  the  eastern  shores 
of  Africa  a  nation  of  Christians 
under  the  dominion  of  a  powerful 
prince,  whom  they  called  Prester 
John,  and  the  Portuguese,  who  had 
80  recently  seen  the  magnificent 
discoveries  of  Columbus  enuring 
to  the  benefit  of  Spain,  were  stim- 
ulated to  a  determination  .of  find- 
ing this  country,  which  they  ima- 
gined would  bring  equal  advan- 
tage to  their  own  nation. 

De  Gama  set  sail  with  a  small 
fleet  on  the  8th  of  July,  1497,  and 
arrived  on  the  17th  of  December 
at  the  point  where  the  discoveries 
of  Diaz  had  ceased.  There  the 
Portuguese  entered  the  seas  of  In- 


dia for  the  first  time,  and  stretch- 
ed away  to  the  North. 

In. the  early  part  of  March  he 
arrived  before  the  city  of  Mozam- 
bique, then  inhabited  by  Moors 
and  Mahometan  Arabs,*  under  the 
dominion  of  a  prince  of  their  own 
faith. 

These  people  ct^med  on  an  ex- 
tensive commerce  with  the  Red 
Sea,  and  the  hope  of  commercial 
connection  with  a  new  people  led 
them  to  give  a  friendly  reception 
to  De  Gama.  But  their  friendship 
was  of  short  duration,  and  as  soon 
as  they  discovered  them  to  be 
Christians,  they  formed  a  plan  to 
massacre  them.  The  admiral, 
however,  escaped  from  their  snares, 
and  proceeded  on  his  voyage, 
touching  at  various  places,  until 
he  arrived  at  Calicut,  on  the  20th 
of  May,  1498. 

This  was  the  richest  and  most 
commercial  city  of  India  at  the 
time,  and  was  under  the  rule  of  a 


M? 


l::: 


\    .  ..A 


30 


CHAPl'ER 
I. 

Early  dis- 
co verieH. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

The  earliest  efforts  for  maritime  discovery  were 
of  the  most  trifling  nature,  and  impeded  by  the  most 
fanciful  fears  and  apprehensions.  Accustomed  to 
think  nothing  of  a  passage  across  the  ocean,  the 
mariners  of  the  present  day  can  have  no  idea  how 
extensive  and  important,  appeared  to  the  Portu- 
guese an  undertaking  to  explore  the  coast  of  Africa 
beyond  Cape  Non.  The  very  name  of  the  Cape 
itself,  was  indicative  of  the  impossibility  of  sailing 


4 


J 


m: 


h      M 


monarch  called  Zamorin.  Luck- 
ily for  De  Gama,  he  found  there  a 
Moor  who,  with  the  aid  of  one 
who  accompanied  the  fleet,  acted 
as  interpreter,  and  was  the  means 
of  his  opening  a  communication 
with  the  king.  The  Portuguese 
naturally  distrusted  the  faith  of 
the  Mahometans ;  but  their  com- 
mander was  not  to  be  deterred  by 
any  ordinary  danger,  and  selecting 
twelve  brave  men  from  the  fleet, 
he  landed. 

He  was  obliged  to  go  about  five 
miles  into  the  interior  to  a  country 
palace  where  Zamorin  resided, 
and  was  followed  through  the  city 
of  Calicut  by  an  immense  crowd 
of  persons,  all  anxious  to  gaze  at 
the  newly-arrived  strangers.  He 
was  at  first  received  favourably, 
but  after  a  while,  jealousies  and 
suspicions  rose  in  the  minds  of 
the  natives,  and  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary to  re-embark  and  set  sail 
somewhat  suddenly  upon  his  re- 
turn. 

After  refitting  his  ships  at  some 
neighbouring  islands,  he  steered  a 
homeward  course,  stopping  on  his 
way  back  at  Melinda,  where  he 
took  on  board  his  fleet  an  ambas- 


sador to  the  King  of  Portugal  from 
the  ruler  of  that  country.  This 
nation  was  the  only  friendly  one 
which  the  Portuguese  found  in 
India. 

The  fleet  doubled  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  once  more  in  March, 
1499,  and  arrived  in  Lisbon  in 
September  of  the  same  year,  af- 
ter an  absence  of  more  than  two 
years. 

Emmanuel  received  De  Gama 
with  the  greatest  honours  and 
magnificence,  and  created  him 
Admiral  of  the  Indies.  The  ad- 
miral subsequently  made  another 
voyage  with  a  powerful  armed 
fleet  to  the  Indies,  and  compelled 
by  force  of  arms  his  old;  enemy, 
Zamorin,  to  admit  of  Portuguese 
establishments  in  his  dominions. 
He  was  afterwards  created  Vice- 
roy of  the  Indies,  but  died  soon 
after  his  arrival  from  his  third 
voyage  to  take  control  of  his  new 
dominions. 

A  history  of  his  discoveries  was 
written  by  Barros,  and  published 
in  1628.  Camoens,  it  is  well 
known,  made  him  the  subject  oi 
his  Lusiad. — Biog.  Umv.,  t.  xvi., 
p.  398—404. 


^ 


,Ti~-  -'-.--'^•mjt^^'^ 


m 


i 


^  -  -^  ■•■ . 


r:ff-i"^"iv   I 


^■■ 


AMERICU3  YESPUCIUS. 


31 


. 


beyond  it,  and  even  after  it  was  passed,  more  than  chaptih 

twenty  years  elapsed  ere  the  timid  navigators  ven ^— 

tured  beyond  the  rocky  promontory  of  Bajador,  less 
than  two  hundred  miles  distant,  an  exploit,  which, 
when  it  was  at  last  accomplished,  was  proclaimed 
over  Europe  as  one  of  the  most  daring  and  intrepid 
actions,  ever  recorded  in  the  pages  of  history. 

The  belief  which  generally  prevailed,  that  the  FaiseideM 
torrid  zone  was  a  region  of  impassable  heat,  where  founded  ap- 
no  vegetation  existed,  and  where  the  very  waters' 
of  the  ocean  boiled  as  in  a  caldron,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  a  vertical  suu,  had  effectually  che(;ked 
any  attempts  at  discovery  ;  and  as  the  Portuguese 
penetrated  within  the  tropics,  the  sights  they  saw, 
all  tended  to  confirm  the  old  opinion. 

Beyond  the  Senegal  River  they  found  a  new  race 
of  beings,  with  complexions  black  as  ebony,  with 
hair  crisped  as  though  burnt,  with  features  flat  and 
inexpressive,  and  evidently  possessing  intelligence 
vastly  inferior  to  their  own.  This  was  all  attribu- 
ted to  the  fatal  influence  of  the  climate,  and  they 
dreaded  any  further  exploration,  lest  by  some  sud- 
den catastrophe,  they  also  might  be  reduced  to  the 
state  in  which  they  found  the  unhappy  denizens  of 
Africa. 

The  active  and  capacious  mind  of  Prince  Hen- 
ry alone  opposed  itself  to  the  representations  which 
they  made  to  him.  The  discoveries  which  they 
had  al^feady  made,  served  to  undermine  his  con- 
fidence in  the  views  of  the  ancient  geographers, 
and  supported  in  his  determination  by  his  brother 


f 


32 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


w 


I 


CHAPTER  Pedro,  who  then  ruled  in  Portugal,  as  guardian  of 

his  minor  nephew,  Alphonso,  he  persevered  in  his 

plans  with  eagerness. 
Sanction  of  ^^^^  circumstance  contributed  materially  to  ani- 
"""''•  mate  the  hearts  of  the  Portuguese  navigators, 
which  must  not  be  overlooked.  Well  knowing 
the  eflect  which  an  apparent  sanction  of  his  move- 
ments by  the  Church  would  have  upon  the  bigoted 
minds  of  his  countrymen,  Prince  Henry  applied 
•  directly  to  the  Head  of  the  Church,  and,  by  repre- 
senting the  labours  and  religious  zeal  with  which 
he  had  exerted  himself  for  many  years  to  discover 
unknown  regions  then  sunk  in  the  darkness  of 
Paganism,  with  a  view  to  their  conversion  to  the 
true  faith,  he  obtained  from  the  Pope  a  Bull,  con- 
ferring upon  the  crown  of  Portugal  the  exclusive 
right  of  dominion  over  all  the  countries  which  they 
might  discover  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  as  far  as  the 
Indies.  Absurd  as  this  grant  appears  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  no  power  then  existed,  that  disputed  the 
right  of  the  papal  see  to  make  it,  or  that  ventured 
to  interfere  with  it.  The  religious  zeal  of  the  dis- 
coyerers  was  highly  inflamed  by  the  encomiums 
bestowed  upon  them,  and  they  were  encouraged  to 
prosecute  their  undertakings  by  a  new  and  power- 
ful motive.  > 

In  1463  the  cause  of  discovery  received  a  severe 
blow  in  the  death  of  Prince  Henry.  From  that 
time  until  the  accession  of  John  II.  to  the  throne 
of  Portugal,  little  worthy  of  note  was  added 
to  the  maritime  knowledge  of  the  world.-      The 


Death  of 

Prince  Hen 

ry,  1643. 


I    5 


"  'T^ST5'^?^5Jt*l»!HJ^?^T^-^'  *■-  *^"'' 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.- 


33 


Barthol- 

emew  Diaz, 

1486. 


new  monarch,  however,  entered  at  once  into  the  chaftui 

schemes  of  his  grand  uncle,  and  revived  them  with 

great  vigour.  Powerful  fleets  were  despatched 
from  time  tx)  time;  forts  were  erected  along  the 
African  coast,  and  at  length  when  the  line  was  cross 
ed,  the  delusions  which  had  long  held  the  minds 
of  men  in  hondage,  were  dissipated.  Two  great 
errors  of  the  ancients  were  exposed :  the  first,  that 
respecting  the  unconquerable  heat  of  the  tropics ;  . 
the  second,  that  the  continent  of  Africa  increased 
in  breadth  as  it  extended  to  the  south. 

The  return  of  Bartholemew  Dia?5,  a  mariner  of 
great  sagacity  and  boldness,  who,  in  1486,  had 
coasted  the  shores  over  a  thousand  miles,  and 
finally  reached  the  southernmost  point  of  Africa, 
filled  the  sanguine  mind  of  the  king  with  the 
warmest  hopes  of  success.  In  the  plenitude  of  his 
joy,  and  confident  that  he  had  at  last  attained  the 
great  object  of  his  enterprises,  he  re-named  the 
promontory  which  Diaz  had  appropriately  desig- 
nated, Cabo  Tormentoso,  or  the  Stormy  Cape,  and 
gave  it  the  more  euphonious  and  attractive  title, 
The  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Active  preparations  were  immediately  com- 
menced to  bring  to  a  conclusion  their  long  and 
arduous  labours.  But,  notwithstanding  the  skill 
which  the  Portuguese  sailors  had  gained,  the 
reports  which  the  companions  of  Diaz  widely  cir- 
culated filled  the  minds  of  all  with  fear,  and  some 
years  elapsed  before  they  were  sufficiently  calmed 
to  take  advantage  of  the  knowledge  already  ac- 

6 


'M 


""fKr" 


f 


34 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


•Sv  ^«" 


CHAPTER  quired.  While  the  possibility  of  doubling  in  safety 
a  cape,  washed  by  seas  so  tempestuous,  was  eager- 
ly debated,  Europe  was  electrified  by  the  astound- 
ing discovery  of  a  new  world  in  the  Western 
Ocean,  a  direction  which  the  boldest  in  nauti- 
cal affairs  had  hitherto  scarcely  dared  to  contem- 
plate. 
Growth  of  The  impetus  which  was  given  to  the  spirit  of 
iMscowry.  discovcry  by  these  voyages  of  the  Portuguese,  may 
be  compared  with  the  vast  conceptions,  and  mag- 
nificent projects,  which  have  followed  the  applica- 
of  the  power  of  steam  in  the  present  day.  The 
public  mind  was  excited  beyond  measure,  and  the 
wildest  tales  of  imaginary  regions  beyond  the 
trackless  waste  of  waters,  hitherto  unexplored, 
found  ready  and  enthusiastic  believers,  who  were 
willing  to  peril  life  and  reputation  in  efforts  to  test 
their  truth.  As  is  almost  always  the  case,  those 
who  were  most  earnest  in  their  faith,  possessed 
the  smallest  means  to  carry  out  their  views. 

But  their  day  of  success  was  fast  approaching. 
The  science  of  cosmography  became  the  favourite 
subject  of  speculation  among  philosophers  and 
learned  men,  affording,  as  it  did,  a  brilliant  field 
for  the  imagination,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an  op- 
portunity of  deep  research.  The  works  of  ^ancient 
writers  were  ardently  sought  for,  and  diligently 
collated ;  the  vagur  hypotheses  of  some  of  the  old 
geographers  were  revived ;  theories  which  had  lain 
undisturbed  beneath  the  dust  of  ages  were  brought 
to  light  again ;  and,  when  compared  with  the  ac« 


kt 


^.-.■--T_--fc-.-;y  , 


w^^'fpiy 


AMERICUS  VESPUOIU8. 


36 


r.i 


counts  of  Eastern  travellers,  lent  a  semblance  of  chapthb 

truth  to  the  dim  visions  of  distant  islands  in  the '■ — 

Atlantic,  which  haunted  the  minds  of  navigators ; 
the  coast  of  Africa  gave  immense  scope  to  nautical 
enterprise,  and  the  court  of  Portugal,  hitherto  hard- 
ly known  ia  Europe,  became  at  once  the  resort  of 
hardy  adventurers  from  all  nations,  while  the  king- 
dom rose  immediately  from  the  inferior  position  it 
had  previously  occupied,  to  one  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance. Lisbon  was  in  a  continual  fever  of  ex- 
citement, which  affected  all  classes  of  society,  and 
the  constant  succession  of  new  expeditions  which 
were  fitted  out  were  eagerly  joined  by  men  of 
rank  and  celebrity,  as  well  as  the  more  common 
class  of  mariners. 

The  idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west  to  India  was  speculation 

1  •  /.  ■   -1    ,  -IT      •  on  the  unb- 

not,  even  at  that  time,  one  of  recent  date.     Various  jectofapa* 

Base  to  the 

indefinite  accounts  were  current  of  seamen  driven  """e«. 
by  tempestuous  gales  far  out  of  their  course,  who, 
on  their  return,  had  reported  that  they  had  fallen 
in  with  land,  which  was  supposed  to  be  a  part  of 
the  islands  on  the  eastern  coast  of  India.  The  re- 
discovery of  the  Grand  Canaries,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  Fortunate  Islands  of  the  ancients,  from 
which  Ptolemy  calculated  longitude,  had  familiar- 
ized navigators  with  the  wide  waters  of  the  Atlan- 
tic, and  occasionally,  for  a  century  past,  they  had 
ventured  even  farther  out  on  the  ocean,  in  the 
doubtful  hope  of  meeting  with  the  fabled  Atalan- 
tis  of  Plato,  or  the  equally  visionary  islands  of  the 


!'^ 


I  ■ 


36 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  Seven  Cities  and  St.  Brandan.'     Each  of  these 
'■ —  phantasies  found  firm  believers,  and  the  age  re- 
quired only  a  master-mind  to  arrange  the  crude 


'  The  fabulous  history  of  both 
of  these  islands  is  full  of  romantic 
interest,  which  the  reader  may 
gratify  by  the  perusal  of  Mr.  Ir- 
ving*8  account  of  them  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  his  history  of  Columbus. 
A  short  sketch  is  all  that  our  spiico 
admi..,  and  is  abridged  from  that 
work. 

The  story  which  was  current  at 
the  time  of  Columbus,  respecting 
the  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities, 
was  to  this  effect.  When  the 
Moors  overrun  and  concjuered  the 
countries  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
seven  bishops  of  the  Christian 
church  fled  by  sea,  and  abandon- 
ing themselves  to  the  waves,  were 
cast  upon  an  island  in  the  midst 
of  the  ocean,  where  they  destroy- 
ed their  ships  to  prevent  the  de- 
sertion of  their  followers,  and  foun- 
ded seven  cities.  This  story  was 
very  generally  credited  at  the  time 
of  Prince  Henry,  who  was  said  to 
have  received  accounts  of  the  is- 
land from  some  Portuguese  sailors, 
and  in  the  maps  of  the  era  it  was 
located  in  the  Atlantic  under  the 
name  of  Antilla. 

The  origin  of  the  belief  in  the 
Island  of  St.  Brandan  is  still  more 
singular.  It  was  supposed  by 
many  to  be  identical  with  the  Is- 
land of  the  Seven  Cities,  and  ori- 
ginated in  a  very  remarkable  op- 
tical delusion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Canaries.  They  imagined 
that  in  clear  weather  they  could 
see  from  the  summits  of  their  high- 
est  liills,  an  island,    apparently 


about  ninety  leagues  in  length,  and 
varying  in  distance  from  the  point 
of  view  from  fifteen  to  one  hundred 
leagues,  according  to  the  accounts 
of  different  persons.  The  name 
was  derived  from  that  of  a  Scotch 
abbot,  St.  Borondon,  who^went 
with  a  numerous  train  of  monks 
and  enthusiasts,  as  the  tale  was 
told,  in  search  of  a  terrestrial  par- 
adise in  the  ocean,  and  who  at 
last  were  thrown  upon  this  island. 

It  is  astonishing  how  many  ex- 
peditions were  fitted  out  and  sailed 
in  search  of  this  imaginary  coun- 
try, but  it  always  eluded  the  pur- 
suit of  the  navigators.  Even  as 
late  OS  the  year  1721  a  fleet  was 
sent  in  search  of  it,  and  in  1755  it 
still  figured  in  some  geographical 
charts.  In  a  letter  written  by  a 
Franciscan  monk  from  the  Island 
of  Gomara  in  1759,  it  is  distinctly 
described  as  having  been  seen  by 
himself  and  upwards  of  forty  wit- 
nesses, whom  he  called  to  verify 
his  own  eyesight.  He  describes 
it  as  consisting  of  two  high  moun- 
tains, with  a  valley  between,  and 
when  viewed  through  a  telescope, 
the  ravine  oppeared  filled  with 
trees  and  verdure.  A  belief  in 
the  existence  of  this  island  is  still 
prevalent  among  the  more  super- 
stitious of  the  lower  classes  in  the 
Canaries. 

Unwilling  to  disbelieve  what 
appears  to  them  to  be  the  evidence 
of  their  senses,  they  prefer  to  at- 
tribute the  impossibility  of  reach- 
ing it  to  supernatural  causes,  and 


■ 


k  f 

'    I 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


3/ 


. 


^ 


W 


imaginings  which  were  rife,  and  direct  them  to  a  chapter 

useful  end.     Such  a  mind  existed.  '■ — 

For  many  years  previous  to  his  first  voyage,  Therefiec 
Columbus  pondered  over  the  idea  of  a  western  (^hristo- 
passage  to  India;  he  collected  by  degrees  all  the  iumbu«. 
information  which  was  to  be  derived  from  the 
works  of  the  ancients,  and  from  the  accounts  of 
certain  recent  travellers  who  had  penetrated  the 
countries  of  Eastern  Asia,  far  beyond  the  regions 
described  by  Ptolemy.  The  narrations  of  Marco 
Polo  and  Mandeville,  who  visited  Asia  in  the  thir- 
teenth and  fourteenth  centuries,  and  gave  marvel- 
lous ac(X)unts  of  the  wealth  and  grandeur  of  the 
potentates  who  inhabited  those  unknown  coun- 
tries, were  diligently  studied  and  connected  with 
more  trifling  evidence.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
newly  discovered  Canaries,  or  of  the  Azores,  had 
found  on  their  shores  pieces  of  wood  strangely 
carved,  or  of  trees  unknown  in  Europe,  and  once, 
it  was  said,  there  had  come  to  their  islands  two 
messengers  from  the  far-oflf  land,  whose  swollen 
and  disfigured  lips,  could  they  have  spioken,  might 
have  told  of  a  new  race  of  beings  and  a  new 
world.  They  were  speechless  corpses,  yet  their 
lineaments  were  strange,  and  it  was  evident  that 


.-<>i 


maintain  tbat  it  is  inaccessible  to 
mortals.  If  such  sights  are  still 
seen,  they  are  undoubtedly  the  ef- 
fects of  atmospherical  deceptions, 
similar  to  that  of  the  Fata  Mor- 
gana, seen  at  times  in  the  Straits 
of  Messina,  where  the  town  of 
Reggio   is    reflected   in  the  air 


above  the  sea.  The  inhabitants 
on  the  borders  of  the  great  Amer- 
ican lakes  sometimes  witness  a 
phenomenon  very  sinjilar,  when 
the  Canadian  shore  is  distinctly 
visible,  though  at  a  distance  be- 
yond the  possibility  of  actual  ob- 
servation. 


38 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  Of 


oMAPTEfc  the  blood  which  had  once  circulated  in  their  veins, 
I. 

• came  not  from  the  same  source  as  that  of  the  won* 

dering  islanders. 

Columbus  gave  heed  to  these  and  many  other 
similar  circumstances,  and  his  views  were  strength- 
ened almost  to  certainty  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  a  learned  cosmographer  of  Florence,  by  name 
Paolo  Toscanelli,  with  whom  he  had  opened  a 
correspondence,  and  who  had  sent  him  a  map, 
projected  according  to  Ptolemy  in  part,  and  in  part 
from  the  accomits  of  Marco  Polo.*      Therein  ap- 


i> 


'  Toscanelli  (Paul  del  Pozzo)  or 
Paul  the  Phj'sician,  was  born  at 
Florence  in  1397.  He  devoted 
himself  with  great  ardour  to  the 
study  of  astronomy,  and  became 
so  celebrated  for  his  learning  that 
at  the  age  of  thirty  years,  in  1428 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  cu- 
rators of  the  valuable  library  which 
Niccoli  had  placed  under  the  care 
of  the  most  illustrious  citizens  of 
Florence. 

The  reading  of  the  travels  oi 
Marco  Polo  excited  the  imagination 
of  Toscanelli,  who  compared  his 
accounts  with  the  information  he 
derived  from  some  Eastern  mer- 
chants, and  pondered  incessantly 
upon  the  means  of  ojiening  a  com- 
munication with  the  magnificent 
countries  which  he  described. 

After  a  while  he  conceived  the 
idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west, 
and  in  reply  to  the  letter  of  Co- 
lumbus, who,  hearing  of  his  learn- 
ing, wrote  to  consult  him.  lie  sent 
a  long  explanatory  letter,  accom- 
panied by  a  hydrographical  chart. 

On  this  chart  a  line  was  pro- 


jected from  Lisbon,  on  the  western 
extremity  of  Europe,  to  the  great 
city  of  Quinsai,  on  the  opfiositc 
shores  of  Asia.  This  line  was 
divided  into  twenty-six  spaces  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  each, 
making  the  total  distance  br.aween . 
the  two  cities  sixty-five  hundred 
miles,  being,  as  Toscanelli  suppo- 
sed, one-third  of  the  circumference 
of  the  earth.  His  ideas  t(x>k  strong 
hold  of  the  mind  of  Columbus,  and 
influenced  him  in  all  his  voyages. 
In  consequence  of  his  constant 
study  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
many  of  the  superstitious  of  his 
day  were  disposed  to  look  upon 
him  as  an  astrologer,  but  he  did 
nothing  to  encourage  the  notion, 
and  was  free  from  any  of  the  ab- 
surd views  which  many  astrono- 
mers still  kept  alive.  He  replied 
to  those  who  questioned  him  on 
the  subject,  that  he  fiiund  in  his 
own  case  a  proof  of  the  fallacy 
of  astrological  calculations,  for  he 
had  attained  to  a  great  age  in  spite 
of  the  constellations  which  figured 
in  his  horoscope,   and  which  all 


% 


'i 


.. 


AMERICUS  VE8PUCIUS.  <j% 

peared  the  eastern  regions  of  Asia,  invitingly  pic-  ciiArrBa 

tured  at  a  few  days  sail  from  the  western  sliores '■ — 

of  Europe,  while,  as  stopping-places  for  the  weary 
navigator,  at  convenient  distances  lay  the  wealthy 
islands  of  Cipango  and  Antilla. 
It  is  not  to   be  supposed   that  the  researches  owcoveriM 

.  ofllieSc«i»- 

which  Columbus  was  engaged  i|i,  lell  liini  ignorant  Jii^viinw. 
of  the  wild  accounts  ol'  the  discoveries  of  the 
Northmen,  some  centuries  before.  Mysterious 
legendary  tales,  of  a  land  beyond  the  Thule  of  the 
ancients,  must  have  reached  his  ears.  He  sailed 
himself,  in  1477,  in  the  direction  indicated  by  the 
Scandinavian  mariners.  If  the  antiquarian  re-  . 
searches  of  the  nineteenth  century  are  to  be  credit- 
ed, these  adventurous  voyagers  were  not  content- 
ed with  the  discovery  of  Greenland  and  Vinland, 
but  coasted  the  shores  of  North  America  to  a 
low  latitude,  and  left  upon  the  rocks  of  New- 
England  sculptured  evidence  of  their  daring  navi- 
gation. But  whatever  reliance  may  be  placed 
upon  the  accounts  of  their  voyages  now,  in  the 
days  of  Columbus  they  were  effectually  lost  to  the 
world,  and  were  of  no  more  advai  tage  to  him  in 
the  prosecution  of  his  plans,  than  the  wildest  tales 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Canaries.^ 


% 


predicted  an  early  death.  Not- 
withstanding his  longevity,  he  did 
not  have  the  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing the  discoveries  of  Columbus. 
He  died  at  Florence,  16th  of  May, 
1482. — Biog.  Univ.,  torn,  xlvi., 
p.  303—305. 
»  The  following  account  of  the 


celebrated  Dighton  Rock,  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  remains  al- 
luded to,  is  extracted  from  a  letter 
addressed  by  Thomas  H.  Webb, 
Esq.,  Secretary  of  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  to  the  Royal 
Society  of  Northern  Antiquarians, 
which  is  published  in  their  great 


40 


CHAPTER 
I. 

Cot«mpo- 
r»ry  Navi- 

tiveii  ut' 
Italy. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


The  mention  of  Columbus  naturally  brings  to 
mind  other  navigators  of  his  own  country  and 
epoch.     It  would   reasonably  be  supposed  that 


work  on  the  subject  of  Scandina- 
vian remains  in  America. 

rruvldenco,  R.  I.,  Hept.  33,  1830. 
•     •     *     •     •     Thot   the  ex- 
istence of  the  continent  of  Amer- 
ica Wtt8  known  to  European  na- 
tions at  a  jicriod   anterior  to  tho 
voyages  of  Columbus,  has   long 
been  the  received  oi)inion  of  many 
of  our  most  learned  antiijuaries. 
In  the  -western  jjarts  of  our  coun- 
try niuy  still  bo  seen  numerous 
and  extensive  mounds  similar  to 
the  tumuli  met  with  in  Scandina- 
via, Tartary,  and  Russia;  also  the 
remains  of  fortifications  that  must 
have  required  for  their  construc- 
tion a  degree  of  industry,  labour, 
and  skill,  as  well  as  an  advance- 
ment in  the  arts,  that  never  chor- 
acteri/ed  any  of  the  Indian  tribes. 
Various    articles  of  pottery  are 
found  in  them,  with  the  method 
of  manufacturing  which,  they  were 
entirely  unacquainted.  But,  above 
all,  many  rocks  inscribed  with  un- 
known characters,  apparently  of 
very  ancient  origin,  have  been  dis- 
covered, scattered  through  difl'er- 
ent  parts  of  the  country — rocks, 
the  constituent  parts  of  which  are 
such  as  to  render  it  almost  impos- 
sible to  engrave  on  them   such 
writings,  without  the  oid  of  iron, 
or  other  hord  metallic  instruments. 
The  Indians  were  ignorant  of  the 
existence  of  these  rocks,  and  the 
manner  of  working  with  iron  they 
learned  of  the  Europeans  after  the 
settlement  of  the  country  by  the 
English.      ••••*• 


A  rock  similar  to  those  alluded 
to  above,  lies  in  our  vicinity.  It 
is  situated  about  six  and  an  half 
miles  south  of  Taunton,  on  the 
east  side  of  Taunton  River,  a  few 
feet  from  the  shore,  and  on  the 
west  side  of  Assonet  Neck,  in  the 
town  of  Berkeley,  County  of  Bris- 
tol, and  Commonwealth  of  Massa- 
chusetts :  although  probably  from 
the  fact  of  being  generally  visited 
from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
which  is  in  Dighton,  it  has  always 
been  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Dighton  Writing  Rock.  It  faces 
northwest  toward  the  bed  of  the 
river,  and  is  covered  by  the  water 
two  or  three  feet  at  the  highest, 
and  is  left  ten  or  twelve  feet  from 
it  at  the  lowest  tides.  It  is  also 
completely  immersed  twice  in 
twenty-four  hours.  The  rock  does 
not  occur  in  situ,  but  shows  indu- 
bitable evidence  of  having  occu- 
pied the  spot  where  it  now  rests, 
since  the  period  of  that  great  and 
extensive  disruption,  which  was 
followed  by  the  transportation  of 
immense  boulders  to,  and  a  deposit 
of  fhem  in,  places  at  a  vast  dis- 
tance from  their  original  beds.  It 
is  a  mass  of  well-characterized, 
fine-grained  greywacke.  Its  true 
colour,  as  exhibited  by  a  fresh 
fracture,  is  a  bluish  grey. 

There  is  no  rock  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood  which  would 
at  all  answer  as  a  substitute  for 
the  purpose  for  which  the  one 
bearing  the  inscription  was  se- 
lected, as  they  are  aggregates  of 


i 


fe 


^ 


AMERICUS  VESPUOIUS. 


41 


V 


those    nations  whose   extended    commerce   gave  chaptm 

them  the  greatest  opportunities  to  acquire  famili : — 

arity  with  nautical  aflairs  would  have  derived  the 
widest  benefit  from  the  experience  of  their  citi- 
Bens,  but  such  was  not  the  case.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  while  all  the  prominent  powers  of 
Europe  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of  Ital-  No  Italian 

II.  „  noBBertiionN 

lan  navigators  m  prosecutmg  the  discovery  of  new  in^e  n.  « 
regions,  and  in  acquiring  new  possessions;  not  a 
foot  of  territory  was  obtained  by  any  of  the  govern- 
ments of  that  country.  The  skill  in  nautical 
science,  which  the  citizens  of  her  republics  had 
acquired,  in  the  course  of  a  long  and  prosperous 
career  of  mercantile  enterprise,  was  rendered  en- 
tirely useless  to  them  by  the  petty  feuds  and  fac- 
tions which  occupied  the  attention  of  their  rulers. 


World. 


the  large  conglomerate  variety. 
Its  face,  measured  at  the  base,  is 
eleven  feet  and  an  half,  and  in 
height  it  is  a  little  rising  five  feet. 
The  upper  surface  forms  with  the 
horizon  an  inclined  plane  of  about 
sixty  degrees.  The  whole  of  the 
face  is  covered,  to  within  a  few 
inches  of  the  ground,  with  un- 
known hieroglyphics.  There  ap- 
pears little  or  no  method  in  the 
arrangement  of  them.  The  lines 
are  from  half  an  inch  to  an  inch 
in  width,  and  in  depth  generally 
one  third  of  an  inch,  though  gen- 
erally very  superiidial.  They 
were,  inferring  from  the  rounded 
elevations  and  intervening  depres- 
nons,  pecked  in  upon  the  rock,  and 
not  chiselled  or  smoothly  cut  out. 
The  marks  of  human  power 


and  manual  labour  are  indelibly 
stamped  upon  it.  No  one  who 
examines  attentively  the  work- 
manship will  believe  it  to  have 
been  done  by  the  Indians.  More- 
over, it  is  a  well-attested  fact,  that 
nowhere  throughout  our  wide- 
spread domain  is  a  single  instance 
of  their  recording,  or  having  re- 
corded, their  deeds  or  history  on 
stone. — Anliquitates  Americante, 
p.  356—358. 

The  work  from  which  the  above 
is  taken  contains  evidence,  col- 
lected with  great  pains  and  ability, 
and  proving  conclusively  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  Northmen,  and 
will  well  repay  the  antiquarian 
reader.  It  is  published  in  the 
Danish  language,  with  a  Latin 
translation  subjoined. 


..y-^ 


•I 


|; 


42 

CHAPTER 
I. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


» 


Venice,  Genoa,  Florence,  and  Pisa,  though  fully 
awake  to  the  importance  of  the  undertakings  which 
the  Italian  werc  iu  pFogToss,  and  sensible  that  their  success 
would  inevitably  be  the  beginning  of  ruin  to  their 
own  commerce,  were  yet  so  much  engrossed  in  the 
unfortunate  conflicts  of  the  times,  they  heeded 
not  the  warnings  which  occasionally  reached  them. 
While  Columbus  was  giving  a  new  world  to  Cas- 
tile, while  Sebastian  Cabot  projected  immense  and 
promising  plans  of  vast  commercial  advantage  to 
England,  for  which  that  country  owes  him  a  debt 
of  imperishable  gratitude  ;  while  Vespucius,  in  the 
service  of  Portugal  and  Spain,  added  immeasurable 
regions  to  the  dominion  of  both  powers,  and  while 
Verazzani,  another  noble  Florentine,  braved  the 
dangers  of  the  Atlantic,  and  coasted  the  shores  of 
the  New  World,  in  the  employment  of  France, 
they  all  remained  passive  spectators  of  the  prog- 
ress of  discovery,  and,  as  it  were,  unconcerned  at 
their  own  impending  fate.   —  I 

What  a  lesson  for  the  statesmen  and  philoso- 
phers of  modem  times  does  the  position  of  the 
Italian  States,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  present! 
Divided  among  themselves,  they  possessed  no  ex- 
ternal power,  and  expended  all  their  resources  in 
contemptible  efforts  to  add  a  few  roods  of  ground 
to  the  territories  of  their  own  particular  cities 
and  principalities,  at  the  expense  of  some  weaker 
neighbour,  while  continents  were  divided  among 
the  more  sagacious  nations  of  Europe.  Even 
Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world,  displayed 


if 


-v  '■ 


4^ 


AMERICnS  VESPUCinS. 


43 


her  pitiable  imbecility,  in  grants  of  domains  more  chaftbr 

extensive  than  the  broadest  empires  of  the  Caesars, '■ — 

and  reposed  sluggishly  upon  her  seven  hills,  vi^hile  • 
greater  prizes  than  ever  before  had  tempted  her, 
were  within  her  grasp. 

How  different  would  have  been  the  casf  had  a 
federative  union  subsisted  in  Italy  in  the  fifteenth 
century !  Each  separate  ][^rovince,  linked  with  the 
others  in  bonds  of  common  interest  and  unity,  and 
directing  their  joint  efforts  for  the  common  good, 
Grenoese,  Florentine,  and  Venetian,  all  alike  Ital- 
ians !  Once  more  might  Italy  have  been  the  cen- 
tre of  the  universe,  and  Rome  have  received  the 
tribute  of  the  world. 

A  short  sketch  of  the  lives  of  Verazzani  and 
Cabot  may  not  be  without  interest  to  the  reader, 
and  is  given  in  this  place,  although  both  are  wor- 
thy of  a  more  elaborate  notice. 

Giovanni  Verazzani,  a  Florentine  navigator,  was  Giovanni 
bom  towards  the  cloae  of  the  fifteenth  century.  1524. 
He  was  of  noble  descent,  and  was  employed  by 
Francis  I.  to  make  discoveries  in  the  northern  part 
of  America.  Authors  differ  concerning  the  date  of 
his  departure ;  but  it  appears  that  he  went  to  sea 
before  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year  1524,  since, 
on  the  8th  of  that  month,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
French  monarch,  informing  him,  that,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  violent  gale,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
put  back  into  a  port  of  Brittany. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  in  the  same  year,  he  set  saiis  in  tha 
sail  with  the  frigate  Dauphin,  which   he   com-      "'' 


'.■^.■'^ 


44 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


FateofGio- 

vanni  Ve- 

razzaiii. 


JH 


CHAPTER  manded,  from  a  desert  island  near  Madeira,  where 

'■ —  he  had  previously  come  to  anchor.    After  having 

experienced  a  violent  hurricane,  he  coasted  the 
shores  of  some  parts  of  North  America. 

His  letters  give  a  curious  description  of  the  sava- 
ges he  met  vv^ith,  and  of  the  plants,  birds,  and  ani- 
mals of  the  unknown  re^on.  His  discoveries  were 
considered  highfy  important  at  the  time,  as  he 
visited  more  than  seven  hundred  leagues  of  coast, 
running  from  30°  north  latitude  as  far  as  New- 
foundland. It  is  said,  by  some  authorities,  that  he 
met  with  a  horrible  fate  on  these  inhospitable 
shores ;  having  been  taken,  with  many  of  his  com- 
panions, and  roasted  alive  by  the  Indians.  Others, 
however,  with  less  appearance  of  truth,  say  that  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Spaniards,  who  sent 
him  to  Madrid,  where  he  was  hung. 

In  the  library  of  the  Palazzo  Strozzi,  at  Flor- 
ence, is  preserved  a  cosmographical  description  of 
the  coasts  and  countries  wffich  Verazzani  visited, 
while  seeking  for  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies  by 
the  north,  which  was  the  great  object  of  his  voy- 
ages, as  it  was  of  almost  all  the  enterprises  of  the 
day.  An  account  of  his  voyage,  which  was  origi- 
nally sent  by  him  to  the  King  of  France,  may  be 
found  in  the  collection  of  Ramusio.* 

Sebastian  Cabot  was  bom  in  Bristol,  England, 
in  1467,  whither  his  father,  John  Cabot,  had  gone 
from  Venice,  to  propose  to  the  king  a  scheme  for 

*  Vide  Biograpbie  Universelle,  torn,  xlviii.  p.  158. 


Sebostiai 
Cabot. 


•Ji 


i 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


m 


i  \ 


y 


I ' 


■ » 


A, 


Cabot's 
Voyage. 


the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  Cathay  and  the  East  chaptkr 

Indies.    The  whole  family,  consisting  of  the  father '• — 

and  his  three  sons,  were  treated  with  great  atten- 
tion by  Henry  VII. 

An  authentic  decree  is  extant,  dated  March  5th,  Decree  of 
1495,  in  which  that  king  grants  to  him  and  his 
children  the  liberty  of  navigating  in  all  seas  under 
the  English  flag,  and  authorizes  him  to  form  estab- 
lishments and  build  forts,  ceding  to  him  and  his 
heirs  a  monopoly  of  commerce  in  all  the  countries 
he  might  discover. 

The  only  fragments  of  any  voyages  made  by  this 
family  of  navigators  which  have  been  preserved, 
mention  the  name  of  Sebastian  alone.  It  seem 
that,  setting  sail  from  England,  he  chose  the  north- 
west route,  and  fell  in  with  land  which  tended  to 
the  north.  He  endeavoured  to  discover  a  gulf 
stretching  to  the  west,  but  after  sailing  as  high  as 
56°  north  latitude,  and  finding  that  the  course  of 
the  land  was  easterly,  he  despaired  of  meeting 
with  a  passage,  and  turned  in  a  southerly  direction 
and  proceeded  as  far  as  the  southernmost  Cape  of 
Florida. 

Ramusio  gives  no  account  of  the  voyages  of  Se- 
bastian. Cabot,  but  contents  himself  with  quoting, 
in  the  preface  to  his  third  volume,  a  passage  from 
a  letter  which  he  had  received  from  him.  It  ap- 
pears to  be  from  the  pen  of  a  man  of  much  experi- 
ence and  uncommon  acquirements  in  the  arts  of 
navigation  and  cosmography.  Subsequently  he 
transcribes  part  of  his  letter,  from  which  it  appears 


.r^^^fiiSt-- 


vti0i 


46 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


Cabot  fp»a 
to  Spain. 


I 


CHAPTER  that  Cabot  advanced  as  far  as  67°  north  latitude, 

'■ —  and  sailed  behind  many  of  the  islands  which  he 

found  upon  the  coast.  Peter  Martyr  relates,  in  his 
History  of  the  East  Indies,  that  Cabot  met  with  ^ 
icebergs,  which  impeded  his  progress  towards  the 
north.  The  same  author  adds,  that  in  this  part  of 
the  sea  there  was  no  night,  and  that  at  midnight  it 
was  possible  to  see  with  as  much  distinctness,  as  in 
the  twilight  of  other  countries. 

If  these  accounts  can  be  relied  upon,  it  would 
seem  that  Cabot  had  gone  as  far  as  Hudson's  Bay, 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  only  penetrated  the 
Gulf  and  River  of  St.  Lawrence. 

After  having  made  these  discoveries  for  the 
King  of  England,  Cabot  went  to  Spain  and  made 
several  voyages  in  Spanish  vessels,  in  one  of  which 
he  ascended  the  River  La  Plata.  At  the  death  of 
Vespucius,  in  1512,  he  succeeded  him  in  the  office 
of  chief  pilot.  This  office  he  only  held  a  short 
time ;  but,  disgusted  with  the  ignoble  commence- 
ment of  the  reign  of  Charles  V.,  he  returned  to 
England,  where  he  found  honourable  employment 
under  Henry  VIII.,  and  performed  another  wester- 
ly voyage  in  1517,  which,  however,  resulted  unsuc- 
cessfully. In  1518  he  again  went  to  Spain,  but 
finally  returned  to  England  to  end  his  days. 
There  he  exercised  a  generjil  superintendence  of 
the  English  maritime  expeditions,  receiving  a  hand- 
some salary. 

It  was  at  his  instigation  that  the  important  ex- 
pedition was  undertaken  which  resulted  in  the 


''>;i 


Tl 


■I 


maim 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


47 


i  i 


1 
I 

c 


opening  of  a  trade  with  Russia ;  and  in  the  charter  chaptek 

of  the  company  of  merchants,  which  was  granted '- 

by  the  government,  his  name  was  mentioned  as 
"the  chiefest  setter  forth"  of  the  project.  Cabot 
lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  and  died  in  London ; 
but  neither  the  date  of  his  death  nor  the  place  of 
his  interment  is  authentically  known. 

On  his  last  voyage  he  satisfied  himself  that  the  variauonof 
variation  of  the  needle  was  regulated  .by  fixed 
natural  laws,  and  disclosed  his  discovery  of  the 
principles  of  that  remarkable  phenomenon  to  Ed- 
ward VI.  on  his  return.  This  discovery  alone 
should  render  his  name  immortal.^ 

In  reading  the  pages  of  history,  it  is  impossible  intellectual 
not  to  be  struck  with  the  prevalence,  or,  so  to   different 

#  '^  eras. 

speak,  the  pre-eminence,  of  particular  ideas  and 
phrases  in  particular  epochs.  In  all  the  works 
originating  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centu- 
ries, which  have  come  down  to  modern  times,  the 
Crusades  and  Crusaders  are  almost  inevitably  con- 
stant themes.  This  is  but  an  example,  but  the 
same  remark  applies  equally  well  to  other  periods 
of  the  world.  For  a  while  the  Reformation  weighed 
down  the  pens  of  authors,  and  all  their  writings 
were,  as  it  seemed  involuntarily,  tinged  with  the 
colouring  of  that  great  event.  In  this  nineteenth 
century,  who  does  not  recognize  the  marked  effect 
of  that  most  astonishing  of  all  the  astonishing  oc- 
currences in  the  annals  of  nations,  the  French 


"•''**■  «%,„:^H 


# 


t 


'  Biog.  Univ.  Art.  Cabot. 


sawAj-^ 


4B 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


Iwvival  of 
Letters. 


7^,- 


I  i 


/■ 


CHAPTER  Revolution?    Thus  it  waa  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 

'■ —  tury.    One  great  idea  filled  the  minds  of  men,  jmd 

was  made  as  familiar  as  household  words  in  all 
the  writings  of  the  era.  It  appeared  in  all  shapes, 
and  scarcely  a  volume  was  written  that  was  not 
sympathetically  infected  with  it,  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree.  It  was  the  great  event  of  the  discovery  of 
a  new  world. 

How  fortunate  it  was  for  succeeding  ages  that 
this  discovery  took  place  at  a  period  when  the 
revival  of  letters  and  civilization  had  brought  forth 
authors  competent  to  record  the  remarkable  events 
which  attended  it  with  accuracy  and  judgment 
The  fall  of  the  Eastern  Empire  not  only  shifted 
the  current  of  the  commerce  and  enterprise  of  the 
world  from  the  course  in  Wnich  it  had  flowed  for 
ages,  but  it  was  the  means  of  bringing  to  the  light 
of  day  valuable  stores  of  learning  and  wisdom. 
The  literature  of  the  ancient  world  had  to  a  great 
extent  been  concealed,  though  preserved,  by  recluse 
Byzantine  scholars,  whom  the  Moslejn  conquest 
forced  from  their  retirement,  and  drove  out  as  wan- 
derers over  the  face  of  Europe. 

On  the  capture  of  Constantinople  they  fled  to 
Italy,  bearing  with  them  their  precious  parchment 
scrolls  of  ancient  lore,  like  the  old  prophets  when 
they  fled  from  the  falling  temples  of  Judah.  Re- 
ceived by  the  prjnces  and  republics  of  the  penin- 
sula with  enthusiasm,  these  exiled  scholars  repaid 
their  hospitality  by  the  instruction  of  youth  and 


[ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


49 


the  dissemination  of  the  valuable  works  which  cmaptbb 

they  had  brought  with  them  from  the  East.  

The  recent  invention  of  the  printing-press  was  invention 

/.  ,1       1  1  •  „  oftheartof 

brought  mto  full  play,  and  copies  of  rare  manu-  printing. 
scripts  were  multiplied  a  thousand-fold.  The 
value  of  many  of  these  may  be  estimated,  when  it 
is  considered  that  they  were  the  only  known  copies, 
existing  in  the  world,  of  .  ,e  works  of  some  of  the 
ancient  classics  and  philosophers.  Men  of  letters 
perceived  immediately  how  much  might  have  been 
lost  to  themselves,  and  lamenting  their  own  wants, 
turned  their  eyes  to  posterity,  and  chronicled  the 
times  in  which  they  lived,  for  the  benefit  of  their  # 
children. 

This  spirit  spread  rapidly,  and  infected  not  only 
those  who  Lad  been,  "from  their  professional  pur- 
suits, accustomed  to  wield  the  pen,  but  the  actors 
themselves  in  the  important  scenes  of  the  new 
drama  which  was  in  progress,  applied  themselves 
to  the  task  of  perpetuating  their  doings  for  the 
benefit  of  succeeding  ages.  The  writers  whose 
works  bear  most  immediate  reference  to  the  dis- 
covery, and  are  of  the  greatest  value  in  furnishing 
correct  statements,  are  Of  the  latter  class! 

The  son  of  Columbus,  the  venerable  Bishop 
Las  Casas,  Bernal,  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios, 
Oviedo,  and  Americus  Vespucius,  are  entitled  to 
the  gratitude  of  the  world  on  this  account.  These 
cotemporaries  were  followed  by  another  class  of 
authors,  whose  writings,  dating  from  the  sixteenth 
century,  are  scarcely  of  less  importance.     They 

7 


50 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  OP 


Fernando 
Coluinbus 


,    i 


CHAPTER  were  enabled  to  collect  and  examine  the  accounts 

^ of  their  predecessors,  to  compare  and  revise  them, 

to  fill  up  the  gaps  which  were  unavoidal)ly  left, 
and  supply  from  authentic  documents  any  inad- 
vertent omissions.  Among  these  Gomara  and  Her- 
rera  are  the  most  prominent.  The  lives  of  all  of 
these  writers  are  full  oi'  interest,  but  only  a  trifling 
sketch  of  them  can  be  given  in  this  work.  ^ 

Fernando  Columbus  was  the  natural  son  of  the 
great  admiral,  and  w^as  bom  about  1487.  Though 
still  a  boy,  he  accompanied  his  father  on  his  fourth 
expedition,  and  received  great  praise  from  him,  for 
the  fortitude  with  which  he  bore  its  hardships  and 
privations.  His  most  important  work  is  iiis  his- 
tory of  his  father's  life,  which  is  really  invaluable 
to  the  American  antiquarian.  He  was  the  author 
of  other  works,  however,  which  might  have  been 
of  equal  importance,  had  they  been  preserved  to 
modem  times.  Devoted  to  literature,  he  made  a 
collection  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  books  and 
manuscripts  of  great  value,  which,  at  his  death,  he 
bequeathed  to  the  cathedral  church  of  Seville, 
where  he  died  on  12th  July,  1559.  Notwithstand- 
ing his  relationship,  he  writes  of  his  father  with 
great  fairness  and  clearness;  and  from  the  facili- 
ties wliich  he  enjoyed  of  examining  his  charts  and 
papers,  is  eijtitled  to  the  highest  credit. 

Bartholomeo  de  Las  Casas  was  born  at  Seville, 
in  the  year  1474,  and  went  to  America  soon  after 
its  discovery.  He  was  subsequently  made  a  bish- 
op in  the  newly-found  diocese,  and  devoted  a  long 


Bartholo- 

ineode  La£ 

Casas. 


u 


■*/■ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


61 


life  to  the  service  of  the  Indians,  who  were  cruelly  chaptei 

oppressed  and  enslaved  by  their  Spanish  conquerors. ' — 

He  was  the  author  of  several  works  on  the  Indies, 
of  which  his  "  General  History,"  from  the  period  of 
their  discovery  to  the  year  1520,  is  the  most  im- 
portant. Las  Casas  has  been  accused  of  counsel- 
ling the  Spaniards  to  import  slaves  from  Africa, 
rather  than  use  the  Indians  in  this  way,  and  thus 
to  have  been  the  originator  of  the  slave  traffic ;  but 
the  assertion  has  in  later  times  been  contradicted 
and  disproved.  Las  Casas  returned  to  Spain  in 
1564,  and  died  at  Madrid  in  1566. 

Gonzalo   Fernandez    de   Oviedo  was   bom    in   oonzaio 
Madrid,  in  the  year  1478.     He  was  descended  from  de  Oviedo. 
a  noble  family,  and  went,  in  1513,  to  the  New 
World,  to  superintend  the  gold  mines.     His  works 
are  very  voluminous,  for  he  was  a  most  industrious 
writer  ?nd   compiler.      Among   other  things,   he 
wrote  a  Chronicle  of  the   Indies,  in  fifty  books. 
An  eyewitness  of  most  of  what  he  describes,  his 
works  contain  a  great  many  valuable  and  curious  . 
particulars   concerning  the  New  World,  and  the 
manners  and  habits  of  the  natives.     He  held,  at 
his  death,  the  appointment  of  Historiographer  of 
the  Indies,  conferred  upon  him  by  Charles  V. 

Andrez  Bemal,  who  is  generally  called  The 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  was  a  warm  supporter  of 
Columbus,  and^wrote  a  history  of  the  reign  of  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  into  which  he  introduced  a 
narrative  of  his  voyages.  No  work  of  his  was  ever 
published,  but  it  still  exists  in  manuscript,  and  is 


Andrea 
Bemal. 


52 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


\ 


it 


Antonjt) 
lierrera. 


CHAPTER  often  quoted  by  historians.    He  was  a  believer  in  the 

—  tales  of  Mandeville,  and  frequently  quotes  him  with 

.  much  approbation.  His  visionary  ideas  of  a  terres- 
trial paradise,  which  affected  materially  the  imagina- 
tion of  Columbus  also,  were  derived  from  this  author. 
Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas  was  born  in  the 
year  1505,  and  died  in  1G25.  He  was  appointed 
by  Philip  H.  to  the  post  of  Historiographer  of  the 
Indies,  and  wrote  many  books,  the  most  celebrated 
of  which  is  his  General  History  of  the  American 
Colonies.  From  his  position  in  Spain,  he  ought  to 
have  been  nmch  more  accurate  in  his  accounts, 
than  he  actually  was.  All  the  royal  archives  were 
thrown  open  to  him ;  yet,  though  he  availed  him- 
self freely  of  them,  he  frequently  was  guilty  of  sup- 
pressing facts  and  altering  circumstances,  which 
tended  to  injure  the  character  of  his  countrymen. 
Still  he  w^as  an  industrious  writer,  and  his  work 
contains  a  great  deal  of  information  not  to  be  found 
in  other  quarters,  although  much  of  it  is,  in  a  mea- 
sure, liable  to  be  received  with  suspicion,  on  ac- 
count of  his  prejudices  and  partiality.  A  large 
part  of  his  work  is  little  more  than  a  transcript 
frc"i  the  manuscripts  of  Las  Casas,  who  deserves 
much  more  credit  as  a  faithful  historian.  In  a 
subsequent  part  of  this  work,  this  author's  attempt 
to  injure  the  reputation  of  Vespucius  will  be  the 
subject  of  remark.*  • 


■  The  above  sketches  of  cotem- 
porary  authors  have  been  abridged 
from  the  accounts  given  of  them 
by  the  author  of  the  life  of  Colum- 


bus, though  in  our  estimate  of 
Herrera,  it  is  our  misfortune  to 
difier  materially  from  him- 


=S- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


S8 


i 


I. 

Fraricii«o 
Cioiiiara. 


Potcr 
Martyr. 


Francisco  Lopez  dc  Gomara  was  born  at  Seville,  chaptkr 
in  1510,  ami  for  many  years  filled  the  chair  of  the 
Professorship  of  Rhetoric  at  Alcala.  He  was  well 
versed  in  ancient  and  modern  history,  and  particu- 
larly in  that  of  his  own  country.  His  style  is  more 
polished  and  pure  than  that  of  any  historian  of  the 
time.  His  most  important  work — A  General  His- 
tory of  the  Indies — wai  published  in  1558,  and 
contains  many  Valuable  facts. 

Peter  Martyr  is  another  cotemporary  writer,  who 
must  not  be  forgotten.  He  was  bom  in  Milan,  in 
1455 ;  was  educated  at  Rome,  where  he  early  ac- 
quired a  distinguished  reputation  for  learning,  and 
was  invited  by  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  the 
Papal  See  to  proceed  to  Spain.  He  wrote  an  ac- 
count of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  in  Ten 
Decades,  originally  in  Latin ;  but  the  most  interest- 
ing of  his  works  are  his  letters,  which  he  addressed 
daily  to  distinguished  persons,  giving  statements  of 
the  events  which  were  taking  place  around  him. 
A  collection  of  these  epistles  was  published  in 
1530.     He  died  at  Valladolid,  in  1526. 

It  appeared  desirable,  before  commencing  the 
narration  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  prominent  navi- 
gators of  the  age,  to  give  the  foregoing  general  view 
of  matters  which  bear  immediate  reference  to  the 
discovery  of  the  New  World.  This,  though  very 
imperfectly  accomplished,  will  serve  to  prepare  the 
reader  for  the  occurrences  which  follow  in  the  life 
of  the  distinguished  man,  whose  name  and  fame  are 
so  intimately  linked  with  that  great  event. 


,-^4. 


i 


s 


i 


I 


I 


I 


I 


CHAPTER  II. 


Birth  of  Vc8pucius,  1461. — His  Parents. — Anastasid  Vespurci  and 
Elizabctta  Mini.— Orijrin  of  the  Vespucci  Family.  — Perctola. — Ex- 
tract from  Ugolino  Verini. — Estates  of  the  House. — Old  Family 
Mansion. — Inscription  over  its  Door. — Simono  Vespucci. — His  great 
Wealth. — Offices  of  State  of  Florence  held  by  tlie  Vespucci. — 
Guido  Antonio  di  Giovanni  Vespucci. — Immediate  Relatives  of 
Americus. — Anticjuity  of  Family. — Destiny  of  Araericus. — Com- 
merce and  Italian  Bankers. 


CHAPTER 
II 


Amerigo  Vespucci,  or,  as  he  will  be  designated 
g.  ,  "7~  iJi  t'^is  work  by  his  Latin  name,  Americus  Vespu- 
Americus  cius,  was  the  third  son  of  Anastasio  Vespucci  and 

Vespucius,  '  1 

"'»i-  Elizabetta  Mini,  and  was  born  in  Florence,  on  the 
ninth  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1451.  At  the  time  of 
his  birth,  his  family  was  in  moderate  circumstances 
in  respect  of  wealth ;  but  they  traced  their  descent 
through  a  long  line  of  noble  progenitors,  and  took  a 
high  rank  among  the  aristocratic  families  of  the 
Republic.  His  earliest  biographer,  Bandini,  devotes 
a  number  of  pages  of  his  work  to  an  account  of  the 
illustrious  members  of  the  Vespucci  family  who 
preceded  Americus,  and  as  every  thing  connected 
with  him  becomes  a  matter  of  interest,  some  parts 
of  this  genealogical  narrative  are  extracted,  divested 
as  much  as  possible  of  unnecessary  detail.' 

'  Bandini,  Vita  e  Lettere,  chap.  i.  p.  1—24. 


LIFE  AND  VOVAQES  OF  AMERICU8   VESPUCIUS. 


66 


The  family  originated  in  the  town  of  Perctohi,  chaptm 
distant  only  a  few  miles  from  Florence,  where  they 


II. 


possessed  consitlerable  estates,  and  were  celebrated  the  /amiiy 
lor  their   hospitality,  and  the  patronage  they  be-  Vwpucoi. 
stowed  upon  men  of  letters.     Ugolino  Verini  com- 
memorates them  in  a  Latin  poem,  and  says, 

Venit  ct  ex  isto  •oboles  Vcspuccia  vico 
Egrcgiis  oraata  viri:j,  nee  iiihim|)ita  niuais.' 

About  the  « itnuLencement  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury the  Vespucci  family  removed  to  Florence.  It 
was  then  the  custom  i^r  the  noble  families  of  the 
Republic,  to  establisli  their  ..esidc  nces  near  the 
gates  of  the  city,  which  led  to  their  country 
estates. 

There  was  more  of  he  leaven  oi  democracy  in 
the  Florentine  constitution  than  in  that  of  ai'V  ^^ther 
of  the  Italian  republics,  and  as  the  nobles  never 
gave  up  their  power  till  they  were  iinally  crushed 
by  the  people,  the  tate  was,  in  consequence,  more 
liable  to  sudden  convulsions  and  outbreaks.  It 
was  almost  a  matter  of  necessity  for  the  prominent 
families  to  provide  for  themselves  some  easy  way 
of  escape  from  these  turmoils,  and  they  conse- 
quently 'II!  >pted  the  course,  of  living  as  close  as 
possible  to  that  outlet  of  the  city  which  was  near- 
est to  iheir  strongholds  in  the  country,  where  they 
could  at  least  find  temporary  security. 

The  house  of  the  Vespucci  stood  m  the  quarter  p»cci  family 

*■  ■•■  mansion. 


>  Bandini,  Vita  e  Lettere,  chap.  i.  p.  3. 


66 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


II. 


f 


CHAPTEB  of  S.  Lucia  di  Ogiii  Santi,  adjacent  to  the  Porta 
-  della  Cana,  which,  at  the  present  day,  is  known  as 
the  Porta  del  Prato.  In  the  street  called  Borgon- 
gnisanti,  of  modern  Florence,  may  how  be  seen,  by 
any  traveller  whose  curiosity  leads  him  to  the  spot, 
a  large  edifice,  occupied  as  a  hospital  for  the  sick 
poor,  under  the  direction  of  the  monks  of  San  Gio- 
vanni di  Dio,  which,  for  centuries  before  the  dis- 
covery of  America,  was  the  dwelling-place  of  the 
ancestors  of  Americus  Vespucius,  and  his  own 
birthplace.  Over  the  doorway  of  this  mansion,  a 
worthy  abbot,  by  name  Antonio  Salvini,  caused  a 
marble  tablet  to  be  placed,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
18th  century,  which  is  still  in  existence,  and  on 
which  the  following  inscription  appears : 

AMERICO    VESPVCCIO    PATRICIO    FLORENTINO 

Oil    REl'ERTAM    AMEHICAM 

SVI    ET    I'ATI*   NOMINIS    ILLVSTRATORI 

AMl'LIFICATOHI.    ORIUS.    TKRARVM. 

IN    HAC    OLIM    VESPVCCIA    DOMO 

A    TANTO    VIRO    UABITATA 

PATRES    SANCTI    lOANNES     DE    DEO    CVLTORES 

GRATiE   MEMORISE   CAVSSA. 

MDCCXIX.' 

The  family  were  possessed  of  many  houses  in  this 
same  quarter  of  the  city,  if  the  number  of  doors 

To  Americus  Vespucius,  a  noble  Florentine, 

Who,  by  the  discovery  of  America, 

Rendered  his  own  and  his  country's  name  illustrious, 

The  Amplifier  of  the  World, 

Upon  this  ancient  mansion  of  the  Vespucci, 

Inhabited  by  so  great  a  man. 

The  Holy  Fathers  of  St.  John  of  God, 

Have  erected  this  Tablet,  sacred  to  his  memory 

A.D.  1719. 


w 


t 


AMER»CUS  VESPUCIUS.  f/jf 

over  which  tlieir  coat-of-arins  appeared  is  any  cvi-  chapter 

dence.     Their  wealtii  was  i^cquired  chieliy  by  an ^ — 

ancestor,  Simonc  di  Pero  Vespucci,  who  left  a  me- 
morial of  his  liberality  to  the  church,  as  well  as  of 
his  riches.  He  embarked  largely  in  mercantile 
operations,  and  devoted  no  inconsiderable  portion 
of  his  gains  to  the  erection  of  hospitals  for  suffering 


This  morning  the  young  Cav- 
alicrc  Amerigo  Vespucci  called  to 
go  with  mo  to  the  house  in  which 
his  illustrious  ancestor  was  born. 
It  is  u  sturdy  and  massive  build- 
ing, and  in  any  other  land  than  this, 
might  have  been  the  palace  of  a 
prince,  but  there  is  nothing  to  dis- 
tinguish it  in  its  architecture  from 
an  hundred  other  houses  of  the 
old  nobility  of  the  Florence  of  the 
Medici.  Over  the  entrance  a  huge 
marble  scroll  is  placed,  on  which 
the  following  inscription  is  cut, 
offi;ring  only  a  just  tribute  to  ho 

great  a  name. 

«        •        «        *        «        «        « 

"  I  always  feel  almost  as  great  a 
desire  to  visit  the  precise  house 
where  an  illustrious  man  was  born, 
or  the  j)lacc  where  he  ended  his 
days,  as  I  do  even  to  read  his  his- 
tory. So  many  associations  of 
deep  interest  are  connected  with 
all  that  one  sees  in  such  spots. 
When  we  st(K)d  in  the  frescoed 
hall  of  the  mansion,  or  wandered 
through  the  ditFerent  apartments, 
it  seemed,  as  Monti  beautifully 
says,  lil;e  "  walking  through  the 
frescoed  gallery  of  time,"  and  I 
could  almost  see  the  family  of  the 
navigator  collected  under  their 
own    roof.     We   talked   in    the 


chamber  where  Vcspucius  was 
born,  of  his  early  days,  and  of  the 
little  that  was  accurately  known 
of  them ;  and  in  the  sol(K)n,  of  the 
wealthy  and  enterprising  nobles 
who  used  to  congregate  there. 
When  we  turned  to  go  avf  ay,  with 
my  mind  occupied  with  other 
thoughts,  I  forgot,  until  too  late, 
the  usual  ceremony  of  giving  a 
small  douceur  to  the  jjorter,  for 
his  trouble  in  showing  us  the  house 
— and  only  remembered  it  when 
he  slammed  the  great  door  vio- 
lently behind  us,  before  we  had 
left  the  steps.  For  an  instant  the 
blotxl  suH'used  the  cheek  of  the 
young  cavalier,  and  a  half-sup- 
pressed look  of  indignation  tcjld 
his  feelings,  though  he  said  not  a 
word.  The  time  had  been,  when 
the  porter  who  guarded  tha't  pon- 
derous door  bowed  low  as  any  one 
I)assed  in  whose  veins  flowed  the 
blood  of  the  Vespucci,  but  now, 
the  only  living  descendant  of  that 
proud  race,  was  like  any  other 
stranger  in  the  halls  of  his  fathers. 
There  was  food  enough  for  reflec- 
tion in  the  change  which  time  pro- 
duces, and  we  walked  on  in  silence 
together."  —  M-S'S.  Note  Book, 
Florence,  15th  March,  1845. 


'■'"%.. 


8 


58 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


CHAPTER  poor 
11. 


Jointly  with  his  wife  he  built  a  magnificent 
chapel  in  the  churchy  of  Ogni  Santi,  in  the  centre 
.^?^.<««.  -  of  which,  his  tomb  is  placed.* 

norentine      The  citizcns  of  Florence  availed  themselves  very 

offices  held  ,  •  ,.     i  i  i>  xi. 

bytheVes-  frequently  of  the  services  of  the  members  ot  the 

pUCCi.  X  J  •  r> 

Vespucci  race,  and  continually,  for  a  long  series  of 
years,  elevated  them  to  offices  of  great  distinction. 
Three  of  the  name  were,  at  different  times,  Gon- 
faloniere  di  Justiria,  which  was  the  highest  office 
in  the  state.  No  less  than  twenty-live  of  the  family- 
became  Priori,  and  numerous  others  are  inscribed 
upon  the  records  of  the  Republic,  as  the  occupants 
of  posts  of  distinction.  In  the  year  1336,  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  the  Republic,  in  those  days  one  of 
considerable  importance,  was  filled  by  Amerigo  di 
Stagio  Vespucci,  which  is  the  first  instance  on 
record,  where  the  pre-name  which  descended  to  the 
navigator  is  found. 

The  immediate  relations  of  Americus,  living  in 
his  own  day,  were  numerous,  and  although  the 


n 


\ 


'  This  sepulchre  still  exists,  and  on  the  tomb  is  the  following  in- 
scription in  Gothic  characters : 

Sepulcrum  Simonis  Petri  De  Vespuccis 

Mercatoris  ac   Filioruin   ct  descentlentium, 

Et  uxoris,  (]uiE  Fieri  ac  Pingi  fecit 

Totam  istain  capellnm  pro  anima  sua, 

'  Anno  MCCCLXXXIII. 

The  tomb  of  Sinione  Piero  Vespucci, 

A  merchant — and  of  his  children  and  descendants, 

And  of  his  wife,  who  caused  this  Chapel  to  be  erected 

And  decorated,  for  the  salvation  of  her  soul. 

A.  D.  1383. 

Bandini,  Vita,  ice,,  ch.  i.  p.  12 


J 


'j^ 

M' 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


59 


wealth  of  the  family  had  in  a  great  measure  disap-  chapter 

peared,  still  maintained  the  respectability  of  their '■ — 

house.  His  father  was  the  Secretary  of  the  Signo- 
ri,  the  Senate  of  the  Republic.  His  uncle  Juliano 
was  ambassador  to  Genoa,  and  subsequently  Gov- 
ernor of  Pistoia.  Nor  was  Americus  the  only 
navigator  of  the  family.  His  cousin  Piero  com- 
manded the  Florentine  fleet  of  galleys,  destined  for 
an  attack  upon  the  Corsairs  of  Barbary,  and  was 
afterwards  sent  Ambassador  to  the  King  of  Naples, 
by  whom  he  was  highly  honoured,  and  returned  to 
his  own  country,  covered  with  dignities  conferred 
by  that  monarch. 

In   his  time,  also,  appeared  Guido  Antonio  di  GuidoAa- 
Giovamu,  who  was  distmguished  in  letters,  and  for     pucci. 
his  profound  knowledge  of  law.     He  established  a 
court  of  purely  mercantile  jurisdiction  in  Florence, 
and  served  his  country  on  many  important  em- 
bassies.^ 


••^, 


M 


m' 


'  Andrea  D'azzi,  a  celebrated     epitaph  upon  this  Antonio  Ves- 
literary  character  of  the  15th  cen-     pucci : — 
tury,  wrote  the  following  quaint 

Interpres  gravis  utriusqup  juris, 

Qui  se  mellifluiG  fluore  Unguae 

Non  vespae  ast  apium  genus  probavit, 

Guido  Antonius  hoc  jacet  sepulchro, 

Is,  quern  "ivere  oportuit  pepenrx-, 
Vel  nuntjuam  superum  videre  lumen. 

~     A  sound  interpreter  of  the  law. 

Who  by  the  flow  of  his  mellifluous  language 

Proved  himself  more  of  the  genus  of  the  bee  than  of  the  wasp, 

Guido  Antonio,  lies  in  this  sepulchre. — 

He,  who  should  have  lived  forever, 

Or  else  never  have  seen  the  light. 

Bandini,  ch.  i.  p.  IG. 


f»^ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


OBAPTER 
If. 


i 


f 


1 


These  family  details,  to  which  much  might  be 
added,  did  space  permit,  are  in  themselves  of  trifling 
importance,  except  in  so  far  as  they  show  what 
must  have  been  the  natural  early  associations  of 
Americus  in  his  youth.  Fernando  Columbus,  in 
his  life  of  the  Admiral,  whose  origin  he  leaves  in 
obscurity,  well  remarks,  that  he  thinks  it  better  to 
content  himself  with  dating  his  descent  from- the 
glory  of  his  father,  than  to  waste  time  in  researches 
to  prove  that  his  father  was  noble  by  birth.  An- 
tiquity of  blood  is,  in  truth,  a  paltry  score  on  which 
to  exalt  oneself;  yet,  differing  from  Fernando,  many 
places  contended,  after  his  death,  for  the  honour  of 
being  the  birthplace  of  Columbus,  and  many  efforts 
were  made  to  attach  his  name  to  a  lordly,  line ;  but 
where,  as  in  the  case  of  the  family  of  Vespucius, 
those  best  ornaments  of  a  genealogy,  personal  merit 
and  distinguished  virtue  and  talent,  appear,  it  be- 
comes the  biographer  not  to  pass  them  over  in 
silence.  * 

A  custom  had  long  prevailed  among  the  noble 
Fio"remine  families  of  Floreucc  to  select  one  of  the  younger 

fiuniliea.  ./  o 

members  of  each,*  and  devote  him  to  mercantile 
pursuits.  It  was  not  then  considered  as  deroga- 
tory to  the  loftiest  and  purest  blood  among  them, 
to  engage  in  honourable  traffic.  A  nation  of 
merchants,  and  ruled  by  a  family  who  were  in- 
debted for  their  rank  and  celebrity  mainly  to  tlieir 
successful  business  operations,  they  appreciated  the 
position  which  an  intelligent  merchant  occupies, 
and  were  not  restrained  from  embarking  in  com- 


Prevailing 
Custom  o] 


.Wril  iiiii 


rsfflfr—-— ^- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 


61 


le 
g 

Lt 
f 

ri 


II. 


merce  by  any  ridiculous  pride  of  birth.  Florentine  chapter 
bankers  and  capitalists  had  more  than  once,  before 
the  time  of  Americus,  made  their  influence  felt  with 
powerful  effect  in  the  affairs  of  nations ;  and  pros- 
perity in  business  brought  not  only  wealth,  but 
high  consideration  in  the  state,  in  its  train.  Ameri- 
cus was  accordingly  chosen  by  his  father,  almost 
from  his  birth,  to  advance  the  fortunes  of  his  family 
by  commerce,  and  high  hopes  were  entertained  of 
his  success.  It  was  not  within  the  power  of  hu- 
man wisdom  to  foresee,  that  his  after  life  would  con- 
tribute more  to  prejudice  the  mercantile  interests 
of  his  native  city,  than  to  his  own  benefit,  or  that 
of  his  relatives. 


'"^^V- 


it,    •»!' V    1  . 


-v**  .-,- 


OHAPTEU 
III. 


"■■N*"' 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Youth  of  Great  Men. — Lack  of  Detail  in  this  Respect. — Early 
Education  of  Americus. — Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci. — His  Uncle. — • 
Brilliant  Expectations  of  his  Family. — Studies  in  Astronomy  and 
Cosmography. — Friendship  for  Piero  Sodcrini. — Tomaso  Soderini. — 
The  Plague  in  Florence,  1478. — Dissolution  of  the  School  of  the 
Friar  Vespucci. — Early  Letters  of  Americus. — Loren/o  de  Medici. 
— His  Brilliant  Administration. — Paolo  Toscanelli,  the  Learned 
Florentine  Physician. — Religious  Education  of  Americus. — Letter 
of  Americus  tft  his  Father. 

The  saying  has  been  attributed  to  Bacon,  tha 
the  youth  of  a  great  man  often  furAishes  data  of 
more  importance  than  any  other  portion  of  his  life, 
in  guiding  posterity  to  a  just  estimate  of  liis  charac- 
ter. The  traveller  who  looks  off  from  the  hills 
where  a  river  rises,  can  easily  determine  the  direc- 
tion it  must  take  as  it  pursues  its  course.  Some- 
times its.passuge  is  obstructed  by  a  mountain,  around 
whose  base  the  stream  must  flow,  and  sometimes 
a  winding  valley  leads  it  away  from  its  nearest  track 
to  the  sea.  In  like  manner,  circumstances  over 
which  a  man  can  have  little  or  no  control  determine 
the  course  of  his  life.  His  parentage,  his  country 
and  its  institutions  ;  the  times  in  which  he  is  bom, 
and  the  character  of  those  by  whom  he  is  in  early 
Kfe  surrounded,  decide  in  a  great  measure  his  future 
history.    The  first  acquisition,  therefore,  of  the  biog- 


■  I 
'M 


K-'l~r_^J"T(T;  ^,,5^^^^ 


CHAPTER 
III. 


» 


LIFE   AND  VOYAGKS  OP  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  (53 

raplier  should  be,  an  enlightened  and  philosophical 
understanding  of  those  events  which  have  influ- 
enced the  life  or  coloured  the  history  of  his  hero. 

It  is  true  that  the  youth  of  many  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  mankind  is  veiled  in  obscurity,  but 
all  the  historian  needs,  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  their 
character,  is  generally  preserved  in  the  few  facts 
that  escape  oblivion.  It  would  be  easy  to  supply 
this  deficiency  in  the  case  of  Americus,  for  there 
are  not  wanting  ingenious  accounts  of  the  history 
of  his  early  days,  in  antiquated  Italian  books  and 
manuscripts,  and  equally  incredible  stories  are  still 
told  by  his  countrymen. 

But,  not  to  follow  the  uncertain  gleamings  of 
traditionary  light,  and  believing  that  the  materials 
in  hand  may  be  made  serviceable  to  the  scholar 
and  inquirer  of  the  present  and  future  times,  an 
ati^mpt  will  be  made  to  give  a  clear  and  impartial 
account  of  all  which  has  been  gathered  that  is  au- 
thentic and  interesting  in  the  Life  and  Voyages  of 
Americus. 

All  the  advantages  derived  by  Americus  from  his  oeorgio  An- 
patrician  descent,  were'trifling  in  comparison  with  *°^ucci.^^ 
the  education  which  his  connexion  with  an  eminent 
teacher  of  that  day  procured  for  him.  His  paternal 
uncle,  Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci,  had  been  from  his 
youth  distinguished  as  a  scholar.  Devoted  in  early 
life  to  the  church,  he  became  a  monk  of  the  order  of 
San  Marco,  and  won  much  reputatioji  both  for  learning 
and  piety.  About  a  year  before  the  birth  of  Amer- 
icus, he  opened  a  school  in  his  convent  for  the  sons 


■^ 


-*» 


■  I 


\. 


m 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


V 

I' 


l^t 


CHAPTER  of  the  principal  nobles  of  Florence ;  and  there,  as 

soon  as  his  years  permitted,  in  company  with  many 

youthful  Florentines,  Americus  daily  repaired,  to 
ponder  over  the  mysteries  of  grammar  and  mathe- 
matics. •  • 
End  kept  in  In  his  education,  it  may  reasonably  be  supposed 
eduiauon"  that  the  worthy  friar  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
claims  of  consanguinity,  and  that  he  paid  particular 
attention  to  the  progress  of  one,  who,  in  the  imagi- 
nation of  his  parents,  was  destined  to  restore,  by 
his  success  in  commercial  affairs,  the  decaying  for- 
tunes of  his  family.  While  this  end  was  kept  stu- 
diously in  view,  and  his  young  mind  continually  ex- 
ercised by  application  to  the  more  abstruse  sciences 
of  astronomy  and  cosmography,  no  small  portion 
of  his  attention  was  directed  to  the  acquisition  of 
classical  lore,  and  he  left  the  hands  of  his  uncle,  an 
accomplished  scholar,  in  an  age  when  it  was  difii(^t 
to  find  many  such  out  of  the  cloister  or  the  university. 
That  such  was  the  case,  the  subsequent  life  of 
Americus  sufficiently  proves ;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  affords  another  demonstration  of  the  fallacy 
^  of  human  expectations.  Little  dreamed  the  worthy 
friar,  Georgio  Antonio,  that  the  rudiments  he  daily 
instilled  into  the  mind  of  his  pupil  would  be  of 
small  avail  in  the  acquisition  of  worldly  goods,  and 
still  less  thought  he,  that,  when  disgusted  with  the 
vicissitudes  of  commerce,  those  same  instructions 
would  open  to  his  nephew  a  new  path  to  honour,  if 
not  to  fortune.' 

1  Bandini,  Vita,  Sec.,  p.  19. 


\. 


,.,,>'«^»V.'^  •/>'"■  \ 


t;*'  V  ,  fV*  -'M 


^  «k 


rt'    J- 


.r^ 


/•^  ^V.^.' 


"kl  ..  .;'     'M    -•.,*;      -^ 


m- 


'  f 


■ri.'*'<#*^' 


I<^- 


/fl^  /^  V^,>*\^^ 


^ 


6* 

D 

.2 

.3 
o 


o 


ii  l-s 


o 
o 


O 

o 
o 

A 


AMBIUCUS  VESPUCIUS. 

• 

I  At  this  period  Amcricus  contracted  a  friendship 
with  Piero  Soderini,  a  noble  youth,  of  his  own  age, 
who  was  also  a  pupil  of  the  friar,  which  continued, 
with  unchanging  constancy,  through  his  lifetime, 
and  was  the  source  of  much  gratification  and  pride 
to  the  future  navigtor.  Soderini  afterwards  became 
the  Gonfaloniere  of  Florence ;  and  to  him,  in  all  the 
confidence  of  early  friendship,  are  addressed  those 
letters  which  will  appear  in  another  part  of  this 
work,  iu«.'  which  give  the  most  interesting  account 
of  the  subsequent  voyages  of  Americus. 

Piero  was  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Tomaso  So- 
derini, who,  at  the  death  of  Pietro  de  Medici  in  1469, 
was  at  the  head  of  the  most  powerful  family  in 
Florence.  He  was  treated  with  the  greatest  rever- 
ence, as  the  leader  of  the  commonwealth,  both  by 
foreign  princes  and  citizens ;  but  modestly  and  with 
patriotism  declining  the  honours  they  would  have 
bestowed  upon  him,  protected  the  fortunes  of  the 
young  princes  Lorenzo  and  Juliano,  the  first  of 
whom  afterwards  became  so  celebrated,  and  who 
always,  in  his  youth,  adhered  closely  to  the  counsels 
of  his  protector.*  » 

The  studies  of  Americus  were  suddenly  inter- 
rupted by  the  appearance  of  the  plague  in  Florence, 
in  the  year  1478.  This  terrible  visitor  always 
brought  in  its  train  general  consternation  and  con- 
fusion. The  utter  want  of  precaution  and  pre- 
ventive sanatory  regulations,  which  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  have  existed  at  all  in  that  age,  rendered  it 

>  Bandini,  Vita,  See,  p.  25. 
9 


66 


CHAPTEft 
III. 

Friendihip 
with  Piero 
Suderini. 


Theplu 
in  1478 


m  LIFE  AND  V0\  .oKS  OF 

oHArrBR  peculiarly  violent,  and  almost  uncontrollable.    All 

'■ — business  and  pleasure  were  alike  suspended;  the 

ties  of  relationship  and  affection  were  in  most  cases 
forgotten,  and  the  universal  feeling  was  selfish  re- 
gard for  personal  safety.  Even  the  quiet  institu- 
tions of  learning  felt  its  malignant  influence,  and 
those  who  were  most  secluded  from  social  inter- 
course dreaded  and  fled  from  its  attacks.* 

The  school  of  tlie  Friar  Vespucci  was  at  once 
broken  up,  and  his  pupils  scattered  in  various  di- 
rections. Americus  was  taken  by  his  parents  into 
the  country,  to  await  the*  disappearance  of  the  pes- 
tilence, and  there  for  the  first  time,  as  far  as  any 
evidence  exists,  employed  his  pen.  Some  letters 
which  are  still  preserved,  written  while  in  this 
temporary  seclusion,  give  strong  proof  of  a  mind 
earnest  for  instruction;  and  though  showing  a 
gravity  of  thougtit  hardly  consistent  with  his  years, 
are  full  of  enthusiastic  impulse  and  love  of  adven- 
ture. Although  tempered  throughout  by  filial  re- 
spect and  affection,  they  foreshadow  the  subsequent 
career  of  the  man,  and  are  replete  with  the  sinceri- 
ty and  modesty  which  characterized  his  later  pro- 
ductions. 
Tempta-  The  coutagiou  had  barely  subsided,  when  Ameri- 
noiwlcein  cus   rcsumod   his   studies   with   renewed   ardour. 

1480. 

This  is  the  more  remarkable,  when  the  temptations 
which  surrounded  the  noble  youth  of  that  daj  are 

'  Bandini,  Vita,  Sec.,  p.  28.  See  this,  and  gives  a  thrilling  descrip- 
alflo  Machiavelli's  account  of  the  tion  of  its  horrors. — Opere  de  Nic- 
plague  in  1528,  which  speaks  of    colo  Machiavdli,  torn.  viii.  p.  f  ?. 


I 


\ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIU8. 


'4 


«7 


'0 


considered.    Lorenzo,  the  Magnificent,  in  the  flush  ciiaptb 

of  youtii  and  power,  rendered  the  city  of  Florence '■ — 

and  his  own  court  the  centre  of  attraction  to  all  the 
gay  nobility  of  Italy  and  Europe.  Festivals  of 
unequalled  splendour  drew  an  immense  concourse 
of  strangers  to  his  capital,  and  the  city  was  wild 
with  dissipation  and  extraviigance.    . 

In  the  midst  of  all,  and  exposed  to 'most  of  these 
allurements,  Amcricus  diligently  occupied  himself 
with  the  pursuits  of  learning.  He  gave  particular 
devotion  to  the  study  of  geometry  and  cosmography, 
and  frequently  surprised  the  sagest  professors  of 
those  sciences  by  the  acuteness  of  his  remarks  and 
conjectures. 

Among  the  cosmographers  of  the  times,  ho  en-  Taicaneni, 
countered  frequently  the  celebrated  Toscanelli,  who  une  Phy- 
is  mentioned  in  the  introductory  chapter,  and  de- 
rived from  him  many  of  the  views  respecting  the 
position  of  the  Indies,  which  that  philosopher  after- 
wards communicated  to  Columbus  by  letter.^ 

The  subsequent  celebrity  of  Americus  was  main- 
ly owing  to  the  direction  of  his  labours  at  this  time, 
and  it  appears  that  his  chief  ambition  was  to  excel 
as  a  geographer ;  so  that  when  he  quitted  the  mon- . 
astery  of  the  good  brother  of  St.  Mark,  he  was,  in 
all  probability,  better  fitted  to  astonish  the  world 
with  novel  theories,  than  to  acquire  the  fortune  for 
which  his  family  had  destined  him. 

Only  one  portion  of  his  uncle's  instructions  re- 
mains to  be  noticed.    He  cultivated  in  the  mind  of 

'  Bandini,  Vita,  p.  29. 


.M^^iM^&l^. 


66 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  OF 


I 


ouAPTEE  his  nephew  a  warm  and  profound  sense  of  depend- 

'■ —  ance  upon  the  protection  of  Grod,  which  supported 

^  him  in  many  trials  and  sufferings  of  his  after  life, 

*  and  nerved  his  soul  to  the  accomplishment  of  heroic 

achievements,  which  have  been  reserved  by  Provi- 
dence for  tJiose  men  who  have  reposed  with  the 
highest  confidence  upon  its  arm.  The  reader  of 
his  letters  c;mnot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  ready 
reliance  upon  the  favour  of  Providence,  which 
many  of  his  actions  evinced,  and  his  often  recurring 
acknowledgment  of  thanks  for  protection  received. 
Loiter  from      Tlic  translation  of  a  short  letter  from  Americus 

Americiis  to  i  .       -,     i  •  i  -i      i  •  i. 

>  bix  iiiujer.  to  lus  father,  written  while  he  was  residing  at  the 
country  estate  of  tlie  family,  during  the  prevalence 
of  the  plague  in  Florence,  will  close  this  chapter. 
It  was  originally  written  in  Latin. 


To  the  Excellent  and  Honourable  Signor 
Anastasio  Vespucci. 

HoNounED  Father — ' 

Do  not  wonder  that  I  have  not  written  to  you 
within  the  last  few  days.  I  thought  that  my  uncle 
would  have  satisfied  you  concerning  me.  In  his 
absence  I  scarcely  dare  to  address  you  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  blushing  even  at  my  deficiencies  in  my  own 
language ;  I  have,  besides,  been  industriously  occu- 
pied of  late  in  studying  the  rules  of  Latin  compo- 
sition, and  will  show  you  my  book  on  my  return. 
Whatever  else  I  have  accomplished,  and  how  I 
have  conducted  myself,  you  will  have  been  able  to 
learn  from  my  uncle,  whose  return  I  ardently  de- 


AMERICUS   VRSPUCIUS. 


09 


sire,  that,  under  his  and  your  own  joint  .directions,  I  chapter 

may  follow  with  greater  ease  both  my  studies  and '■ — 

your  kind  precepts.  Georgio  Antonio,  three  or 
four  days  ago,  gave  a  number  of  letters  to  you,  to 
a  good  priest,  Sigpior  Nerotto,  to  which  he  desires 
your  answer.  There  is  nothing  else  that  is  new  to 
relate,  unless  that  we  all  desire  much  to  return  to 
the  city.  The  day  of  our  return  is  not  yet  fixed, 
but  soon  will  be,  unless  the  pestilence  should  in- 
crease, and  occasion  greater  alarm,  which  God 
avert. 

He,  Georgio  Antonio,  commends  to  your  con- 
sideration a  poor  and  wretched  neighbour  of  his, 
whose  only  reliance  and  means  are  in  our  house, 
concerning  which,  he  addressed  you  in  full.  He 
asks  you,  therefore,  that  you  would  attend  to  his 
aiTairs,  so  that  they  may  suffer  as  little  as  possible 
in  his  absence. 

Farewell,  then,  honoured  father ;  salute  all  the 
family  in  my  behalf,  and  commend  me  to  my 
mother  and  all  my  elder  relatives. 

Your  son,  with  due  obedience, 

Amerigo  Vespucci.*    . 

mvio  Mugdli,  Oct.  19,  1478. 


I 

till 


'  Bandini,  Vita,  p.  29. 


r 

I 


i 


CHAPTER 
IV 


Higli  price 
of  Map.H  and 
aad  Chart!). 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Period  from  1480  to  1490.— Cosmography.— High  Value  of  Maps.— 
Gabriel  de  Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes  of  the  Departure  of  Americas 
from  Florence. — Girolamo  Vespucci. — His  Loss  of  Property. — Piero 
de'  Medici  commissions  Americus.  —  Spain.  —  Wars  against  the 
Moors. — Giovanni  Vespucci,  the  Nephew  of  Americas. — Account 
given  of  him  by  Peter  Martyr. — Letter  of  Americus  and  Donato 
Nicollini. — Juan  ]?niardi,  1492. — The  necessary  Reflections  of  Amer- 
icus.— An  Epoch  of  Enterprise  and  Improvement. 

HisTORv  throws  little  light  upon  that  period  of 
the  life  of  Americus  comprised  between  the  com- 
pletion of  his  studies  and  his  departure  for  Spain, 
which  took  place  some  time  in  the  year  1490.  It  is 
probable  that  he  resided  in  Florence  durin*;^  the 
v.'hole  of  this  time,  and  it  may  be,  that  he  was  en- 
gaged in  commercial  pursuits  in  his  native  city, 
although  no  evidence  of  it  has  come  down  to  mod- 
ern times.  Whether  such  was  the  case  or  not,  it  is 
well  known  that  he  continued  to  pursue  his  re- 
searches in  cosmography.^ 

He  was  very  curious  in  collecting  all  the  best 
maps,  charts,  and  globes,  of  the  time,  the  works  of  dis- 
tinguished projectors.  The  value  of  these  maps  was 
most  extraordinary,  even  considering  that  their  scar- 
city enhanced  their  price  ;  and  the  projectors  were 
so  highly  esteemed,  that  the  making  of  one  good 

>  Bandmi;  chap.  iii.  p.  33. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


71 


map,  rendered  the  name  of  the  cosmographer  illus-  chapter 

trious.    The  Venetians  struck  a  medal  in  honour  of '■ — 

Mauro,  an  eminent  friar,  who  drew  a  map  which 
was  considered  the  most  accurate  of  the  time,  and 
it  is  recorded  that  Americus  paid  the  high  price  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  ducats,  which  is  equal  to 
five  hundred  and  fifty-five  Spanish  dollars  of  the 
present  day,  for  a  map  of  sea  and  land,  made  at 
Mallorea,  in  1439,  by  Gabriel  t'.e  Velasca.^ 

The  immediate  cause  of  his  departure  from  Italy  Mi«fortunM 

-  .  .  /.  1       "'^  Girolamo 

appears  to  have  arisen  m  some  measure  irom  the  vespuccu 
misfortunes  of  another  person,  although  there  is  lit- 
tle doubt  he  had  contemplated  a  long  absence,  for 
many  previous  years.  His  elder  brother  Girolamo, 
following  the  bent  of  an  enterprising  spirit,  had  le^lt 
Florence  about  the. year  1480,  to  seek  his  fortune 
in  foreign  climes,  and  had  establislied  himself  in 
business  in  one  of  the  Grecian  cities*  of  Asia  Minor. 
For  some  time  he  was  extremely  prosperous  in  liis 
negotiations,  and  by  degrees,  with  the  view  of  in- 
creasing his  means  o/  operation,  had  taken  the  con- 
trol of  a  large  portion  of  the  family  property. 
Every  thing  went  on  ibrtunately  with  him,  until  one 
disiistrous  day,  in  the  year  1489.  While  attending 
the  matin  service,  at  a  convent  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  his  residence,  his  house  was  broken  open  by 
thieves ;  and,  as  he  writes  to  Americus,  he  was 
robbed  of  all  he  possessed,  including  the  property 
of  his  father,  and  the  accumulation  of  nine  years  of 
incessant  toil  and  watchfulness. 

'  Irving's  Works,  Paris  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 


12 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES   OF 


CHAPTER 
IV. 


This  severe  blow  greatly  cramped  the  resources 
of  the  whole  family ;  and  on  the  receipt  of  his 
brother's  letter,  dated  July  24th,  1489,  which  was 
forwarded  to  him  by  a  Florentine  pilgrim,  who  had 
been  to  Jerusalem  to  visit  the  holy  sepulchre,  and 
was  on  his  return  to  his  native  city,  Americus  at 
once  determined  to  attempt  to  retrieve,  in  some 
measure,  his  brother's  losses  ;  and  for  that  purpose 
to  proceed  to  Spain,  where  fair  prospects  in  mer- 
cantile life  were  opened  to  him.^ 
Americus  is  At  this  time,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  cousin  of  Loren- 
*odby lT  zo  tlio  Magnificent,  who  had  some  matters  of  im- 
Medici.  portaucc  to  attend  to  in  Barcelona,  commissioned 
Americus  as  his  agent ;  and  he  accordingly  set  sail 
from  Leghorn,  for  the  Spanish  city.  The  domin- 
ions of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  just  then  afforded  a 
fine  field  for  profit  in  merchandise.  The  splendid 
court  of  those  illustrious  sovereigns,  and  the  wars 
they  had  for  a  long  time  prosecuted  against  the 
Moors,  had  drawn  from  all  quarters  of  Europe  large 
numbers  of  the  chivalrous  young  nobility  of  the 
age,  who  were  anxious  to  gain  reputation  and  mili- 
tary experience  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  regarded 
the  contest  with  the  infidels  on  the  hills  of  Grenada, 
in  the  light  of  another  Christian  crusade. 

Italian  merchants  and  bankers  were  not  back- 
ward in  taking  advantage  of  the  wants  occasioned 
by  this  great  influx  of  foreigners,  and  such  exten- 
sive military  movements-^.A  great  many  of  them 
.  were  to  be  found  in  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula,  and 

1  Bandini,  cb.  iii.  p.  32. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


78 


,       V 


in  the  records  of  Simaacas,  various  royal  decrees  re-  chapter 

specting  them  are  extant.    Among  them  is  a  war '■ — 

rant,  dated  in  1486,  granting  a  safe  conduct  to  Juan 
Berardi  and  other  Florentine  merchants,  from  Bar- 
celona to  Seville.  The  connexion  of  Americus 
with  this  individual,  as  will  subsequently  appear, 
was  of  much  consequence,  and  must  have  taiten 
place  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Spain,  if  not  before. 
It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  it  originated  in  Flor- 
ence, but  no  accurate  information  can  be  obtained 
on  the  subject.^ 

On  his  departure  from  his  native  city,  he  was  en-  Giovanni 
trusted  with  tlie  charge  of  a  number  of  youthful  the  n''e"phew 
Florentines,  who  were  placed  by  their  friends  under     icus. 
his  care,  and  who  went  with  him  to  acquire  the  ad- 
vantages of  travel.     He  took  with  him  also  his  ne- 
phew Giovanni,  a  promising  youth,  to  whom  he  was 
warmly  attached,  and  who  subsequently  accom- 
panied him  in  all  Iiis  voyages,  and  became  a  skilful 
navigator.     The   following  extract  from   a  Ijetter 
which  is  presented  by  Bandini,  was  copied  by  that 
biograplier  from  a  manuscript  in  the  handwriting 
of  Americus,  which  was  preserved  in  his  time,  in 
the  collection  of  the  Abbot  Scarlatti.^ 


'  Navarrete,  CoUecion  de  Via- 
ges,  torn.  iii.  p.  ol5. 

*  Banilini,  chap.  iii.  p.  35.  Ir- 
ving, vol.  ii.  p.  883. 

Peter  Martyr  speaks  of  this 
Giovanni  Vespucci  in  thn  highest 
tenns,  and  says,  "Young  Vespu- 
cius  is  one  to  whom  Americus 
VespuciuSi  his  uncle,  left  the  exact 
knowledge  of  the  manner's  facul- 


ties, as  it  were,  by  inheritance  af- 
ter his  death,  for  he  was  a  very 
expert  master  in  the  knowledge  of 
his  card,  his  compass,  and  the  ele- 
vation of  the  Pole  star  by  the 
quadrant.  Vespucius  is  my  very 
familiar  friend,  and  a  witty  young 
man,  in  whose  company  I  take 
great  pleasure,  and  therefore  use 
him  oftentimes  for  my  guest." 

10 


74 

CHAPTER 
IV. 


Extract 

from  a  Let- 

cerof  Am'jr- 

icus. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

It  indicates  clearly  what  were  his  occupations  as 
late  as  the  early  part  of  1492 ;  and  is  worthy  of  a 
translation,  if  only  as  a  specimen  of  the  style  of 
mercantile  correspondence  of  the  age. 

"  And  as  it  is  necessary  for  one  of  us,  either  Amer- 
icus  or  Donato,  to  proceed  in  a  sliort  time  to  Flor- 
ence, we  shall  be  able  to  give  you  better  informa- 
on  all  points  by  word  of  mouth  than  can  possibly 
be  done  by  letter. 

As  yet,  it  has  beru  impossible  to  do  any  thing 
respecting  the  freight  of  suit,  for  want  of  a  vessel. 
For  some  time  past,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  no  ship 
has  arrived  here  which  was  not  chartered ;  be  con- 
soled, if  no  one  arrives  here,  that  we  shall  be  active 
for  yorir  interests. 

You  will  have  learned  from  the  elder  Donato  the 
good  fortune  which  has  happened  to  his  Highness 
the  King ;  assuredly  the  most  high  God  has  given 
him  his  aid ;  but  I  cannot  relate  it  to  you  in  full — 
Grod  preserve  him  many  years,  and  us  with  him ! 

There  is  nothing  new  to  communicate.  Christ 
preserve  you ! 

We  date,  January  30th,  1492. 

Donato  Nicollini. 
Americus  Vespucius.'" 


The  Nicollini  who  signs  the  above  letter  jointly 
with  Americus,  was  undoubtedly  connected  with 
him  in  business,  at  that  period ;  but  nothing  further 
concerning  him  can  be  determined,  and  it  is  equally 

1  Bandini,  chap.  iii.  p.  35,  36. 


AMERICUS  VESPUGIUS. 


75 


t 


doubtful  when  he  first  became  acquainted  with  chaptbr 

IV. 

Berardi.    It  must,  however,  liave  been  soon  after 

this  time' ;  for  very  shortly  after  the  date  of  this  let- 
ter, Americus  went  to  Seville,  where  Berardi  was 
established. 

After  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voy-  contiact  or 
age,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  contracted  with  Berar-  c^vemlS^ni 
di  to  furnish  and  equip  four  armaments,  to  be  for-    Berardi. 
warded  at  different  times  to  the  New  World,  and 
Americus  is  found  to  be  busily  occupied,  in  con- 
nexion with  him,  receiving  payments  and  entering 
into  obligations  in  his  behalf  and  name.      Some 
have  supposed  that  he  was  only  the  agent  of  Be- 
rardi in  these  transactions ;  but  it  is  more  probable 
that  he  became  a  partner  in  the  house,  as,  after 
the  death  of  Berardi,  Americus  still  continued  to 
manage  all  the  affairs  of  the  armaments,  and  was 
paid  large  sums  of  money  by  the  government,  for 
equipments  previously  effected.^ 

It  has  been  thought,  by  some  historians,  that 
Americus  accompanied  Columbus  upon  his  second 
voyage ;   but  there  is  no  evidence,  which  is  of 


•  Entre  varius  partidas  de  ma- 
ravedis  que  en  cuenta  del  flete  de 
estas  naves  se  abonaron  a  Berardi, 
por  el  tesorero  Pinelo,  de  orden  de 
D.  Juan  Fonseca,  hay  dos  que  re- 
cibio  Amerigo  Vespuche  a  nombre 
del  mismo  Berardi,  y  habiendo 
este  fallecido,  en  Diciembre  de 
1495 — "Vespuche  se  encargo  de 
tener  la  cuenta  con  los  Maestres 


del  flete  y  suelde  (jue  hobiesen  de 
haber,  segun  cl  asiento,  que  el 
dicho  Juanoto  hizo  con  ellos,  y 
del  mantenimicnto,  &c.  Para  lo 
cual  recibio — Amerigo  de  Pinelo 
10.000  maravcdis  en  12  de  Enero 
de  1496."  Siguio  Vespucio  dis- 
poniendo  todas  las  cosas  hasta  des- 
pacharla  armada  en  San  Lucar. — 
Navarrete,  torn.  ill.  p.  315 — 317. 


,t  ^a 


'i-'^VV 


,,,„..(. 


re 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


ooAFTEs  much  weight,  to  sustain  the  opinion,  and  his  own 

'■ —  accounts  tend  to  contradict  it.* 

Animpor-      The  period  at  which  Americus  may  he  said  to 

tant  epoch  *■  '' 

*°  ?ig?'y-  have  first  commenced  active  life  was,  without  doubt, 
the  most  important  epoch  in  modem  history.  If 
it  were  possible  to  transport  oneself  back,  in  propria 
persona,  to  the  year  1490,  it  would  be  easy  to  ana- 
lyze the  probable  condition  of  his  mind  at  the  date 
of  his  departure  from  Florence,  and  imagination 
can  only  partially  supply  the  vacuum,  which  is  felt 
in  the  lack  of  any  writings  of  his  own.  Remark- 
able events  had  followed  each  other  with  startling 
rapidity,  during  the  century  which  was  then  draw- 
ing to  its  close.  The  sudden  advancement  of  liter- 
i!iure,  the  revival  of  art,  and  the  improvement  in 
the  science  of  navigation,  must  each  have  exerted 
a  direct  influence  over  his  mind.  He  was  no 
longer  a  youth,  but  in  the  fullest  vigour  of  man- 
hood, competent  to  think,  and  think  deeply,  on  all 


>  The  four  voyages  of  Vespii- 
cius  are  described  by  Muiister,  in 
his  Cosmography,  printed  in  Latin 
in  1550.  He  says,  "Americus 
Vespucius,  after  having  been  sent 
'by  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile, 
about  the  year  1492,  in  company 
with  Columbus,  to  seek  out  un- 
known lands,  after  a  few  years 
elapsed,  being  learned  in  naviga- 
tion, made  voyages  by  himself, — 
two  for  the  said  King  Ferdinand, 
and  two  for  Emanuel,  King  of  Por- 
tugal, and  wrote  concerning  them 
in  the  following  manner."  But  it  is 
rendered  certain  that  Munster  was 


in  error  in  his  statement. — Bandi- 
ni,  ch.  iv.  p.  68.  Canovai  says, 
"Accordingly,  in  1493  Vespucius 
was  deputed  by  Ferdinand  to  ac- 
company Columbus  in  his  second 
voyage,  in  the  quality  of  an  ap- 
prentice." But  he  gives  no  au- 
thority but  Munster  for  his  state- 
ment.— Canovai,  Vita,  &c.  tom.  ii. 
p.  50.  Irving  says,  "  The  first 
notice  of  a  positive  form  which 
we  have  of  Vespucci  as  resident 
in  Spain  is  early  in  1496."  This 
is  as  manifest  an  error,  as  that  of 
Munster. — Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  881. 


■.■«■■' 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


77 


IV. 


the  great  subjects  of  thought  which  agitated  the  chapter 
age.  It  was  an  age,  too,  of  great  intellectual  activi-  ■ 
ty,  resembling  more  nearly  the  present,  than  any 
which  had  preceded  it.  Knowledge  was  taking 
vast  strides.  No  solitary  subject  of  contemplation, 
like  the  Crusades,  occupied  the  minds  of  all,  to  the 
exclusion  of  every  thing  else.  Every  science,  every 
theory  of  politics  or  religion,  every  department  of 
art,  attracted  and  received  its  share  of  attention. 

It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  Americus 
experienced  his  proportion  of  the  restlessness  and 
anticipation  which  filled  the?  public  mind.  He, 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  was  looking  out  anx- 
iously, though  with  indefinite  hopes,  for  the  coming 
of  great  events.  Perhaps,  even  as  he  entered  the 
ship  which  was  to  bear  him  from  his  native  coun- 
try, he  felt  in  his  heart  a  presage  of  his  future 
fame ;  and  while  visions  of  yet  undiscovered  lands 
floated  before  his  eyes,  inwardly  resolved  to  take  a 
pronflnent  part  himself,  in  the  drama  of  progress 
and  improvement  then  being  enacted  in  the  theatre 
of  the  world. 


r&ji*^ 


CHAPTER  V. 


Meeting  of  Amcricus  with  Columbus,  1492,  '93. — Description  of  the 
Personal  Aj)pearance  of  Columbus. — Personal  Api)earanco  of  Amcr- 
icus.— Sketch  of  their  diUcrout  Views. — The  Problem  of  Longi- 
tude.— Discussion  at  Salamanca. — Conversation  between  Columbus 
and  Amcricus. — Singuhir  Vow  of  the  Former. — He  Repels  the  Im- 
putation of  Mercenary  Motives. — Doubts  of  Amcricus  as  to  the  Ter- 
ritories of  the  Khan,  drawn  from  the  Aj)pearancc  of  the  Natives, 
Sec. — His  Ideas  of  a  large  Island  between  Europe  anil  Asia. — Con- 
fidence of  Columbus. — Considers  himself  Divinely  Commissioned. 
— His  Plan  of  Attack  upon  the  Infidels. — Cites  Paolo  Toscanelli. 
— Vespucius  States  his  View  of  the  Question  of  Longitude. — Ter- 
restrial Paradise. — Enthusiasm  of  Columbus  on  this  Subject. — Ex- 
aggeration of  Marco  Polo. — Criticism  of  Araericus. 


1(\ 


CHAPTER 
V 


It  is  hardly  necessary  to  recall  to  the  reader's 
-  mind  the  great  event  of  the  year  1492,  After  a 
long  series  of  disappointments  and  reverses,  Colum- 
bus had  induced  the  Spanish  sovereigns  to  lend 
their  ears  to  his  representations ;  and  that  memo- 
rable year,  an  epoch  nearly  as  i'amiliar  to  the  mem- 
ory of  all,  as  that  of  the  coming  of  the  Saviour, 
crowned  his  hopes  with  triumph. 
Personal  It  miist  liavc  bccu  soon  after  his  return  from  his 
ofCoiuST  first  voyage  of  discovery,  when  the  acquaintance  of 
Americus  with  the  admiral  commenced.  Colum- 
bus is  described  by  his  contemporaries  as  being  of 
a  commanding  personal  appearance.  Tall  and 
muscular,  and  well  proportioned  in  form,  he  hap- 


fi-'i 


"^v^ 


V 


T^ 


^ 


LIFE   AND  VOVAaES  OP  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

pily  blended  in  his  address  a  certain  suavity  and 
affability  of  manner,  with  tiic  greatest  di;,nuty.  His 
complexion  was  fair,  and  his  hair,  which  had  once 
been  li^ht,  had  changed  to  grey.  Piercing  grey 
eyes,  which,  when  he  was  engaged  in  discussion  or 
conversation,  would  kindle  and  flash  with  peculiar 
brightness,  gave  life  to  features  *  otherwise  rather 
melancholy  in  their  general  effect.  His  temper  was 
naturally  h  ty,  but  he  seldom  allowed  it  to  appear 
in  his  C(-  jisation  by  any  want  of  courtesy  in  his 
language.^ 

Americus  is  described  as  being  of  about  the  middle 
height,  of  rather  a  brawny  and  thickset  frame 
shape  of  his  head  was  peculiarly  striking.  His 
forehead  was  low  and  retreating,  but  of  great  breadth 
and  massiveness,  and  his  temples  were  unusually 
expanded.  One  look  at  the  formation  of  his  skull, 
which  showed  that  there  existed  a  vast  preponder- 
ance of  the  intellectual,  over  the  animal  develop- 
ments of  the  brain,  would  have  satisfied  a  phrenol- 
ogist that  he  beheld  a  remarkable  man.  His  eyes 
were  large  and  black,  his  nose  aquiline,  and  his 
cheek  bones  rather  prominent.  His  mouth  was 
singularly  expressive  of  firmness  mingled  with 
amiability.  His  complexion  was  dark,  and  inclining 
to  sallow.  His  hair  was  originally  black,  but  at 
this  time  was  slightly  mixed  with  grey.  His  beard 
was  thick  and  bushy,  and  was  preserved  entire. 
The  portrait  of  him,  from  which  was  taken  the  en- 
graving that  appears  at  the  commencement  of  this 

» Irvbjr's  Works,  Paris  Ed.,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 


79 


CHAPTER 
V. 


Persona] 
ni       BPP<!anmc« 
Hie    "t  Ameri- 


*l-li 


...Il 


v^'^ 

'W.^^^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


If 


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1.0    If »-  lii 


I.I 


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11122. 

u.   ..„    111112.0 


11.25  i  1.4 


1.6 


m 


71 


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Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIK  STREET 

WEBSTER, NY.  M580 

(716)  872-4503 


f 


fi 


H^  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OV 

CHAPTER  volume,  was  painted  many  )ears  after  the  date  of 

'■ —  his  first  interview  with  Columbus,  when  he  had 

become  nearly  bald.  In  his  address,  although  pos- 
sessed'of  less  dignity  of  demeanour  than  Columbus, 
there  was  a  gentleness  and  retiring  modesty,  which 
was  highly  attractive.  His  temper  was  mild  and 
equable,  and  he  never  suffered  it  to  gain  the  mas- 
tery over  him  in  his  speech.  ■>■<■ 
Such,  as  nearly  as  can  be  ascertained  at  this  pe- 
riod, was  the  personal  appearance  of  the  two  grea^ 
men,  when  they  first  came  together.  Americus,'  as 
has  been  said  before,  was  greatly  excited  by  the  re- 
ports of  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  and  had 
eagerly  investigated  them.  There  is  evidence  in 
his  writings,  that  he  arrived  at  very  different  conclu- 
sions as  to  their  ultimate  tendency,  from  those  of 
the  admiral ;  and  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  two 
such  men  should  have  met  as  they  did,  without 
an  interchange  of  their  peculiar  sentiments,  on  a 
subject  which  was  engrossing  the  attention  of  both. 
It  has  seemed  best  to  set  before  the  reader  a  brief 
sketch  of  some  of  the  different  views  which  inHu- 
enced  them,  in  the  form  of  a  friendly  dialogue  be- 
tween the  two,  rather  than  in  the  shape  of  a  dis- 
sertation. ;  ^  ■ 
Difleient  Care  has  been  taken  that  no  idea  should  be  at- 
Americiu  tributcd  to  either  which  their  several  writincs  do 

ud  Colum- 

bn»-      not  indicate  as  existing  in  their  own  minds.    At  the 

#   same  time,. it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  views 

expressed  by  Americus  were  the  settled  convictions 

of  his  mind ;  they  were  rather  the  peculations  of 


AMERiruS  VESPUCIUS. 


81 


an  active  spirit,  acting  upon  the  natural  doubts  chattb 

suggested  by  inquiry  into  a  subject,  wliere  all  was 

vague  and  undecided.  Columbus  appears,  as  he 
really  existed,  in  all  the  confidence  of  enthusiasm ; 
Americus  rather  as  a  sceptic,  anxious  to  extract 
the  truth  from  the  mass  of  mingled  truth  and  error, 
which  lay  before  him.  That  ^either  of  the  two 
was  free  from  error,  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  but 
that  the  speculations  of  Americus  were  much  the 
most  divested  of  absurdities,  subsequent  discoveries 
have  amply  proved.* 

The  greatest  doubt  which  existed  in  the  mind  of  The  donbu 
Americus,  was  in  relation  to  the  distance  between 
Europe  and  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia.  He  always 
discredited  the  measurement  of  longitude,  which 
was  invented  by  Toscanelli,  and  commumcaied  to 
Columbus,  and  the  recent  discoveries  of  the  latter 
tended  to  strengthen  those  doubts,  rather  than  to 
abate  them. 

The  conversation  which  follows,  should  be  looked 
upon  as  the  commencement  of  a  discussion,  and 
not  as  a  discussion  itself.  Abstruse  and  minute 
calculations  were  doubtless  entered  into  by. the  two 
navigator^,  to  confirm  their  peculiar  views.    Co- 


cu*. 


>  Mr.  Irving  says, "  When  Vfes- 
pucci  wrote  his  letters,  there  was 
npt  a  doubt  entertained  but  that 
Columbus  had  discovered  the  main 
land  in  his  first  voyage.  Cuba 
being  always  considered  the  ex- 
tremity of  Asia,  until  circ  iimnavi- 
gated  in  1508.  Vespucci  may 
have  supposed  Brazil,  Paria,  and 
the  rest  of  that  coast  part  of  a  dis- 


tinct continent,  &c."  —  Irving^i 
Works,  Paris  Ed.  p.  885,  886. 
This  admission  is  striking,  inas- 
much as  the  Letters  of  Americus 
were  all  written  previous  to  1508, 
and  contain  ample  confirmation  of 
the  opinion  that  he  thought  he  had 
arrived  at  a  new  continent. —  Vide 
infra,  Letter  to  Soderini. 


11 


"s'iii^ 


.'■   Ill 


-*^J 


82 


UrB  AND  V0TAOE8  OF 


I 


cnAmm  lumbus  was  a  man  ever  ready,  to  receive  suggtb- 

'■ —  tions  and  acquire  information  from  whatever  source, 

and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  considered  the 
opinions  of  Americus,  though  materially  at  variance 
with  his  own,  as  he  did  the  absurd  objections  which 
were  raised  to  his  first  voyage  by  some  of  the  over- 
wise  doctors  at  Salamanca.  Though  pertinacious 
in  his  adherence  to  his  own  enthusiastic  theories, 
he  was  ever  ready  to  give  ear  to  any  doubt  which 
carried  with  it  the  semblance  of  reason,  or  was 
susceptible  of  being  supported  by  plausible  argu- 


ment' 

>  The  two  navigators  agreed 
npon  many  important  theories  en- 
tirely. The  great  difierence  of 
their  discussion,  from  that  which 
Columbus  held  with  the  conclave 
at  Salamanca,  will  be  better  un- 
derstood after  a  perusal  of  the  ac- 
count of  the  absurd  objections 
which  were  then  raised  to  his  the- 
ori^  which  is  found  in  Mr.  Ir- 
ving*8  Life  of  the  Admiral.  He 
•ays, 

"  At  the  very  threshold  of  the 
discussion,  instead  of  geographical 
objections,  Columbus  was  assailed 
by  quotations  from  the  Bible  and 
the  Testament,  the  Book  of  Oene- 
•is,  the  Psalms  of  David,  the 
Prophets,  the  Epistles,  and  the 
Gospels.  To  these  were  added 
the  expositions  of  various  saints 
and  reverend  commentators,  St. 
Chrysostome  and  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Jerome  and  St.  Gregory,  St. 
Basil  and  St.  Ambrose,  and  Lac- 
tantius  Firmianus,  a  redoubted 
champion  of  the  faith.  Doctrinal 
pdnts  were  mixed  up  with  philo- 


sophical discussions,  mid  a  mathe- 
matical demonstration  was  allowed 
no  truth,  if  it  appeared  to  clash 
with  a  text  of  Scripture,  or  a  com- 
mentary of  one  of  the  fathers. 
Thus  the  possibility  of  antipodes 
in  the  southern  hemisphere,  an 
opinion  so  generally  maintained 
by  the  wisest  of  the  ancients,  as  to 
be  pronounced  by  Pliny  the  great 
contest  between  the  learned  and 
the  ignorant,  became  a  stumbling- 
block  with  some  of  the  sages  of 
Salamanca.  Several  of  them 
stoutly  contradicted  this  basis  of 
the  theory  of  Columbus,  support 
ing  themselves  by  quotations  from 
Lactantius  and  St.  Augustine, 
who  w^re  considered  in  those  days 
as  almost  evangelical  authority. 
But  though  these  writers  wore 
men  of  consnmmatf^  oniditii.n,  and 
two  of  the  greotest  luminaries  of 
what  has  been  called  the  golden 
age  of  Ecclesiastical  learning,  yet 
their  writings  were  caleulated  to 
perpetuate  darkness  in  respect  to 
the  sciences 


fl 


V     ., 


■—^yvr'T'  ~>-  m  '«^_KPW  «■'  ■'  '.'■-'!  W  ,,11' »'? 


SJ;„ii*^*W^j|^^f\,- 


fi 


i^at. 


4 

,-■♦■ 


CONVERSATION    BETWEEN    AUERICUS    AND    COLUMBUS. 


w 


AMRRICU8  VBSPUaUB. 


83 


Columbus 


CIIAPTKS 
V 


9 

It  grieves  me  much,  worthy  Signor  Vespucci,  to   dmo^m 
learn  from  our  friend  the  Signor  Bcrardi,  that  you  Amuricm 


tiul  Citluio- 


^ 


lua. 


"The  passage cjted  by  Lactai:- 
tius  to  coiiCuto  Columbus  in  in  a 
strain  of  gross  ridicule,  unworthy 
of  80  grave  a  theologian.  '  Is 
there  any  one  so  f(N)lish,'  hn  asks, 
'  as  to  believe  that  there  are  an- 
tipo<les  with  their  ft:et  oi)i)(>.site  to 
ours;  people  who  walk  with  their 
feet  U|>war(l8  and  their  heads 
hanging  down  ?  That  there  is  a 
part  of  the  world  in  which  all 
things  are  topsy-turvy ;  where  the 
trees  grow  with  their  branches 
downward,  and  where  it  rains,  hails 
and  snows  upward  ?  'J'he  idea  of 
the  roundness  of  the  earth,'  he 
adds,  '  was  the  cause  of  inventing 
this  fable  of  the  antipodes  with 
their  heels  in  the  air:  for  these 
philosophers  having  once  erred, 
go  on  in  their  absurdities,  defend- 
ing one  onother.'  More  grave  ob- 
jections were  urged  on  the  autho- 
rity of  St.  Augustine.  lie  pro- 
nounces the  doctrine  of  the  an- 
tipodes incompatilile  with  the  his- 
torical foundations  of  our  faith  ? 
since  to  assert  that  there  were  in- 
habited lands  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  globe,  would  be  to  maintain 
that  there  were  nations  not  de- 
scended from  Adam,  it  being  im- 
possible for  them  to  have  passed 
the  intervpning  ocean.  This 
would  be,  therefore,  to  discredit 
the  Bible,  which  expressly  de- 
clares, that  all  men  are  descended 
from  one  common  parent. 

"  Such  were  the  unlooked-for 


prejudices  which  Columbus  had 
to  encounter  at  the  very  outset  of 
his  conference,  and  which  certain- 
ly relish  more  of  the  convent  than 
of  the  university.  To  his  simplest 
proposition,  the  spherical  form  of 
the  earth,  were  o|»poMe(l  ligurutive 
texts  of  Scripturt!.  They  observed 
that  in  the  Punlms,  the  heavcrui 
aresuid  to  be  extended  like  a  hide, 
that  is,  occording  to  commenta- 
tors, the  curtoin,  or  covering  of.  a 
tent,  whi(!h,  among  ancient  pasto- 
ral nations,  was  formed  of  the 
hides  of  animals ;  and  that  9t. 
Paul,  in  his  epistle  to  the  He- 
brows,  compares  the  heavens  to  a 
tabernacle  or  tent,  extended  over 
the  earth,  which  they  thence  in- 
ferred must  be  flat.  Columbus, 
who  was  a  devoutly  religious 
man,  found  that  he  was  in  danger 
of  being  convicted,  not  merely  of 
error,  but  of  heterodoxy.  Others, 
more  versed  in  science,  admitted 
the  globular  form  of  the  earth, 
ond  the  possibility  of  an  opposittt 
and  inhabitable  hemisphere,  but 
they  brought  up  the  chimera  of 
the  ancients,  and  maintained  that 
it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive 
there  in  conse(|uence  of  the  insup- 
jiortable  heot  of  the  torrid  zone. 
Even  granting  this  could  be  pass- 
ed, they  observed,  that  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  earth  must  b* 
so  great  as  to  require  at  least  three 
years  for  the  voyage,  and  those 
who    should    undertake  it  must 


'•!*., 


iMk 


Line  AND  VOYAGES  Of 


ouArrnt  do  not  estimate,  as  I  do,  the  result  of  our  recent 

V 

'• — navigation  in  the  West.     With  your  well-known 

'  ^  skill  in  cosmography,  I  fear  me,  you  combine  mtirc 
of  doubt  than  would  be  becoming  to  a  Christian 
navigator. 

Americus. 

•^      .  #  . 

Your  Excellency  mistakes  my  views  greatly,  or 
has  been  misiuformed  of  them.  Far  from  under- 
valuing  the  effect  of  the  discoveries  which  your  ge- 
nius has  accomplished,  I  am  the  rather  disposed  to 
place  a  greater  estimate  upon  them,  than  does  the  Ad- 
miral Colon  himself.  If  I  judged  them  in  the  light 
in  which  they  are  viewed  by  the  most  of  those 
who  hope  to  profit  by  them,  then  indeed  the  impu- 
tation would  be  just,  considering  that  I  have  freely 
expressed  what  has  occurred  to  my  own  thoughts : 
but  I  look  not  to  such  things,  and  well  I  know  that 
your  own  mind  is  above  them. 

^  =^  '  Columbus. 

In  that  respect  you  do  me  but  justice.  If  I  look 
for  gain  in  aught  that  I  have  undertaken,  it  is  only 
that  I  may  devote  it  to  a  holy  purpose.     Have  I 


perish  of  hunger  and  thirst,  from 
the  impossibility  of  carrying  pro- 
visions for  so  long  a  period.  Ho 
was  told,  on  the  authority  of  Epi- 
curus, that  admitting  the  earth  to 
be  spherical,  it  was  only  inhabita- 
ble in  the  Northern  Hemisjihere, 
and  in  that  section  only  was  can- 
opied by  the  heavens;  that  the 
opposite  half  was  a  chaos,  a  gulf, 
or  a  mere  waste  of  water.    Not 


the  least  absurd  objection  advan- 
ced was,  that  should  a  ship  even 
succeed  in  reaching,  in  this  way, 
the  extremity  of  India,  she  could 
never  get  back  again,  for  the  ro- 
tundity of  the  globe  would  pre- 
sent a  kind  of  mountain,  up  which 
it  would  be  impossible  for  her  tc 
sail  with  the  most  favourable 
wind." — Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  627. 


AMBR10U8  VMPUOIUS.  J| 

tK>t,  even  within  the  la^t  few  days,  recorded  my  chaptrm 

Moleinn  oath  that  I  would,  in  the  event  of  my  pros '■ — 

perouH  arrival  at  the  wealthy  capital  of  the  (irand 
Khan,  (whom,  by  the  favour  of.Goil,  I  hope  to  con- 
vert to  the  true  faith),  employ  the  riches  I  shall 
acquire  in  the  equipment  of  a  force  of  four  thou- 
sand horse  and  fifty  thousand  foot,  for  the  recovery 
of  the  holy  sepulchre  fVom  the  hands  of  the  infidels  1 
I  am  unwilling  to  think  that  your  speech  tends  to 
the  end  of  imputing  to  me  mercenary  motives,  but 
wherein  do  we  differ  1  Is  not  the  way  opened,  and 
will  not  the  intercourse  I  mean  to  establish  with 
the  Pagan  monarch  contribute  greatly  to  the  pur- 
poses I  keep  in  view  1  The  holy  father  at  Rome 
himself  lends  me  encouragement  in  my  undertaking, 
and  regards  with  approbation  my  efforts  to  lead 
into  the  true  church  so  mighty  a  potentate.* 

Americus. 

With  all  the  deference  that  is  due  to  your  Excel- 
lency's superior  wisdom  and  expe*"i  .mce,  I  would 
state,  that  therein  lies  the  very  point  oi  cur  difference. 


1  ••  While  the  mind  of  Columbus 
was  thus  teeming  with  glorious 
anticipations,  his  pious  scheme  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sep- 
idchre  was  not  forgotten.  It  has 
been  shown  that  he  suggested  it 
tq  the  Spanish  sovereigns  at  the 
time  of  first  making  his  proposi- 
tions, holding  it  forth  as  the  great 
object  to  be  eilected  by  the  profits 
of  his  discoveries.  Flushed  with 
the  idea  of  the  vast  wealth  that  was 


now  to  accrue  to  himself,  he  made 
a  vow  to  furnish  within  seven 
years  an  army  consisting  of  four 
thousand  horse  and  fifty  thousand 
foot,  for  the  rescue  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  and  a  similar  force 
within  the  five  following  years. 
It  is  essential  to  a  full  comprehen- 
sion of  the  character  of  Columbus, 
that  this  wild  and  visionary  pro- 
ject should  be  borne  in  recollec- 
tion."— Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  680. 


LirR  AND  V0VAOR8  OT 


i 


uHAfTM  I  deem  it  by  no  meanM  certain  tlint  your  nliipM  hare 
•  touched  the  tcrritorieH  of  the  (inind  Khan  at  all, 
but  rather  a  land  which  has  hitherto  been  alike  un- 
known to. him  ind  to  ui.  ThouMandN  of  leo^uoii 
may  yet  intervene  between  that  land  and  liiH  do- 
minions, whether  of  sea  or  earth  remuinM  to  bo  dis- 
covered ;  and  I  jud^e  in  this  wise,  as  well  fmm  the 
accounts  of  cosmogru pliers,  who  have  writtjMi  upon 
the  Nubject,  as  from  the  description  of  the  barba- 
rous natives,  which   ycm  yourself   have  fallen  in 

\  with,  in  your  recent  discoveries.     The  accounts  of 

those  who  have  {KMietrated  to  the  distant  regions 
of  the  East,  lead  us  to  understand  that  the  subjects 
of  the  Cvrand  Khan  lire  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
profuse  wealth  and  luxury,  and  bedeck  themselves 
with  superfine  garments,  and  much  gold  and  jew- 
elry. These  people,  however,  are  naked  and  wild, 
and  may  be  looked  upon  as  little  superior  to  the 
beasts,  and  I  think  cannot  be  in  any  way  connected 
with  a  monarch  of  sucb  magnificence.  My  own 
thoughts  lead  me  to  the  conviction,  that  there  ex- 
ists near  unto  the  lands  you  have  visited,  an  im- 
mense country,  which  may  possibly  belong  to,  and 
be  part  of,  the  Khan's  dominions,  though  I  doubt  if 
such  be  the  case.  Marco  Polo  himself  speaks  of 
an  island  lying  far  out  in  the  ocean  which  washes 
the  eastern  shores  of  Asia,  the  great  Cipango, 
abounding  in  riches  and  precious  stones,  which  has 
never  been  subdued  by  the  sovereign  of  Cathay, 
although  he  has  made  many  attempts  to  conquer  it. 
'    f      This  island  I  deem  it  necessary  to  discover,  in  the 


k 


AMKK1C;(IM   VKSPUOIUf. 


finit  place ;  then,  cviui  after  it  in  circ.uiiinavigatcd  or  aiArm 

puMMiHl  over,  ftiui  the  hiitt  iimy  he  the  eaitieNt  way, ^— 

a  voyn^e  of  Unxf^  (luruti(Hi  will  Ntill  have  to  he  uc- 
coiiipliNlied  hefore  the  empire  of  Cathay  ih  reached. 
When  I  wpeak  of  n  paNNa^e  over  tluM  luiknown 
iHlaiid,  I  do  HO  in  view  of  itn  f^reat  extent,  aM  I  enti- 
ntate  it  t<»  lie  of  Nuch  HJ/e,  that  it  uii^ht  more  pn>p- 
erly  he  designated  Terra  l^'irma,  l>einff,  accordingly  to 
my  calculations,  as  lar^e,  if  not  larger,  than  the 
whole  of  Murope.  And  herein  do  I  eNtimate  inoMt 
highly  the  worth  of  the  discoverii's  which  your  ex- 
cellency ha»  made,  and  their  importance  to  this 
realm,  as  it  will  now  be  comparatively  easy  to  pasM 
the  lands  you  have  fallen  in  with,  by  sailing  either 
in  a  more  northerly  or  u  more  southerly  direction, 
in  either  case  striking  the  country  I  have  in  my 
n)ind.* 

V  CoLUMnus. 

Nay,  nay,  good  Signor  Vespucci,  I  have  the  con- 
fidence in  my  heart  that  you  are  mistaken.  I  feel 
persuaded,  by  the  many  and  wonderful  manifesta- 
tions of  Divine  Providence  in  my  especial  favour, 
that  I  am  the  chosen  instrument  of  God  in  bringing 


»  Vide  infra — Letter  to  Sude- 
rini,  chop,  vii, — where  Americus 
says,  "  Wo  sailed  so  rapidly  tliat 
at  the  end  of  twenty-seven  days 
we  Mine  in  sight  of  land,  whioh 
weJnSiged  to  be  a  continent,  being 
aboili'%  thousand  leogues  west  of 
the  Grand  Canaries,"  Sec. 

"  Unless  the  reader  bears  in 
mind  these  sumptuous  descriptions 


of  Marco  Polo,  of  countries  teem- 
ing with  wealth,  and  cities  whose 
very  domes  and  palaces  flamed 
with  gold,  he  will  have  but  a  faint 
iilca  of  the  splendid  anticipations 
of  Columbus  when  ho  discovered, 
as  ho  supposed,  the  extremity  of 
Asia." — Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  906. — 
Also,  vide  supra,  the  first  note  to 
this  Chapter. 


S 


t.iri  AND  VOYAOti  Of 


iMAmm  t(>  pnm  a  Kront  ovriit— no  itNit  lluin  tlit>  coiiTcniioii 
— — ^ —  of  iiiillioiiM  who  im*  iiow  cxiNtiiig  in  tin*  darkiicNN  of 
.^  l*ujU[aniMiii.'  I  wouKI,  imlcfd,  provitU*  for  tlir  gooU 
of  tilt'  iNNir  iiutivcN  wv  Uavvt  nirt'ady  int*t  with,  an 
well  hy  hiiitdiiiK  citicN  on  thrir  iNhindN,  und  culti- 
viitinju;  their  hindN,  nn  hy  the  enrtion  of  churchcii, 
nnd  the  eNtuhiiMhnient  «>f  holy  pricHm  nnd  C<liriMtian 
wonthip.  Hut  I  would  hy  no  nietuiN  fori(i't  the 
{(renter  end  in  view :  namely,  that  of  hrinfj;in|(  to 
iM'ar  upon  the  infideln  the  wealth  and  |M)wer  of  t\^e 
vaNt  kinfi^(h>ni  of  Cathay ;  that  tliux,  \m\\f^  eneom- 
paNited  on  all  liandM  hy  arniies  fn»n)  I'^urope  on  the 
one  Hide,  and  hy  the  intunnerahle  hoMtn  of  Ania  on 
the  other,  tliey  may  he  utterly  deMtroyed,  and  the 
tomh  of  our  Lord  he  a^ain  placed  in  the  poNNeNHion 
of  tnie  lielieverM.  I  will  not  think  that  mo  enlight- 
ened a  NovereiKn^iM  the  (irand  Khan  in  rcpretk^ntcd 
to  UH,  would  refuNe  to  Nuhniit  at  once  to  the  au- 
thority of  Holy  iMother  Church ;  hut  if  he  does,  it 
will  het'ome  our  duty  to  convert  him  hy  the  Nword 
of  faith.  In  thcHe  thingN  I  inanel  nuicli  at  your 
incredulity,  Signor  Vespucci,  Heeing  that  you  have 
had  oflen   opportunities  of  converNing  with    the 


#«*<*>»<^" 


•  On  one  (H-cnMion  tlurinf^  thn 
first  voyoKct  of  ColunibuH,  thoro 
was  a  heavy  swell  of  the  sou  du- 
ring a  perfect  fuliii,  0  phi-noiticniiii 
which  is  now  jM-rfictly  untlcrstm)«l 
by  mariniTM,  nnd  which  occurs  very 
frequently.  "Columhun,  whocoii- 
■idorod  himself  under  the  iminc- 
diate  eye  and  guardianship  of 
Heaven  in  the  suleinn  enterprise. 


intimates  in  his  journal  that  this 
sw(;llinK  of  the  w^a  sermcd  prov- 
identially ordered  to  allay  the  ri* 
sing  clamours  of  his  rrcw — com- 
parin;;  it  to  that  which  m*  jj^vU 
dentiully  aided  Momcs  wh«9  eon- 
ductin/K  the  children  of  Isriftl  out 
of  the  captivity  of  Egypt." — If 
ving,  vol.  ii.  [>.  643.  NavantU, 
torn.  i.  Journal  of  Columbua. 


%. ' 


'.m0^- 


S»    r 


t'      -^.^.*l. 


AMBMoui  vurutnui. 


loanic<l  pliyNiciiiii   ViutUt,  your  own  coiiiitrytnan,  vmat 
(|N*m'()  Ini  to  liiit  unIion,)  who,  in  liiit  liicliaie,  coin-  - 


09 


na 


^• 


cklctl  Ml  nuurl>  with  nic  in  opinion. 

.    AMKniiiJi. 

I  huvf,  ln(lr«<(l,  tin  your  Mxcclloncy  obwrvrn,  ofti'n- 
tinirit  (iiM|)Ut(ul  and  iirKUcd  with  tho  vcnonible  Ton- 
cunt'lli,  and  to  hini  iN  duo  much  of  (hu  littU^  knowl- 
(Hlfj;^  I  iuivo  h«'cn  ubU^  to  acquire  in  coNniof^raphy 
and  aNtnuioiny.  Hut  IVoni  him  I  alno  lcarni;d,  that 
the  dcNcriptionN  which  art)  given  hy  Marco  i*olo 
wen;  conwidcrtHl  by  numy  wiMc  nuMi  an  not  alto- 
gether beyond  tiie  reacli  of  doubt,  and  irr(>f'utal>Ie. 
And  even  to  liis  own  apprehenMion  then;  were 
many  appan>nt  exa^geratiouM  and  mis-NtatementN. 
If,  then,  lie  iH  in  error  in  ^<olne  particuhirN,  liow 
HJiall  wo  draw  tiie  line,  and  Nay  wherein  he  Npeaks 
tlie  truth  of  bin  own  knowU>dge  I  And  how  could 
he  know  the  distance  wliich  exists  between  Cathay 
and  tlu;  western  siiores  of  Europe,  save  by  hearsay 
and  the  reports  of  mariners  on  that  unknown 
shore,  who  (hemselvcH  nuist  have  been  fMlsifu'rs,  as 
it  is  well  known  that  not  one  of  them  has  ever  ap- 
peared here,  who  might  iiave  estinuited  the  distance  1 
I  cannot  think  that  wc  are  so  near  to  Cathay  as 
your  Excellency  supposes,  and  had  much  ratlier 
foUow  the  opinion,  that  you  have  possibly  ap- 
proached the  shore,  that  has  been  hitherto  repre- 
sented as  inaccessible  to  mortals.^ 

•  Both  Amcricus  ond  Culumbua    trine  of  the  existence  of  a  terre«- 
were  inclined  to  believe  in  the  doc-    trial  paradise.     With  Americua, 

12 


H^ 


sr.T'-sv 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  OF 


OHATTEB 
V. 


•w  " 


^^ 


Columbus. 

You  speak  of  the  Paradise,  which  so  many  sound 
and  able  divines  assert  to  be  still  in  existence  on 
the  earth. 

Americus. 

I  do;  though  not  as  firmly  believing  in  the  re- 
lation as  they  do.  If  there  is  such  a  place  existing 
as  is  described  by  the  eloquent  St.  Basil,  methinks 
it  must  be  near  unto  the  balmy  islands  which  you 
have  discovered,  so  similar  in  climate  and  ver- 
dancy. ^ 

Columbus. 

Such,  indeed,  has  often  been  my  ov^i  opinion, 
and  I  deem  it  not  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  other, 
which  holds  to  the  proximity  of  Cathay.  Oh  that 
I  might,  through  the  grace  of  God  and  intercession 
of  the  saints,  ever  arrive  at  that  blessed  spot,  where 


however,  it  was  rather  a  subject 
of  pleuHant  cuntcmplation  than  ac- 
tual belief.  He  spcuVs  respecting 
it  always  with  a  iiualification :  "  If 
there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on 
earth,  doubtless  it  cannot  be  fur 
from  these  places." — Vide  infra. 
Letter  to  Piero  de  Med'ci. 

Columbus,  on  the  contrary,  was 
full  of  enthusiasm  upon  the  sub- 
ject, and  looked  upon  it  as  having 
an  undoubted  existence.  These 
opinions  are  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  as  they  were  entertained  by 
many  philosophers  of  that  and  pre- 
vious ages.  The  most  fanciful 
accounts  were  given  of  this  imagi- 


nary spot  and  its  presumed  locali- 
ty.— Some  placed  it  in  the  grand 
oasis  of  Arabia,  others  in  the  Holy 
Land,  and  others  again  in  India. 
Wherever  located,  it  was  the  gar- 
den of  Eden,  and  the  waters  of 
the  great  fountain  therein,  are  said 
by  St.  Ambrose  to  have  emptied 
themselves  into  an  immense  lake, 
with  such  awful  noise  that  all  the 
people  living  in  the  neighbourhood 
were  bom  deaf.  Columbus  thought 
that  the  immense  mass  of  fresh 
water,  which  filled  the  Gulf  of 
Paria,  came  from  this  fountain.^ 
Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  922—924. 


AMBRIOUS  VESPUCIUS. 


M 


V. 


all  is  beauty  and  happiness ;  where  the  harmonious  ohattkr 
notes  of  the  birds  ever  fall  gratefully  on  the  ear ; 
where  the  air  is  filled  with  the  aroma  of  sweet 
flowers,  and  a  perpetual  spring,  combining  with  its 
own  beauties  those  of  every  other  season  of  the 
year,  continually  prevails ;  where  the  limpid  waters 
flow  smoothly  and  gently,  or  gush  forth  in  pure 
fountains,  ever  roady  for  the  thirsty  mouth,  the 
liquid  exhilarating,  but  never  cloying;  where  all 
is  perennial  youth,  and  neither  decay  nor  death  are 
known.  But  I  perceive,  Signor  Vespucci,  that  you 
are  incredulous,  also,  as  to  this  blissful  region,  and 
even  smile  at  my  belief.  Remember,  then,  that 
herein  I  only  follow  the  opinions  of  wise  and 
learned  fathers  of  the  church;  but  in  regard  to 
Cathay,  that  I  am  supported  by  ample  proof,  from 
the  discoveries  of  travellers  and  the  relations  of 
cosmographers. 

Americus. 

I  am  ever  willing  to  yield  to  proof;  but  methinks 
that  the  foundation  of  the  error  under  which  I  con- 
ceive your  Excellency  to  labour  is  this :  that  you 
do  not  make  a  sufficient  allowance  for  exaggeration 
in  the  accounts  of  the  great  traveller,  Marco  Polo. 
It  appears  to  me  that  he  has  deceived  himself  as  to 
the  extent  to  which  he  penetrated,  and  that  there- 
l?y  he  has  carried  out  the  eastern  coast  of  Cathay 
too  far  into  the  ocean.  That  being  done,  the 
learned  physician,  my  countryman,  in  following 
him,  finds  it  necessary  to  shorten  the  extent  of 


■"^f 


aHAFTER 

,     V. 


m' 


/iff^-^ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMERIOUS  VESPUCIUS.     . 

ocean,  which  intervenes  between  pathay  and  Eu* 
"  rope,  in  order  to  render  accurate  his  estimate  of  the 
circumference  of  the  globe. 

Columbus. 

I  note  your  objections,  but  cannot  deem  tliem 
correct,  and  yet  hope  to  deliver  the  letters  of  our 
sovereigns,  with  which  I  was  charged  in  my  receni 
voyage,  to  the  Grand  Khan  in  person.  But  let  us 
examine  accurately  into  this  question  of  longitude, 
for  therein  I  am  interested  deeply,  and  have  small 
doubt  that  I  can  turn  you  to  my  opinions. 

Americus. 

Most  gladly  will  I  d(>  so^  noble  Admiral,  for  I  am 
strongly  moved  to  tempt  the  ocean  myself,  in  the 
hope  of  adding  something  to  the  knowledge  of 
mariners. 

It  requires  but  a  slight  effort  of  the  imagination, 
to  fancy  the  two  great  navigators  seated  at  a  table 
covered  with  charts,  and  busily  occupied  in  explain- 
ing to  each  other  their  peculiar  views.  Intense 
thought  is  pictured  on  the  countenances  of  both. 
Both  are  striving  to  fill  up  the  vast  void  of  the  At- 
lantic, as  it  was  drawn  on  those  imperfect  maps, 
with  new  islands  and  continents,  and  as  the  world 
grows,  as  it  were,  beneath  their  hands,  they  seem 
themselves  half  amazed  at  the  boldness  of  their 
own  conceptions,  and  turn,  one  to  the  other,  for  en- 
couragement and  approval. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Death  of  Berardi. — Payments  to  Amorious. — Wreck  of  Fleet  fitted 
out  by  him. — Hi»  Letter  to  Soderini. — Motlesty  displayed  by  him. 
— Position  held  by  Americus  in  his  First  Voyage. — Cosmography 
of  Ilacomilo. — Bibliotheca  Riccordiuna. — Ren6,  Titukr  King  of 
Sicily  and  Jerusalem. — Date  of  the  Voyage. — Herrera's  State- 
ments.— The  Name  of  America. — Spanish  Archives. — Voyages  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda. — His  Evidence  in  the  Lawsuit  of  Don  Diego 
Columbus. — Silence  of  the  Cotemporary  Historians. — Negative  Ev- 
idence.— Extract  from  Gomara  on  the  Subject. — No  Disparagement 
of  Columbus. — Authenticity  of  the  Letters. — Feelings  of  Colum- 
bus.— His  Letter  respecting  Americus  to  his  Son. — General  Licen- 
ses of  the  Ctown  for  other  Voyages. 


\ 


Death  of 

Borurdi. 

1495. 


In  consequence  of  'the  death  of  Juan  Berardi,  chapter 
which  occurred  in  the  month  of  December,  1495,  ^'- 
the  entire  management  of  their  business  affairs  de- 
volved upon  Americus,  and  he  devoted  himself 
steadily  to  the  settlement  of  all  the  outstanding  ac- 
counts of  the  house,  while  he  continued  to  con- 
duct the  preparations  for  the  forwarding  of  new 
fleets  to  the  Indies.  The  researches  and  industry 
of  Navarrete  have  brought  to  light  many  documents 
bearing  upon  this  period  of  his  history.  The  pay- 
ment of  various  sums  of  money  in  liquidation  of  the 
old  demands  of  the  house,  and  orders  of  the  public 
officers  for  various  other  sums,  clearly  indicate  the 
occupation  of  his  time.  On  the  12th  of  January, 
1496,  Bernardo  Pinelo,  the  treasurer  of  the  king- 


j».%i<:^*' 


■w- 


!  ( 


fl  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

OHAPTEs  dom,  paid  to  Aincricus  the  sum  of  10,000  marave- 

'-^r-  dis,  on  account  of  the  pay  and  subsistence  of  the 

-r^  mariners  of  one  of  the  expeditions  which  Berardi 

had  forwarded.  An  annament  which  was  in  course 
of  preparation  at  the  time  of  his  partner's  death, 
under  the  contract  wliich  he  held  with  the  govern- 
ment, was  despatched  by  Amcricus  on  the  3d  of 
February,  149().  This  expedition,  on  the  18th  ol' 
the  same  month,  was  overtaken  by  a  violent  gale 
and  totally  wrecked  ;  the  crews,  with  the  exception 
of  three  men  who  were  lost,  barely  escaping  with 
their  lives.* 
i^tu-rtoPi.      When  the  public  records  cease  to  mention  the 

ero  Soderi- 

ni.fiiiingthe  name  of  Americus,  his  own  letter  to  Piero  Sodenni, 

gap  in  his 

••"tory.  his  old  schoolmate  and  friend,  wliich  is  given  in  the 
next  chapter,  and  which  describes  the  evcuits  of  the 
first  voyage  of  the  navigator  to  the  New  World,  op- 
portunely fills  up  the  gap  which  was  left  in  his  his- 
tory. There,  in  his  own  words,  exists  an  interest- 
ing and  minute  account  of  the  perils  of  the  iiaviga- 

>^si*<a  - '        tion  and  of  the  strange  countries  which  he  visited 

in  his  absence,  with  the  manners  and  customs  of 
their  inhabitants.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that 
the  modesty  of  the  writer  did  not  permit  him  to 
dwell  more  at  large  upon  his  own  personal  adven- 
tures, and  the  immediate  part  wliich  he  took  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  discoveries. 

There  is  no  way  of  determining  the  rank  or  posi- 
tion which  Americus  occupied  in  his  first  expedi- 

'  See  Translation  of  Documenta  from  tb*  Collection  of  Navarrdte 
— See  also  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  681. 


>6 


AMERIGUS  VESPUGIU8.  gg 

tion.    It  is  evident,  however,  from  his  own  letters,  chaptbk 

as  well  us  from  the  records  of  the  times,  that  he  did 

not  hold  the  command,  lie  says  himself  that  he 
was  chosen  to  " assist"  in  the  disco>eries  by  the 
Kin^  of  Spain,  and  that  expression  confirms  the 
view  whicji  is  taken  below,  that  he  accompanied 
the  fleet  as  an  aid  to  the  commanders  in  their  navi- 
gation, and  as  a  private  agent  of  the  king ;  that  he 
occupied  a  position  analogous  to  that  of  the  mem- 
bers of  scientific  corps,  who  are  usually  despatched 
at  the  present  day  in  exploring  voyages.  It  is  pos- 
sible, however,  that  he  might  have  held  a  recog- 
nized rank,  and  that  the  movements  of  the  ships 
might  have  been  in  some  measure  under  his  control, 
for  he  is  spoken  of  by  some  historians  who  have 
written  concerning  him,  as  "one  of  the  principal 
pilots  and  sea  captains.'" 

It  would  not  be  proper  to  lay  the  letter  of  Amer-  Proper  nd- 
icus  to  Piero  Soderini  before  the  reader,  without    letter  of 

Americiu 

noticing,  as  briefly  as  possible,  consistently  with  a 
fair  statement  of  the  case,  the  question  which  has 
been  discus^-ed  by  historical  critics,  touching  the  ac- 
curacy of  its  date  and  its  authenticity.  It  seems 
hardly  worth  while  to  enter  into  any  argument  re- 
specting the  direction  of  the  epistle,  although  this 
also  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dispute  among 
authors.  As  far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  the 
most  ancient  impression  of  the  letter  is  found  in  a 
volume  of  cosmography,  written  by  Martin  Ilaco- 


,/' 


•  — ^Xi 


■*».!« 


.^ 


^  Dissc-rtQzione    GiustificativQ,    torn.  iii.  p.  101. 
Questione  III.  sec.  25.    Canovai,    p.  833,  833. 


Giuntini,  torn.  ii. 


LIFE  AND  VOVAOES  OF 


VI. 


r"^'^^ 


CHAPTER  milo,  which  was  publiMlicd  in  Latin  at  Strasburg,  in 
tile  year  1509.  Neitiicr  of  tho  liiograplicrs,  Bandini 
or  Canovai,  appear  to  iiave  been  cognizant  of  this 
edition,  and  in  it  tlie  letter  is  addressed  to  RCn<^, 
Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and  King  of  Jerusalem 
and  Sicily.  All  tiie  letters  in  tiie  work  of  Dandini 
are  taken  from  records  in  tiie  celebrated  collection 
of  the  Bibliotheca  Riccardiana,  from  the  text  of 
Ramusio,  and  from  a  pamphlet  which  Canovai  calls 
the  edition  of  Valori.' 


'  V  -►  w 


'  Cnnovoi,  torn.  i.  p.  11.  The 
edition  of  Valori  was  a  pamphlet 
of  sixteen  mnps,  with  the  four  voy- 
ages of  Americus  attached  to  it, 
wliich  Canovai  found  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Marchese  Gino  Cup- 
poni,  wliom  he  describes  as  "  a 
great  and  very  studious  lover  of 
good  books."  He  says,  moreover, 
that  "  this  edition  exhibits  correc- 
tions in  various  places ;  and  time, 
and  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  fire,  has 
done  considerable  damage  to  the 
margin  of  many  pages."  He  calls 
it  "the edition  of  Volori,"  because 
Bacci  Valorii,  x''W»  was  found 
written  on  the  title-j>age.  Ramu- 
sio, in  the  first  volume  of  his  col- 
lection of  voyages,  preserves  the 
two  voyages  of  Americus  in  the 
service  of  Portugal  and  the  second 
letter  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 

Rdne  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  was  bom  in  the  year  1451, 
and  succeeded  his  grandfather 
Nicholas  on  the  throne  of  the 
duchy  in  1473.  This  prince  was 
much  celebrated  in  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  He  was  more 
than  once  expelled  from  his  do- 


minions by  the  Duke  of  Burgun- 
dy, with  whom  he  carried  on  con- 
tinual wars,  which  ended  at  last 
in  the  death  of  his  rival,  in  a  fierce 
battle  fought  under  the  walls  of 
his  capital,  Noncy.  In  the  year 
1486,  the  Neapolitan  nobility,  who 
were  in  insurrection  against  their 
king,  Ferdinond,  otlered  him  the 
throne  of  that  kingdom.  He  made 
an  attempt  to  take  possession  of  it 
aided  ))y  French  troops,  but  was 
obliged  to  return  without  success 
to  his  own  domains,  in  consequence 
of  troubles  which  the  King  of 
France  caused  there.  Neverthe- 
less, he  assumed  the  title  of  King 
of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  and  quar- 
tered their  arms  with  his  own. 
It  was  but  an  empty  title,  how- 
ever, for  he  never  succeeded  in  es- 
tablishing his  claims.  He  dii'd  on 
the  10th  of  December,  ir>08. 

This  Prince  was  noted  as  well 
for  his  love  of  literature  as  liir 
the  prowess  of  his  arms,  and  ren 
dertd  his  capital  and  court  u  fa- 
vourite resort  for  learned  men  of 
all  countries.  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  be  caused  the  pub- 


■  ■< 


AMERICU8  VE8PUCIUS.  ff 

Baridini  considere  it  useless  to  speculate  upon  chaptwi 

this  subject  of  the  direction,  and  accounts  for  the — 

fact  that  it  is  dilVerent  in  different  copies,  by  sup- 
posing that  after  the  original  had  been  sent  to  So- 
derini,  Aniericus  forwarded  copies  to  various  friends 
and  persons  of  quality,  one  of  which  was  afterwards 
published  by  tlLt;  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  as 
directed  to  himself.  Navarrete  adopts  the  Latin 
edition  above  mentioned,  and  gives  tlie  same  ad- 
dress, but  it  is  said  that  since  the  publication  of  his 
collection  of  voyages,  the  original  Latin  manuscript 
itself  has  been  discovered  among  the  scrolls  of  the 
Riccardi  palace,  which  is  directed  to  Soderini.  As 
far  as  any  judgment  can  be  Ibrmed  from  the  inter- 
nal evidence  of  the  document  itself,  the  address  was 
that  which  is  given  in  this  work,  for  it  speaks  of 
the  old  student-friendship  of  the  writer  with  his 
correspondent,  in  a  manner  which  he  would  not 
have  been  likely  to  have  made  use  of  toward  a  per- 
son of  a  royal  birth.* 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  critics  as  to  the  Authentid- 
•'  *  ty  of  tho  let- 

address,  the  authenticity  of  the  letter  itself  is  un-  '^^""gj^J^ 

doubted.     No  one  undertakes  to  question  that  it  ^"^n!^^' 

was  written  by  Americus  liimself;  and,  until  the 

publication  of  the  History  of  Herrera,  in  1601,  it 

was  received  by  all  literary  and  scientific  men  as 

an  accurate  and  veracious  account.     That  writer 

lication  of  the  accounts  of  Atner-  from  St.  Allai's  L'Art  de  verifier 

icu8,  as  addressed  to  himself,  with  les dates  desfaits  Historiques,  torn, 

a  view  of  adding  to  his  literary  xiii.  p.  410 — 412. 
celebrity. — ChronologieHistorique        i  Letter  to  Soderini,  chap.  vii. 
ties  Itois  et  Dues  de  Lorraine, 

13 


I; '3 


^  LIFE  AND  V0YA0B8  OF 

oHAmiR  asserted,  without  a  particle  or  proof,  ana  on  his 
'■  own  unsupported  autiiority,   that  Vespucius  had 

'.^•s  artiL'Uy  and  wilfully  IhlHificd  in  his  narrative,  and 
that  he  did  ho  witli  the  view  of  Hteuliii^  from  Co- 
lumbus the  honour  of  being  the  discoverer  of  the 
continent  of  America,  changing,  for  this  purpose, 
the  date  of  his  first  voyage,  froiM  1499  to  1497. 
Spanish  authors  of  that  day,  and  ever  since,  have 
gladly  seized  upon  this  charge,  and  given  it  cur- 
rency in  their  writings ;  while  foreign  historians, 
from  indiflference  to  the  subject,  or  want  of  means 
of  correct  information,  circulated  the  slander.  In 
this  way  it  became  the  generally  received  opinion 
of  the  world,  and  mo^t  people  consider  Americus 
Vespucius  as  little  better  than  an  impostor,  while 
the  few  who  acquit  him  of  intentional  fraud,  attrib- 
ute the  mistake,  as  they  are  pleased  to  consider  it, 
to  an  error  of  the  press,  or  some  similar  accident. 
Hirtoricai      This  latter  class  of  critics,  as  well  as  the  malign- 

•vidence  of  '^ 

*ofA"™'  ^^  ^^  *'^*®  navigator,  assume,  that  one  of  the  princi- 
•"^  pal  effects  of  this  change  of  date  was,  to  confer 
upon  the  new  continent  the  name  of  America. 
That  this,  at  least,  was  not  the  case,  will  be  satis- 
factorily shown  to  the  reader  in  another  place.  If 
a  plausible,  though  hardly  a  fair  argument,  had 
been  wanting  to  substantiate  the  accuracy  of  Amer- 
icus, surely  the  fact  that  his  name  was  attached  to 
the  New  World  so  soon  after  his  voyages,  might 
be  adduced,  and  brought  to  bear  with  much  more 
force  in  liis  favour  than  it  could  ever  be  used 
against  him.    But  it  is  much  more  satisfactory  and 


V 


AMRRICUS  VRSPUC1U8. 


convincing  to  examine  the  proof  which  history  ctuptu 
(iflbrdM,  tiian  to  Hpecuiatc  up<jn  prohabilitied.  The  -r— — 
Spanish  archives  of  the  day  make  no  mention  of  .  ^  . 
Amoricus  after  tiie  year  149G,  until  1505,  un  inter- 
val of  about  eigiit  years ;  while,  both  before  that 
inten'al  and  subsequently,  his  name  appears  very 
often  in  the  documents  which  liave  been  brought  to 
light.  If  he  did  not  sail  in  1407,  why  did  not 
Herrera  iniorm  the  world  how  and  in  what  way  he 
was  occupied  from  that  time  till  14991  That  his- 
torian and  Navarrfite,  who  follows  in  his  footsteps, 
admit  his  connexion  with  Berardi,  the  a;;cnt  of 
the  fleets  of  Columbus,  and  the  latter  finds  evidence 
of  his  continued  connexion  with  the  business,  but 
only  until  1496.  Now  Columbus  sailed  in  1498, 
and  it  is  probable  that  Americus  would  have  aided 
in  the  fitting  out  of  his  third  voyage,  as  he  did  of 
the  second,   had  he  been  in  Spain  at  the  time.  » 

Herrera  himself,  though  accusing  Americus  of  un- 
blushing impudence  and  fraud,  copies  the  principal 
portion  of  his  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  of  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda,  from  the  letter  to  Soderini.  He  niingles 
in  his  account  many  of  the  occurrences  of  the 
second  voyage  of  Americus,  with  matters  relating 
exclusively  to  Ojeda;  and  then,  being  unable  to 
deny  that  the  Florentine  navigator  actually  made 
two  voyages,  in  the  service  of  Spain,  makes  Ameri- 
cus accompany  Ojeda  in  the  second  voyage  of  the 
latter,  which  took  place  in  1502.  But  in  1502  it 
appears,  from  indisputable  evidence,  the  authority 
of  Gomara  and  many  others,  besides  that  of  the 


i.,-i.--         -ui- 


400 


IIVK  AND  VOVAaCfl  Of 


lumbtM. 


0H\rrKR  iiavigaior  liiiiiHoli;  tliut  Aiiiericus  was  in  the  service 

VI. 

of  Fortu^ul.  ».  .  r  ..       V     •>• 

BjWj|ne«^r  The  evidence  Ojcda  ^ave  in  the  lawNuit  which 
g^|.^'  the  Bon  of  CulunibuH,  Don  Diego,  commenced  Viller 
the  death  of  hin  father,  and  prosecuted  against 
the  crown  of  Spain,  is  much  relied  upon  to  prove 
inaccuracy  in  the  date  of  this  letter.  Ho  teHtifieM, 
that  when  he  nailed  in  141)1),  *'hc  took  with  him 
Juan  de  la  Cosa,  Amcricus  Vespucius,  and  other 
pilots."  Admitting  that  Americus  did  sail  with 
Ojedu  at  this  time,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  he 
did  not  make  a  previous  voyage  in  1497,  and  it  is 
unfair  to  infer  that  he  did  not.  The  silence  of  the  co- 
temporary  historians  of  the  day,  with  respect  to  this 
voyage,  is  the  main  reliance  of  Dr.  Robertson,  when 
he  follows  the  lead  of  Hcrrera.  Gomara,  Benzoni, 
Peter  Martyr,  and  Oviedo  do  not,  it  is  true,  mention 
the  fact  of  this  discovery  in  1497 ;  but  if  an  argu- 
ment drawn  iVom  this  source  proves  any  thing,  it 
undoubtedly  proves  too  much.  Neither  Gomara 
nor  Oviedo  allude  at  all  to  the  voyages  of  Ojeda, 
any  more  than  they  do  to  the  voyages  of  Americus, 
yet  it  is  universally .  admitted  that  both  of  these 
mariners,  either  singly  or  in  company,  did  make 
two  voyages  to  the  New  World  at  about  this  time. 
Martyr  also  neglects  Ojeda  more  than  he  does 
Americus,  and  only  speaks  of  the  third  voyage  of 
the  navigator,  which  was  performed  in  the  service 
of  the  King  of  Portugal,  while  he  omits  the  com- 
panion of  Columbus  altogether.  Benzoni  did  not 
pretend  to  write  a  history  of  the  discovery,  but 


i,iiV^--I:_it,*.'=-,< 


A* 


AMBRIOt't  VMPUOIUB. 


101 


m^mly  gives  an  account  of  what  he  himiielf  law  oNArrM 

anil  did  when  he  vvfiit  tt>  the  New  World  in  1541, '■ — 

nearly  half  a  (tentiiry  atlcr  tht^  diHputed  event.'  A 
Nolution  of  thiM  dilliculty  may  he  found  in  the  ittate- 
mcnt  of  (toinnra  hinmelf,  who  Mayo:  "Learning 
that  the  territorieN  whicli  ChriNtopher  ColuinhuM 
had  diHi'overed  were  very  exteuHive,  many  perw>nH 
proceeded  to  continue  the  i>xploralion  of  them. 
Some  went  at  their  own  expenMe,  (»therN  at  that  of 
the  king ;  all  thinking  to  enrich  ihenmelveM,  to  ac- 
quire honour,  and  to  gain  the  royal  appn)hation. 
But  as  nioMt  of  theHe  pcraouH  did  notiiing  but  dis- 
cover, memorials  of  all  of  them  have  not  come 
to  my  knowkuige,  especially  of  those  who  sailed 
towards  the  north,  nor  even  of  all  those  who  went 
in  the  direction  of  Paria,  from  the  year  1495  to  the 
year  1500."? 

Another,   and  perhaps  the   strongest  argument  AbMncenc 
adduced  by  the  followers  of  Herrera  to  support  their  »i»e  i»wiuii 

•'  »  *  M  but  n«n- 

views,  is  taken  from  the  absence  of  any  testimo-   "j,"^*^ 
ny  in  the   same   lawsuit   concerning  the  alleged 
discoveries  of  Americus.    The  object  of  this  pro- 


>  Robertson,  History  of  Ameri- 
ca, vol.  i.  noto  22. 

a  Qomara,  Historia  <lo  las  Iti- 
dias,  chap,  xxxvi.,  from  Barcia's 
£arly  Historiusof  the  West  Indies, 
vol.  ii. 

"  £nteDdicndo(|uan  f^randissimas 
tierras  eran  las  que  Christoval  Co- 
lon descubria,  fueron  muchos  a  con- 
tinuar  el  descubrimiento  de  todas ; 
nnos  &  sua  coste,  otros  d  la  del 
Rey,  y  todos  pensando  eariquecer, 


ganar  fama,  y  mcdr&r  con  los 
Reyes.  Pero  conio  los  mas  de 
cllos  no  hicicron  sino  desnubrir,  y 
gastarsc,  no  qucdo  mcmoria  de  to- 
dos,  quo  yo  scpa:  capcciulmentQ 
do  los  que  navegaron  ucia  rl  norte, 
— ni  aun  de  todos  los  que  fueron 
por  la  otra  parte  do  Paria,  desde 
el  aflo  de  mil  quatro-cicntos  y  no- 
vcnta  y  cinco  hasta  el  do  mil  y 
quinientos." 


lot 


uric  AM)   VOYAdKll  Of 


oNArrM  (herding,  nil  Uir  part  of  I  Km  l)U»g()  ('olumbui,  wm 
— -— —  U)  olitftiii  frimi  Ui4»  t'n>wii  llu»  ^ovrriiiiiciit  of  cer- 
.  tain  territorirH  cm  thr  iiiuinlniHl  of  Aiiirricn,  timl  a 
uUnrvi  of  tho  rt'viMiiu*  uriNiiiK  Ihuii  tlinii,  acconliiiK 
to  tliu  NtipiilutioiiN  of  tlu>  Kovrriiiiicnl  wi(ii  hi» 
lUtliur ;  mid  tlit;  crown,  in  contt'Mtin^  tliiM  cluini,  tiro 
MU|>|M>N(>(I  to  have  liroiigtit  forwanl  all  |N»NNil>U>  prtMif, 
tiiat  ColuiiihiiN  liid  not  diNcovor  tlic  <'oaNt  of  I'aria. 
In  tliis  trial  nearly  otic  liiiiidrrd  wUhonm'm  wcro 
exaniini'd  tm  oath,  yet  no  nicnlioii  m  tiiado  of  the 
voyaf^o  of  AnirriniM  in  lli)7,  l>ut  on  tlu>  contrary, 
Ojeda  tcMtifieH  directly  that  C'olundniM  dJNcovcred 
Paria.  On  bein^  a.skod  how  he  knew  tliix,  he  w- 
plied  that  ho  lia\l  seen  the  map  which  CohunhnH 
went  home  to  the  ^overmnent,  of  the  lands  he  had 
discovered  in  Mi)H,  and  immediately  ntarted  hiniNelf 
on  u  voyage  of  exploration,  on  which  he  used  the 
map,  and  foniid  it  to  he  correct.  It  is  ur^ed  that 
Ojeda  must  have  known  the  fact,  if  Vespucius  had 
made  a  previous  discovery,  because  he  accompanied 
iiiin  in  14U9 :  and  the  crown  must  have  known  it 
also,  and  would  have  insisted  upon  it  in  this  suit,  if 
it  tiad  ever  taken  place.* 

All  this  is  but  negative  evidence  at  the  best,  and 
should  weigh  but  lightly  against  the  positive  state- 
ments of  one  whose  integrity,  grwd  sense,  and  char- 
acter are  unquestionable.  It  is  easy  to  conceive 
of  numerous  reasons  which  might  have  prevented 
the  government  from  bringing  forward  evidence  of 
this  voyage ;  and  the  very  fact  that  Ojeda  navigated 

■  Navarr^te,  Cullccciun,  dec,  torn.  iii.  p.  639. 


Amcmctn  vMPUoiuii. 


109 


(IIAPTM 


in  HfK),  with  a  chari  H  uoh  C'oIiiiiiImin  IiikI  M*nt 
liiuiH*  ill  1498,  whilp  Aiiicrii'iiN  liiiiiiM'll'  wiin  oii 
iNNinl  of  liiN  ilei*t,  may  \\avv  lu'oii  the  rniMMi  wliirli 
UmI  him  to  liNik  u\Km  l/olumtuiM  us  it«)  (irNt  «iiNt'ov< 
crcr,  iititl  to  tor^fl  tht>  dati*  of  tlio  rxprditioii  of 
AmericiiN  in  1 11)7,  wliii-li,  uccoriiiuK  to  tiiv  Ntatr- 
inrnt  of  (itimi^ni,  wtiN  oiit>  out  of  iimny  tiiut  wcrr 
uti(t<  rtakni  uliotit  tliiit  time.  It  iiiunI  not  ix*  Oir- 
f{otti*n,  that  thin  t'vitU'ncc  wun  Kivcu  in  thi*  hittrr 
)>art  of  ihc  year  1512,  luul  thi*  commt'ncrmiMit  oi' 
inii),  uflcr  the  death  of  Anu'ririm  hud  taken  place, 
and  at  a  diMtance  of  nearly  filleen  ycurN  from  the 
dutoot'  the  eventN  concerninK  which  Ojeda  teMlilieN.' 

After  all  that  can  he  naid,  it  in  unimi)ortant  to  come  a  •imiIimi 
to  any  decision  on  thi.s  ixiint.     I'^ven  if  Aiiuticun  »•''>  >■  "A" 
did  diMCover  the  mainland  hefore  C/'olumhiiN  hy  a      •'■'■ 
few  month.H,  the  fact  takes  nothing  fn)m  the  name 
and  fame  of  that  ^reat  man.     He  at  any  rate  ar- 
rived at  the  continent  without  a.s.^^istance  from  any 
source  but  Iuh  own  Ntren^th  of  mind,  and  to  him,    ^ 
whatever  may  have  heen  the  f((md  fortune  of  any    '-•- 
of  \\\h  cotem|M)rarieH,  helon^.s  the  f;l<»ry  of  the  p;rand 
discovery  of  a  New  World.     The  first  ji;lini|)Mc  that 
he  obtained  of  the  luxuriant  islands  of  the  Western 
Ocean  remhTed  him  immortal,  and  uU  subsequent 
discoveries  followed  his  own  almost  as  a  matter  of 
course. 

The  character  and  renown  of  Columbus  belong 
to  the  world,  and  it  is  impossible  to  sympathize 
with  any  of  those  historians  who  strive  to  depre< 

'  Navarriitc,  torn.  iii.  p.  638. 


■    i 


104 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


CHAPTER  ciate  either,  for  the  sake  of  exalting  a  favourite  or 
— • — '■ —  fellow-countryman  of  their  own.  Aniericus  needs 
no  such  advocacy,  and  the  subject  has  been  consid- 
ered in  the  foregoing  pages  solely  to  relieve  his 
character  from  the  gross  aspersions  which  have 
been  cast  upon  it,  by  those  who  foolishly  consider 
this  secondary  question  as  one  affecting  materially 
the  reputr*tion  of  Columbus.  "  In  fact,"  as  is  well 
obsei*ved  by  tlie  distinguished  author  of  tiie  life  of 
the  great  Admiral,  "  the  European  who  first  reached 
the  mainland  of  the  New  World  was  most  probaWy 
Sebastian  Cabot,  a  native  of  Venice,  sailing  in  the 
employ  of  England.  In  1497  he  coasted  the  shores 
from  Labrador  to  Florida,  yet  neither  the  English 
nor  the  Venetians  have  set  up  any  pretensions  on 
his  account."* 
General  ar-      It  is  mucli  Hiorc  charitable  to  attribute  an  error 

gumeiiU  in 

wcura/  ^of  ^"  ^^^  ^^^*^  ^^  *'^^  ^^^^  voyage,  if  the  reader  can  sup- 
Americus.  p^gg  j^j^y  ^.^^jj  j^j  exist,  after  a  candid  consideration 

of  the  arguments  on  both  sides  of  the  question,  to 
the  negligence  of  the  early  publishers,  rather  than 
to  a  wilful  deception  on  the  part  of  the  writer.  It 
would  have  been  strange  indeed,  had  he  attempted 
any  misrepresentation  of  the  kind.  The  letters  are 
universally  acknowledged  to  have  been  written  with 
the  pen  of  Aniericus  himself;  they  purport  to  be  the 
account  of  an  eyewitness  of  the  events  which  he 
describes  ;  they  were  addressed  to  persons  of  great 
celebrity  in  the  world,  whom  it  certainly  would 
have  been  a  hard,  if  not  a  perilous  task,  to  deceive ; 

'  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  886. 


I 


t, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

they  give  full  accounts  of  events  which,  from  their  chapteii 

extraordinary  nature,  must  have  flown  upon  the '• — 

wings  of  the  wind  to  the  remotest  quarters  of  civil- 
ized Europe;  if  falsified  in  any  particular,  there 
were  hundreds  who  stood  ready  to  contradict  and 
expose  to  public  indignation  their  author ;  yet  that 
author  occupies,  for  years  after  the  contested  ac- 
counts are  published  and  translated  into  various 
tongues,  a  high  and  responsible  post  at  the  court  in 
whose  service  the  voyage  in  question  was  made. 
No  voice  is  raised  to  condemn  the  shameless  im- 
postor; for  such  Americus  must  have  been,  if  his 
calumniators  spoke  the  truth ;  but  so  fui-  from  it,  the 
very  man  whose  honours  and  merits  he  was  en- 
deavouring to  appropriate  remains  his  warm  friend, 
and  commends  him  to  his  own  son,  in  a  letter 
which  has  been  fortunately  preserved  to  us,  as  oije 
well  entitled  to  his  esteem  and  affection. 

Can  any  one  suppose  that  Columbus  would  have   Letter  of 

,  1-11  1-1  Columbus 

written  a  letter  like  the  one  which  follows,  con-  highly  com- 

inending 

cetning  a  man  who  was  wickedly  engaged  in  in-  Amencui. 
juring  the  reputation  so  dear  to  him  1 

To  my  very  dear  Son,  Don  Diego  Columbus. 

At  tliG  Court. 

My  dear  Son, 

Diego  Mendez  departed  from  this  place  on  Mon- 
day, the  third  of  this  month.  After  his  departure,  I 
held  converse  with  Americus  Vespucius,  the  bearer 
of  this  letter,  who  goes  to  court  on  some  business 
connected  with  navigation.     He  has  always  been 

14 


*■> 


;. 


■  f 


ill  :• 


106 


LIFE  AND  VOVAOES   OF 


CHAPTER  desircus  of  serving  iiic,  and  is  an  honourable  man, 

Vf 

'■ —  though  fortune  has  been  unpropitious  to  him,  as  to 

many  others,  and  his  labours  have  not  been  as  prof- 
itable as  he  deserves.  He  goes  on  my  account,  and 
with  a  great  desire  to  do  something  which  may  re- 
dound to  my  advantage,  if  it  is  in  his  power. 

I  know  not,  here,  wiiat  instructions  to  give  him 
that  will  benefit  me,  because  I  am  ignorant  what 
will  be  required  there.  He  goes  determined  to  do 
for  me  all  that  is  possible.  See  what  can  be  done 
to  advantage  there,  and  labour  for  it,  that  he  may 
know  and  speak  of  every  thing,  and  devote  himself 
to  the  work;  and  let  every  thing  be  done  with  se- 
cresy,  that  no  suspicions  may  arise.  I  have  said  to 
him  all  that  I  can  say  touching  the  business,  and 
have  informed  him  of  all  the  payments  which  have 
been  made  to  me,  and  what  is  due. 

This  letter  is  intended  also  for  the  Adelantado, 
that  he  may  avail  himself  of  any  advantage  and  ad- 
vice on  the  subject.  His  highness  believes  that  his 
ships  were  in  the  best  and  richest  portion  of  the 
Indies,  and  ii"  he  desires  to  know  any  thing  more  on 
the  subject,  I  will  satisfy  him  by  word  of  mouth, 
for  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  tell  by  letter.  May 
our  Lord  have  you  in  his  holy  keeping.  Done  at 
Seville,  February  5th,  1505. 

Thy  father,  who  loves  thee  better  than  himself, 

Christopher  Columbus.*    • 


»  Navarr^te,  torn.  i.  p.  351 .  Irv-        The  signature  of  Columbus  ia 
ing,  vol.  ii.  p.  882.  curious.    It  is  written  thus,  ap- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


lUF 


In  rescuing  this  letter  from  the  dust  of  the  Span-  chaptmi 

ish  arcliives,  Navarr^te  has  done  good  service  in ' — 

the  cause  of  truth,  and  furnished  an  important  link 
in  the  chain  of  evidence  which  will  establish,  it  is 
trusted  satisfactorily,  in  the  mind  of  the  reader,  the 
credibility  of  Americus.    But  if  any  thing  be  still  ^ 

wanting  to  confirm  him  in  such  an  opinion,  the  fact 
that  Fernando  Columbus,  the  biographer  of  his  fa- 
ther, who  throughout  his  work  gives  constant  proof 
of  his  sensitiveness  with  regard  to  anything  touch- 
ing the  honour  and  renown  of  the  Admiral,  makes 
not  the  slightest  mention  of  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  Americus  to  appropriate  to  himself  any  por- 
tion of  his  father's  fame.  Is  it  probable,  that  he 
would  have  passed  it  over  in  silence,  had  such  an 
attempt  been  made  7 

As  far  as  was  possible,  a  candid  statement  of  the  General  Li- 

cence  grant* 

pomt  m  dispute,  with  the  reasoning  on  both  sides  ^  by  *e 
of  the  question,  has  been  given,  and  with  but  one  other  voy 


.<"v^ 


pended  to  this  letter  as  well  &s 
other  documents. 
S. 

S.  A.  S 

X  M  Y 
XPO  FERENS 
In  the  early  ])art  of  his  life  Co- 
lumbub  subscribed  himself,  Colum- 
bus de  Terra  Rubra,  according  to 
the  history  of  Fernando  his  son, 
but  when  he  had  acquired  celebri- 
ty, he  adopted  the  form  above.  A 
great  many  opinions  have  been 
formed  as  to  the  meaning  of  these 
characters,  which  are  an  incon- 
gruous mixture  of  Greek  and  Lat- 


in, savouring  very  strongly  of  the 
pedantry  of  his  times.  Xristr^, 
Sancta  Maria,  Josephus,  is  one 
reading;  Salva  me  Xristus,  Maria, 
Josephus,  another.  Neither  ap- 
pears very  satisfactory,  and  the 
reader  has  the  same  right  to  exer- 
cise his  ability  in  deciphering  it, 
and  may  arrive  as  nearly  at  the 
truth  as  any  conjectures  of  the 
critics  will  lead  him.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly a  pious  exclamation, 
which  it  was  very  customary  in 
those  days  to  prefix  to  writings  as 
well  as  signatures. — Fernando  Co- 
lumbus,  chap.  xi. 


-v' 


1   »  ■; 


Mrrv:'."  .'» 


lue 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


cuAPTEn  additional  suggestion,  the  subject  will  be  dropped. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  for  a  nuiuhei'  of  yean* 

previous  to  his  departure  upon  his  third  voyage, 
Columbus  was  annoyed  and  persecuted  by  the 
attacks  of  his  enemies  at  court,  and  by  the  doubts 
and  vacillation  of  King  Ferdinand  ;  and  as  Herrera 
emphatically  declares,  he  made  frequent  remon- 
strance against  the  various  expeditions  which  were 
undertaken,  under  the  general  license  which  had 
beeii  given  by  the  crown  for  private  adventurers,  to 
prosecute  discoveries  in  the  Indies,  and  only  suc- 
ceeded, after  long  solicitation,  in  obtaining  a  small 
squadron  for  his  enterprise  in  1498.  There  is 
nothing  to  contradict  the  supposition  that  the  expe- 
dition of  Americus  was  one  of  those  which  the 
Admiral  supposed  to  interfere  with  his  own  rights : 
a  private  undertaking  altogether,  but  at  the  same 
time  one  in  which  Vespucius  went,  at  the  command 
of  the  king,  to  "  assist  in  the  discoveries."  With 
this  view  of  the  case,  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the 
non-appearance  of  any  public  documents  in  the 
archives  relating  to  the  voyage. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Piero  S(Klcrini. — His  Character. — Elected  Qon- 
fuloniere  of  Florence. — Ilis  Fall  and  Hiinisliment. — His  Death  at 
Rome. — Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  ilfscriljiiij;  his  First  Voyage. — 
His  Reasons  for  Writing. — Suils  from  Cudi/,  Mny  lOth,  141)7. — 
Arrives  at  the  Grand  Canuritis. — Arrives  at  the  New  World. — Ap- 
pearance of  the  Inhabitants. — Snils  along  the  Coast. — Their  Weap- 
ons and  their  Wars. — Mode  of  Life. — Religion  und  Laws. — Their 
Riches. — Their  System  of  Physic. — Buriul  Rites. — Their  F(M)d. — 
Ignami. — Finds  trifling  Indications  of  Oold. — Venezuela. — Treoch- 
ery  of  the  Inhabitants. — Fight  with  them. — Five  Prisoners. — Their 
Artful  Escape. — Singular  Animals. — Fish  made  into  Flour. — Amer- 
icus  received  by  another  Tribe  with  great  Honour. — Laughable  Oc- 
currence.— Establishes  Baptismal  Fonts. — Lariub. — Connibalism. — 
Repairing  the  Ships. — Sail  for  the  Islonds. — Battle  with  the  Natives. 
— Slave  Prisoners. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  15th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1498. 


PiERO  SoDERiNi,  to  wliom  the  following:  letter  was  chaptek 

'  "  VII. 


Sketch  of 


tun. 


addressed  by  Americus,  was  born  in  Florence,  in 

the  year  1450.     He  was  the  son  of  Tomaso  Sode-  »!«'  Lire  of 

•'  Piero  Sncle- 

rini,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  a  previous 
chapter,  and  was  educated  by  the  good  Friar  Geor- 
gio  Antonio,  in  company  with  the  navigator.  As 
he  grew  up,  the  friendship  which  subsisted  between 
the  two  young  men  was  strengthened  by  a  great 
similarity  of  character  in  many  respects.  Both 
were  devotedly  attached  to  their  country,  and  both 
lived  to  do  it  honour. 

When,  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Lorenzo  the 


..  .J 


110 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


^ 


cHAPTEn  Map;nifi(;cnt,  the  Florcntinos  rt'tunicd  to  their  an 

VII. 

'■ —  cicnt  democratic  form  of  j^ovenimeiit,  and  expelled 

l*iero,  liis  son,  with  all  tlie  memhers  of  that  power- 
ful family  from  the  city,  they  sought  ainoiig  their 
distinguished  citizens  for  one  whom  they  might 
trust  to  restore  aad  j)reserve  their  rights  and  liher- 
tics.  The  stale  was  in  great  confusion  and  anarchy, 
and  it  hehooved  them  to  select  for  their  chief  miigis- 
trate  a  man  of  undoubted  patriotism,  who  would 
administer  the  laws  with  prudence  and  firnmess. 
After  much  deliberation,  their  choice  fell  upon  Picro 
Soderini.  His  known  probity,  his  wealth,  his  love 
for  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  the  prominent  part  he 
took  in  the  measures  which  resulted  in  the  revolu- 
tion, all  influenced  hi;  election,  and,  on  the  UJth  of 
August,  1502,  he  was  imanimously  called  to  preside 
over  the  destinies  of  the  republic,  with  the  title  of 
Perpetual  Gonfaloniere. 

HtaChamc-  The  character  of  Soderini  was  too  mild  and  amia- 
ble to  allow  him  to  abuse  the  privileges  of  his  high 
station.  On  the  contrary,  he  hardly  insisted  sufli- 
ciently  upon  his  rights,  to  ensure  the  stability  of  his 
power.  He  loved  to  lend  his  patronage  (o  men  of 
letters  and  artists,  and  his  palace  was  thronged  with 
all  the  sculptors  and  painters  of  the  day  who  had 
attained  any  celebrity  in  their  professions.  Poets 
and  philosophers  flocked  to  his  c;)urt  as  they  did  to 
that  of  the  great  Lorenzo,  but,  unlike  him,  Soderini 
left  more  memorials  of  his  devotion  to  literatu'*(  anu 
art,  than  of  his  statesmanship.  During  his  admin- 
istration, however,  the  republic  waged  war  with 


ter. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


Ill 


Pisa,  with  great  activity,  and  finally,  in  the  year  riunisi 
1501),  succeeded  in  subduing  tliat  city. 
The  assistance  of  the  French  had  been  of  ij;ri'at  nt-  'i«po.i- 

mill  uml 

assistance  to  Soderini,  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Medi-  banKimui.t. 
ci  and  his  own  elevation,  and  he  always  remained 
warndy  attached  to  that  nation.  lie  gave  his  con- 
sent to  tiie  measure  which  Louis  XII.  projected,  of 
assembling  a  council  at  Pisa  for  the  purpo.se  of  de- 
posing Pope  Julius  II.,  and  that  pontilf  never  for- 
gave iiim  for  the  alfront.  When  the  French  evacu- 
ated Italy  in  1512,  he  stimulated  the  Viceroy  of 
Naples  in  Tuscany  to  attempt  the  re-establishment 
of  the  Medici  family.  '  The  moi^ement  was  success- 
ful. The  city  was  taken  by  surprise  on  the  30th  of 
August,  1512,  and  was  given  up  to  pillage  and  mas- 
sacre. The  partisans  of  the  Medici  broke  into  the 
public  palace  tumultuously,  and  surprised  Soderini 
in  his  apartments.  They  confined  him  in  chains, 
and  the  next  day  the  Signory  passed  an  act  depo- 
sing him  from  his  ollice,  ailer  he  had  served  the  state 
for  upwards  of  ten  years,  without  giving  occasion  for 
the  slightest  murmur  of  dissatisfaction  among  the 
peaceable  citizens. 

The  day  following  his  deposition,  he  was  con- 
ducted to  the  frontiers  of  the  republic,  escorted  by  a 
strong  guard,  and  banished  for  ever.  He  went  im- 
mediately to  Ragusa,  where  he  remained  till  the 
election  of  Leo  X.  to  the  papal  chair.  Though  a 
Medici  himself,  this  pontiff  was  too  generous  to 
clierish  an  old  enmity,  and  invited  Soderini  to 
Rome,  remembering  rather  the  services  of  the  fa- 


ilJ 


LIFK  AND  VOYAOES  .  V 


ciiAriKii  tlior  of  l*it'r()  towftrdn  Ium  faiiiilv,  ilian  the  more  re- 

VII.  .  . 

'■ —  cent  (loiiif{s  of  ilie  sob.     At  the  pontilical  eourt  he 

was  reccivod  vvitli  inucli  (iistiiictioii,  ulthtuigli  he 
never  wiiveretl  iu  liis  uttuchiiieiit  to  tlie  ri|;h(so('  his 
countryineii  and  tlie  cause  of  liberty.  He  ended  Wis 
days  at  Rome,  anil  died  re>j;retted  and  respected  by 
a'l  tlie  intelligent  aiul  patriotic  nieu  of  the  day.' 

Letter  of  Amcricm  to  Plrro  Sodtrinl,  PrffKlnal  Gon- 
fqhnicrc  of  the  Hrpuhlk  of  Florence,  A'^^'^^A'  on 
account  of  hh  First  Foyagc.^ 

Most  Excellent  Sir: — 

(After  my  humble  reverence  and  due  commenda- 
tion)— It  may  be  that  your  Excellency,  with  your 
well-known  wisdom,  will  be  astonished  at  my  te- 
merity, in  that  I  have  been  so  absurdly  moved  to 
address  you  my  present  very  prolix  letter,  knowing 
that  your  Excellency  is  continually  occupied  in  the 
arduous  duties  and  pressing  business  of  State.  I 
may  be  temted  not  only  presumptuous,  but  idle, 
in  writing  things  neither  convenient  nor  pleasing  to 
your  state,  and  which  were  formerly  written  in 
barbarous  style,  destitute  of  the  polish  of  literature, 
and  directed  to  Don  Ferdinand,  king  of  Castile ; 
but  the  confidence  I  have  in  your  virtues,  as  well 
as  in  the  truth  of  what  I  write,  concerning  things 

'  Biog.  Universellc,  torn.  xlii.  p.  follows  :  To  tlic  IMost  Illiistrioiis, 

567,  5CH,  the  Kiri!^  of  .loriisulcin  nml  Sicily, 

'  The  direction  of  the  letter  in  the   Duko  of  Lorruiiu;  and  Bar 

the  edition  of  Grunigcr,  which  is  — Navarrtte,  torn.  iii.  p.  191. 
followed  by  Navarrdtc,  reads  as 


*« 


w^ 


AMKRICU8   VE8PUCIU8. 


described  neither  by  ancient  nor  modem  nuthon,  oiiAPm 
ha.H  emboldened  me  in  my  undertukiiiK. 


•! 


VII. 


The  principal  reason  vvliy  I  am  induced  to  write,  R«M«iuor 

1  /.111*  ■*  .      Anwirlcui 

18  the  request  of  the  bearer,  iJenvenuto  lienvcnuti,  fcrwrium. 
the  devoted  servant  of  your  l<iXceliency,  and  my 
very  particular  friend.  He  happened  to  be  here  in 
this  city  of  I^isboii,  and  requested  that  I  would  im- 
part to  your  K\c«'llency  a  tlescription  of  the  thitigs 
8uen  by  me  in  various  climes,  in  the  course  of  four 
voyag'\s  which  I  have  made  for  the  discovery  of 
new  lands,  two  by  the  authority  and  command  of 
Don  Ferdinand  VI.,  the  King  of  Castile,  in  the 
great  Western  Ocean,  and  the  other  two  by  order 
of  Don  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  towartls  the 
south.  So  I  resolved  to  write  to  your  Excellency, 
and  set  about  the  performance  of  my  task,  because 
lam  certain  that  your  Excellency  counts  me  among 
the  number  of  your  most  devoted  servants ;  remem- 
bering that  in  the  time  of  our  youth,  we  were 
friends,  going  daily  to  study  the  rudiments  of  gram- 
mar, under  the  excellent  instruction  of  the  venera- 
ble and  religious  Brother  of  St.  Mark,  Friar  Georgio 
Antonio  Vespucci,  my  uncle,  whose  counsels,  would 
to  God  I  had  followed !  for  then,  as  Petrarch  says, 
I  should  have  been  a  different  man  from  what  I  am. 
However  that  may  be,  I  do  not  complain,  inasmuch 
as  I  have  always  delighted  in  those  things  which 
are  virtuous,  and  in  literary  pursuits ;  and  now  that 
those  my  trifling  affairs  may  not  be  disagreeable  to 
your  virtuous  mind,  I  will  say  to  you,  as  Pliny  said 
to  Meccenas,  "  You  were  once  accustomed  to  be 

15 


rmii    iliiitiMfcfci^ft 


lU 


LIKE   AND  V0YAOR8  Of 


i 


uPTRft  pIoaMMl  with  my  prtittllnj?.'"  However  cnnNtnntly 
— '■ —  criiployod  ytm  may  be  in  pulilic  JilVuirs,  you  cuii  Mimtcli 
flome  iiourN  of  reluxutioii,  lor  (lie  piir{M)se  of  reading 
thoHe  tluiif(N  wliicli,  however  trilling,  will  amuse  hy 
their  novelty ;  for  with  the  cares  and  I'li^nissment 
of  business,  these  letters  of  mine  will  mingle,  as  it 
M  customary  to  mingle  fennel  with  savoury  viands, 
to  dispose  tlu'in  for  better  digi'stion.  And  if  per- 
chance I  am  more  prolix  than  I  ought  to  be,  I  ask 
your  I'iXcellency's  pardon. 

Your  Excellency  will  please  to  observe,  that  ! 
came  into  the  kingdom  of  Spain  for  the  purpose,  of 
engaging  in  mercantile  aifairs,  and  that  I  continued 
to  be  thus  employed  about  four  years,  during  which 
time  I  saw  and  experienced  the  fickle  movements 
of  fortune,  and  how  she  ordered  the  changes  of 
these  transitory  and  peritihing  wt)rl  11,'  goods ;  at 
one  time  sustaining  a  man  at  the  top  of  the  wheel, 
and  at  another  returning  him  to  the  lowest  part 
thereof,  and  depriving  him  of  her  favours,  which 
may  truly  be  said  to  be  lent."  Thus  having  ex- 
perienced the  continual  labour  of  one  who  would 
ac(iuirc  her  favours,  subjecting  myself  to  vastly 
many  inconveniences  and  dangers,  I  concluded  to 
abandon  mercantile  aflair^,  and  direct  my  attention 


.  '[ 


>  He  meant  to  have  said,  "  m 
Catullus  said  to  Cornelius  Nepoa." 
This  mistake  gops  but  little  way  t<T 
prove  a  wa/it  of  classical  informa-" 
tion,  which  Navarrete  seems  in- 
j;lined  to  impute  to  the  naviga- 
tor. 


»  These  four  years  may  l)e  con- 
8i<lorcd  to  be  the  four  wliich  pre- 
ceded his  (lepartur  •  on  his  first 
voyage  in  14!)7,  embracing  the 
time  of  his  connexion  with  Herar 
di,  and  his  management  of  the  bu 
sinew  after  his  partner's  death. 


-"f.n 


AMRRICIIS   VF.flPt?rilffl. 


Ll« 


VU. 


to  NomclliiiiK  ni(>r(>  Itiutliililo  uiid  Ntahlo.     For  tliin  riiAPTK* 
piirpoHc  I  |>rr|iiir(Ml  iiiyscll'  to  visit  various  parts  of 
tlic    world,    and    sec  llir  %voiid(M'lul  tilings  wliirli 


llll;r|| 


III   be    round    tli 


d    id) 


DC    lound    llifrcui.      Innr   and   |ilac(>  wero 
very  opportunely  ollrrt'd  nu'. 

Kin^  Ferdinand  of  (Jastile  had  ordcrni  four  ships 
to  ^o  in  srarcli  of  new  lands,  and  I  was  selected  l)y 
his  highness  to  );o  in  that  lleet,  in  order  to  assist  in 
the  diseoveries.  We  sailed  froni  the  |)ort  of  ('adiis 
on  the  tenth  day  of  May,  A.  I).  \V.)7,  and  steering 
our  course  through  the  ^reat  Western  Ocean,  spent 
I'i^lileen  months  in  our  expedition,  discovering 
'  much  land,  and  a  ^reat  number  of  islands,  the 
hirgest  part  of  which  were  inhabited.'  As  these 
arc  not  si)oken  of  by  ancient  writers,  I  presume 
tiiey  were  ignorant  of  them.  If  I  um  not  mis- 
taken, I  well  remend)er  to  iuive  read  in  one  of 
their  books  which  I  possessed,  that  this  ocean  was 
considered  unpeopled;  and  our  poet  Daide  also  held 
tills  opinion,  jud^ini;  by  the  twenty-sixth  canto  of 
L'Inferno,  where  he  sinji;s  the  fate  of  Ulysses."     In 


*. 


'  Giuntini  writes  17  ns  required 
by  tlif  ilcpiirtiire  on  10th  Mny, 
1497,  mill  return  on  l.'itli  October, 
149H.  Hut  (tiuiitini  ulso  has  the 
deporture  on  the  'JOth  of  Muy,  and 
arrivul  on  12.')th  of  October.  It  is 
easy  to  infer  that  the  first  trnns'a- 
tor  of  thia  voyage  took  from  his 
rnanuscri|)t  the  fif»ure  2  for  tiic 
figure  1. — Cannvai.  Viagpj,  &c., 
tomi.  p49,  note.  Navarrdtc  cav- 
ils unnecessarily  at  this  very  nat- 
ural inaccuracy.     The  voyage  ac- 


tually t(H)k  seventeen  months  and 
five  (lays,  but  in  His  intrrxluctnry 
remarks,  Vespucius  s[)euks  ap- 
proxiiiiately. — NavarrCte,  torn.  iii. 

S  •  Oh  !  brothi'M."  I  hrenrt^"  wlin  to  iho  wpU 
Thriiiiuli  |H-rlU  wUhoiit   niiiiibar  now 

hiivii  ri-iirhcii 
To   thlit  tlie  short  rcnininlng   watch, 
>  Hint  yet 

Our  AKnnun  hiive  to  wiike,  refuse  not 

prciof 
urthn  unpeopled  world,  following  the 

truck  ^^ 

or  I'hcplms.'  A 

Carty't  DanU,  Canto  xxvl.  p.  181,  lis 


116 


UrM  AMU  VUYAUIM  OT 


oNArrrR  iliiii  voynp;**  I  itnw  iiiMtiy  iiMtoiiiittiiriK  tiling,  m  ymif 
- — '■ —  ICxcclU'iicy  will  |K'nt'iv«'  by  tin*  roll(»winf(  rdiitiun  : 


voYAca:  Till:  fiiist.' 


D«p«rtiir« 

ram  Citilii, 

Mar  llHIi, 

I4U7. 


'p 


In  (lie  your  of  our  Lord  1 107,  (»ii  (he  tciilli  dny 
of  May,  UH  JM'lon*  sIjiUmI,  \\v  U-ft  iIh-  port  of  i'luVvA 
with  four  Mliips  in  coniimiiy.'  Tlir  lirNt  liiiKi  wo 
liiiulc  was  thai  of  the  rorliiiiatr  Islands,  which  ant 
n(»w  calU'd  thcCtraiid  (!aiiari(s,  sitiialt'd  in  tiur  WcNt- 
orn  Ocean,  as  far  an  tjic  hahitahh*  world  was  Niip- 
|N).st>d  to  extend,  hein^  located  in  the  third  climate, 
whiTe  the  North  Pole  is  elevated  .twenty-seven  and 
a  half  de|(rees  al>ove  the  horizon,  and  distiint  from 
the  city  of  Li.slNin  (where  this  letter  is  written) 
two  hundred  and  eighty  leagues.  Having  arrived 
here,  with  south  and  southerly  winds,  we  tarried 
eight  days,  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  other 
necessaries,  when,  having  olTered  up  our  prayers, 
wc  weighed  anchor  and  set  sail,  steering  a  course 
west  by  south. 

We  sailed  so  rapidly,  that  at  the  end  of  twenty- 


I 
i 


•  Oiuntini,  Conovai,  nnd  Navor- 
r6te,  hU  introduce  thtx  with  thu 
following  heuding,  which  is  omit- 
ted in  the  text.  "  DcHcriptiim 
of  various  IuiuIh  and  iNlunili  not 
spoken  of  by  ancient  nnthorn  found 
in  the  year  M'J7,  ond  thereafter 
in  four  voynf|!i'H,  thiit  m,  two  in  the 
WesternOreun  undertlie iiuthority 
^tf  Ferdinand,  King  of  Caxtiie,  and 
vie  other  two  in  the  Sou  lb  Sea,  in 


the  name  of  Emanuel,  King  of 
Portugal.  Americus  Vispucius, 
one  of  the  principal  pilots  and  loa 
captains,  sending  the  following  ac- 
count  of  them  to  th(^  nforesuid  Fer- 
dinnnd,  King  of  Canile." 

^  The  odditi<in  of  (iruniger  gives 
the  date  of  the  departure  as  t.'Oth 
of  May.  On  comparison  with 
other  editions,  this  appears  to  ^ 
an  error. 


B 


AMCRirtrN   VKHPUCIUf. 


117 


Mvcii  (iuyx  \vc  cuiiM*  in  NJirlit  o|'  Innd,  wliirh  wo  (iiArru 

VII. 

jutlgcil  to  Im' u  (toiUiiiciil,  licint{  aliout  u  iIkminhikI  -  — 
l^fiKUON  wi'Mt  of  till*  (triiiid  ('{uiiiricM,  uiul  within 
till' Torritl  Sffiiii*,  um  wi>  found  tlic  \ortli  Pole  at  uii 
olovaliiin  ol'  nix  tlvfirvvn  alhtvi*  tin*  lit>ri/nii,  and  our 
iiiMininicnlM  Mliowrd  it  to  Im*  Nrvi'iily-t'oiir  dixri'CN 
furtlu'r  wi'Ht  tlian  tlif  Oanary  Lslands.'  Here  wi* 
anclioi'i'd  our  h\u\)h  at  ii  IniKiir  and  a  half  from  tliu 
Hliori' ;  and,  having  caMt  oil'  our  iNtatM,  and  lilU'd 
tlivni  witii  nii'ii  and  arniM,  protcrdcd  at  oikt  to 
land. 

lii'forc  wi*  landed  wc  were  iiiiich  cIicitimI  by  (hi>  FiMitmi- 
Ni){ht  oi  many  |H'o|i1i'  ramhlin^  alon^  the  Nluire.  ('«mtii«nk 
We  found  that  thoy  were  all  in  a  stato  of  niuUiy, 
and  tlioy  a|>|K>ar(Hl  tt>  hv  afraid  of  us,  as  I  mi|»  'Mscd 
from  Nccin^  um  clothed,  and  of  a  din'ereiit  ^  ature 
fn)in  themselveM.  They  ri'treated  to  a  mountain, 
and,  uotwidistandin^  all  (he  ^i^ns  of  peaee  and 
frieniiship  we  could  make,  we  could  not  briii^  them 
t()  a  parley  with  us;  so,  as  the  niu;lit  was  ciMiiin^ 
un,  and  the  ships  were  anchored  in  an  ins(>cure 
place,  by  reason  of  the  coast  beinjf  exposed,  we 
agreed  to  leave  there  the  next  day,  and  go  in  search 
of  some  port  or  bay  where  we  could  place  our  ships 
in  hafety. 

We   sailed  along   the   coast  with  a  northwest 


*    The    ilcgrcn*   i>f    which    h«  rd  is  tifty-four  or  fifty-five  ilpgrpt'f*. 

•p«?ok8  were,  us  inariniTHthcn  cal-  The  iiistriKiifnts  of  thu  NoilorH  of 

cuIatr(l,lift(!i'nii'u,nii(;»t'uoh. — Na-  that  day  were  m)  very  inaci'urnto, 

xarrile,  toin.  iii.  1!)!),  note.     The  ntnl   it   wuh  uhmmt  iin[iosf4ii)li;  to 

true  toiigituiic  or  diHtuncc  from  tliu  incuMuri!   (correctly  with   theutf^ 

Canaries  to  iho  land  which  ho  rcuch-  Canot;ut,  torn.  i.  63.  " 


118 


LIKE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


OHAPFER  wind,   ahvayH  koepiiig  within  sight  of  land,  and 

continually  seeing  people  on   shore ;   and  having 

sailed  two  days,  we  found  a  very  safe  place  lor  the 
ships,  and  anchored  at  half  a  league  from  the  land, 
and  the  same  day  we  lauded  in  the  hoats — I'orty 
men  leaping  on  shore  in  good  order.  The  people 
of  the  country,  however,  appeared  very  shy  of  us, 
and  for  some  time  we  could  not  suHiciently  assure 
them  to  induce  them  to  come  and  speak  with  us; 
but  at  length  we  laboured  so  hard,  in  giving  them 
some  of  our  things,  such  as  looking-glasses,  bells, 
beads,  and  other  trilles,  that  some  of  theiji  accpiired 
confidence  enough  to  come  and  treat  witii  us  for 
our  mutual  peace  and  friendship.  Night  coming 
on,  we  took  leave  of  them  and  returned  to  our 
ships. 
Recmved  in  The  next  day,  as  the  dawn  appeared,  we  saw 
manner  by  OH  tlic  sliorc  a  great  uumbcr  of  men,  with  their 

ibe  nativb8. 

wives  and  children ;  we  landed,  and  found  that 
they  had  all  come  loaded  with  provisions  and  ma- 
terials, which  w  ill  be  described  in  the  proper  place. 
Before  we  reached  the  land,  many  of  them  sm  am 
to  meet  us,  the  length  of  a  bow  shot  into  the  sea 
(as  they  are  most  excellent  swimmers),  and  they 
treated  us  with  as  much  confidence  as  if  we  had 
had  intercourse  with  them  for  a  long  time,  which 
gratified  us  much. 

All  that  we  know  of  their  life  and  manners  is, 
that  they  go  entirely  naked,  not  having  the  slightest 
jDvering  whatever;  they  are  of  middling  stature, 
and  very  well  proportioned ;  their  flesh  is  of  a  red- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


119 


dish  colour,  like  the  skin  of  a  lion,  but  [  think  that  chaptib 

VII 

if  they  had  been  accustomed  to  wear  clothing,  they '■ — 

would  have  been  as  white  as  we  are.  They  have 
no  hail-  on  the  body,  wiUi  the  exception  of  very  long 
--|—  hair  upon  tlie  head — and  the  women  especially  de- 
rive much  beauty  from  this  :  their  countenances 
are  not  very  handsome,  as  they  have  large  faces, 
whicii  might  be  compared  with  those  of  the  Tar- 
tars :  they  do  not  fiUow  any  hair  to  grow  on  the 
eyelids  or  eyebrows,  or  any  other  part  of  the  body, 
excepting  tlie  head,  as  they  consider  it  a  great  de- 
formity. Both  men  and  women  are  very  agile  and 
easy  in  •their  persons,  and  swift  in  walking  or  run- 
ning ;  so  that  the  women  think  nothing  of  running 
a  league  or  two,  as  we  many  times  beheld,  having, 
in  this  particular,  greatly  the  advantage  of  us  Chris- 
tians. 

Thev  swim  incredibly  well — the  women  better  chnracter- 

,  /  •  ,  .  isticBofth* 

than  the  men — as  we  have  seen  them  many  times  nativw. 
swimming  without  any  support,  fully  two  leagues 
at  sea.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows  beauti- 
fully wrought,  but  unfurnished  with  iron  or  any 
other  hard  metal^  in  place  of  which  they  make  use 
of  the  teeth  of  animals  or  Jish,  or  sometimes  substi- 
tute a  slip  of  hard  wood,  made  harder  at  the  point 
by  fire.  They  are  sure  narksmen,  who  hit  where- 
ever  they  wish,  and  in  some  parts  the  women  also 
use  the  bow  with  dexterity.  They  have  other  arms, 
such  as  lances  and  staves  with  heads  finely  wrought. 
When  they  make  war  they  take  their  wives  with 
them,  not  that  they  may  fight,  but  because  they  camr 


If 

I 


vn 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  their  provision  behind  them ;  a  woman  frequently 

• '■ —  carrying  a  burden  on  her  back  for  thirty  or  forty 

leagues,  which  the  strongest  man  among  them 
could  not  do,  as  we  have  many  times  witnessed, 
tivM  h."'"".  'A'J^ese  people  have  no  captains,  neither  do  they 
iu»w  war.  inarch  in  order,  but  each  one  is  his  own  master ; 
the  cause  ol'  their  wars  is  not  a  love  of  conquest  or 
enlarging  their  boundaries,  neither  are*  they  incited 
to  engage  in  them  by  hiordinate  covetousness,  but 
from  ancient  enmity  which  has  existed  between 
them  in  times  past;  and  having  been  asked  why 
they  made  war,  they  could  give  us  no  other  reason, 
than  that  they  did  it  to  avenge  the  death%f  their 
ancestf^rs.  M^nther  have  these  people  kings  nor 
lords,  nor  do  they  obey  any  one,  but  live  in  their 
own  entire  liberty,  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
are  incited  to  go  to  war,  is  this :  when  their  ene- 
mies have  killed  or  taken  prisoners  any  of  their  peo- 
ple, the  oldest  relative  rises  and  goes  about  proclaim- 
ing his  wrongs  aloud,  and  calling  upon  them  to  go 
'*7ith  him  and  avenge  the  death  of  his  relation. 
Thereupon  they  are  moved  with  sympathy,  and 
make  ready  lor  the  fight. 

They  have  no  tribunal^  of  justice,  neither  do  they 
punish  malefactors ;  and  what  is  still  more  aston- 
ishing, neither  father  nor  mother  chastises  the 
children  when  they  do  wrong ;  yet,  astounding  as 
it  may  seem,  there  is  no  strife  between  them,  or,  to 
say  the  least,  we  never  saw  any.  They  appear 
simple  in  speech,  but  in  reality  are  very  shrewd 
and  cunning  in  any  matter  which  ititerests  them. 


i^Mi.. 


VII. 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 

They  speak  but  little,  and  that  little  in  a  low  tone  cBAprat 
of  voice,  u.sing  tlie  same  accentuation  that  we  use, 
and  Ibrining  tiie  words  with  the  palate,  teeth,  and 
lips,  but  tlicy  have  a  different  mode  ofdiction.  There 
is  a  great  diversity  of  languages  among  them,  inas- 
much that  within  every  hundred  leagues  we  found 
people  who  could  not  understand  each  other.  Their 
mode  of  life  is  most  barbarous ;  they  do  not  eat  at 
regular  intervals  and  as  much  as  they  wish  at  sta- 
ted times,  but  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them, 
whether  appetite  comes  at  midnight  or  mid-day,  and 
they  eat  upon  the  ground  at  all  hours,  without  nap- 
kin or  table-cloth,  having  their  food  in  earthen  ba- 
sins, which  they  manufacture,  of  in  half  gourd 
shells. 

They  sleep  in  nets  of  cotton,  very  large,  and  sus- 
pended in  the  air,  and  although  this  may  seem  ra- 
ther a  bad  way  of  sleeping,  I  cin  vouch  for  the  fact, 
that  it  is  extremely  pleasant,  and  one  sleeps  better 
thus,  than  on  a  mattress.  They  are  neat  and  clean 
in  their  persons,  which  is  a  natural  consequence  of 
tlieir  perpetual  bathing. 


* 


* 


* 


* 


m 


* 


[It  is  deemed  inexpedient  to  translate  certain  pas- 
sages which  occur  at  this  stage  of  the  letter,  refer- 
ring to  personal  habits  of  the  natives,  which  are 
unfit  for  publication  at  the  present  day.] 

We  are  not  aware  that  these  people  have  any  Their  vu- 
laws.     Neither  are  they  like  Moors  or  Jews,  but    houses. 
are  worse  than  Gentiles  and  Pagans,  because  we 

10 


122 


LIFE  AND  VOVAOES  OP 


CHAPTER  have  never  seen  them  ofler  any  sacrifice,  and  they 

'—   have  no  houses  of  prayer.     From  their  vohiptuous 

manner  ol"  life,  1  consider  tliem  l*i|*icureans.  Their 
dwellings  are  in  connnunities,  and  their  houses  are 
in  the  form  of  huts,  |jut  strongly  huilt,  with  very 
large  tre(?s,  and  covered  with  palm  leaves,  secure 
from  wind  and  storms ;  and  in  some  places  they  are 
of  such  great  length  and  hreadth  that  in  a  single 
house  we  fbuntl  six  hundred  people,  and  we  found 
that  the  population  of  thirteen  houses  only  amount- 
ed to  four  thousand.'  They  change  their  location 
every  seven  or  eight  years,  and  on  being  asked 
why  they  did  so,  they  said  that  it  was  on  account 
of  the  intense  Ifeat  of  the  sun  upon  the  soil,  which 
by  that  time  became  infected  and  corrupted  with 
filthiness,  and  caused  pains  in  their  bodies,  which 
seemed  to  us  very  reasonable. 

The  riches  of  these  people  consist  in  the  feathers 
of  birds  of  the  most  magnificent  colours,  of  pater- ' 
nosters,  which  they  fabric.ite  of  fisli  bones,  of  white 
or  green  stones,  with  which  they  decorate  the 
cheeks,  lips,  and  ears,  and  of  many  other  things 
which  are  held  in  little  or  no  esteem  with  us. 
They  carry  on  no  commerce,  neither  buying  nor 
selling,  and,  in  short,  live  contentedly  with  what 
nature  gives  them.  The  riches  which  we  esteem 
so  highly  in  Europe  and  other  parts,  such  as  gold, 
jewels,  pearls,  and  other  wealth,  they  have  no  re- 
gard for  at  all,  and  make  no  eflbrt  to  obtain  any 

I  The  edition  of  Qruniger  says,  eigbt  houses  and  ten  thousand  in- 
habitants. 


Their  ide 
of  weaitt 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 


123 


thing  of  this  kind  which  exists  in  their  country,  chaptbb 

They  are  liberul  in  giving,  never  denying  one  any ^— . 

thing,  and,  on  the  otlier  hand,  are  just  as  free  in 
asking.  Tiie  greatest  mark  of  friendship  tliey  can 
show,  is  to  offer  you  tiieir  wiA^es  and  daughters,  and 
parents  consider  themselves  highly  honoured  by  an 
acceptance  of  this  mark  of  favour. 

In  case  of  death,  they  make  use  of  various  fune-  Tiieir  ftmo. 
ral  obsequies.  Some  bury  their  dead  with  water 
and  provisions  placed  at  their  heads,  thinking  they 
may  have  occasion  to  eat,  but  they  make  no  parade 
in  the  way  of  funeral  ceremonies.  In  some  places, 
they  have  a  most  barbarous  mode  of  interment, 
which  is  thus :  when  one  is  sick  or  infirm,  and 
nearly  at  the  point  of  death,  his  relatives  carry  him 
into  a  large  forest,  and  there  attaching  one  of  their 
sleeping  hammocks  to  two  trees,  they  place  the  sick 
person  in  it,  and  continue  to  swing  him  about  for  a 
whole  day,  and  when  night  comes,  after  placing  at 
his  head  water  and  other  provisions  sufficient  to 
sustain  him  for  five  or  six  days,  they  return  to  their 
village.  If  the  sick  person  can  help  himself  to  eat 
and  drink,  and  recovers  sufficiently  to  be  able  to 
return  to  the  village,  his  people  receive  him  again 
with  great  ceremony ;  but  few  are  they  who  escape 
this  mode  of  treatment ;  most  of  them  die  without 
being  visited,  and  that  is  their  only  burial. 

They  have  various  other  customs  which,  to  avoid    Medical 
prolixity,  are  not  here  mentioned.    They  use  in  *'^'*'™®°*' 


I 


■^' 


IM 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


cHAiTER  their  diseases  various  kinds  of  medicines,  so  difler. 

VII. 

■  ent  from  any  in  vogue  witli  us,  that  we  were  as- 

tonisFied  that  any  escaped.  I  often  saw,  ft)r  in- 
stance, that  when  a  person  was  :iicii  with  a  fev(;r, 
which  was  increasing  upon  him,  tiiey  hatiied  him 
"  from  liead  to  foot  with  cold  water,  and  then  making 
a  great  fire  around  him,  they  made  him  turn  round 
within  the  circle  for  about  an  hour  or  two,  until 
they  fatigued  iiim,  and  left  him  to  sleep.  Many 
were  cured  in  this  way.  They  also  observe  a  strict 
diet,  eating  nothing  for  three  or  four  days ;  they 
practise  bloodletting,  but  not  on  the  arm,  unless  in 
the  armpit ;  but  generally  they  take  blood  I'rom  the 
thighs  and  haunches,  or  the  calf  of  the  leg.  In  like 
manner  they  excite  vomiting  with  certain  herbs, 
which  they  put  into  their  mouths,  and  they  use 
many  other  remedies,  which  it  would  be  tedious  to 
relate. 

Their  blood  and  phlegm  is  much  disordered  on 
account  of  their  food,  which  consists  mainly  of  tlie 
roots  of  herbs,  of  fruit  and  fish.  They  have  no 
wheat  or  other  grain,  but  instead,  make  u.se  of  the 
root  of  a  tree,  from  w^hicli  they  manufacture  flour, 
which  is  very  good,  and  which  they  call  Huca ;  the 
floiu*  from  another  root  is  called  Kazabi,  and  from 
another,  Ignami.'    They  eat  little  meat  except  hu- 


Cwinibal- 
imk. 


'  ••  The  Castilians  found  there 
very  large  parrots,  honey,  bees' 
wax,  and  an  abundance  of  those 
plants  which  the  islanders  called 
Cazabi,  from  wliich  the  French 
Cassave  is  derived."- -J/tA/.  Gen. 


des  voy.  torn.  xlv.  p.  167.  "  They 
brought  much  Cazabi,  which  is 
the  name  of  the  bread." — Ferd. 
Col.  p.  117.  Alvarez,  Cabral 
speaking  of  the  Igname  6f  the 
Brazilians,  says,  "  A  root  called 


AMr.RICUS  VKSPUCIUS, 


126 


VII. 


man  flesh,  and  you  will  notice  that  in  tliis  particu-  chaptee 
lar  tliey  arc  more  savage  tlian  beasts,  because  all  ■ 
their  enemies  who  arc  killed  or  taken  prisoners, 
wlietiier  male  or  female,  are  devoured  with  so  much 
iierceness,  that  it  seems  disgusting  to  relate,  nmcii 
more  to  see  it  done,  as  I  with  my  own  eyes  have 
many  times  witnessed  tiiis  proof  of  their  inhuman- 
ity. Indeed,  they  marvelled  much  to  hear  us  say 
that  we  diti  not  eat  our  enemies. 

And  your  Ex.eellency  may  rest  assured  that  their 
other  barbarous  customs  are  so  nuinerous  that  it  is 
impossible  herein  to  describe  all  of  tiiem.  As  in 
these  four  voyages  I  have  witnessed  so  many  things 
at  variance  with  our  own  customs,  I  prepared  my- 
self to  write  a  collection,  which  I  call  "  The  Four 
Voyages,"  in  which  I  have  related  the  major  part  of 
the  things  which  I  saw,  as  clearly  as  my  feeble  capa- 
city would  permit.  This  work  is  not  yet  published, 
though  many  advise  me  to  publish  it.  In  it  every 
thing  will  appear  minutely,  therefore  I  shall  not 
enlarge  any  more  in  this  letter,  because  in  the 
course  of  it  we  shall  see  many  things  which  are 
peculiar.     Let  this  suffice  for  matters  in  general. 

In  this  commencement  of  discoveries  we  did  not 
see  anything  of  much  profit  in  the  country,  owing, 
as  I  think,  to  our  ignorance  of  the  language,  except 

Igname,   and   their  bread  which    when  it  is  of  middling  size,  it  is 

they  eat." — Ram.   t.  i.   p.   121. 

"  Linnaeus  calls  this  plant,  '.Dios- 

corea  oppositi  folia,'  the  nwt  of 

which  is  eaten,  or  cut  in  pieces 

and  baked  under  the  coals,  or, 


boiled  whol  7,  and  it  serves  some 
times  also  to  make  bread  of."— 
Cook,  vol.  i.  p.  90.     Canavai,  torn, 
i.  p.  67,  68. 


126 


LIPR  AND  VOYAOES  OF 


niAPTRR  soino  ffw  imiicntions  of  iroltl.     In  vvliiiU'vrr  relatOM 

VII. 

'■ —  to  tlie  Mitiuilioii  iiiul  appearance  <»!'  (lie  eountry  wo 

coulil  not  have  Hueceedeil  beUer.  VW  eoiuhuU'd 
to  leave  this  phice  and  ^{o  onward,  and  having 
unanimously  come  to  this  resolution,  we  coasted 
alon^  near  the  land,  making  many  stops,  and  hold- 
ing discimrses  with  many  •{)eople,  until  after  some 
days  wo  camt^  into  a  harhour,  when;  we  fell  into 
very  great  danger,  from  which  it  jdeaseil  the  Holy 
Sj)irit  to  deliver  us. 
Arrival  m  It  luippeueil  in  this  manner.  We  landed  in  a 
Bii.i  i>ttiiio  i)()rt  where  we  found  a  village  hudt  over  the  water, 

Willi  the  im-  *.  "  ' 

*ivet.  like  Venice.'  There  were  about  forty-li)ur  houses, 
shaped  like  bells,  built  upon  very  large  piles,  having 
entrances  by  means  of  drawbridges,  so  that  by 
laying  the  bridges  from  house  to  house,  the  inhal)i- 
tants  could  pass  through  the  whole.  When  the 
people  saw  us,  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of  us, 
and  to  protect  themselves,  suddenly  raised  all  their 
bridges,  and  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses. 
While  we  stood  lf)oking  at  them  and  wondering  at 
this  ptoceeding,  we  saw  coming  toward  us  by  sea 
about  two  and  twenty  canoes,  wMiich  are  the  boats 
they  make  use  of,  and  are  carved  out  of  a  single 
tree.  They  came  directly  toward  our  boats,  appear- 
ing to  be  astonished  at  our  figures  and  dresses,  and 
keeping  at  a  little  distance  from  us.  This  being 
the  case,  we  made  signals  of  friendship,  to  in- 
duce them  to  come  nearer  to  us,   endeavouring 

>  The  natives  called  this  place  Coqnibacoa:  it  is  the  modern  Ve* 
nezuela. 


AMRRICUS   VK8PUC1U8. 


127 


to  reasMure  thoni  by  vvvvy  tokm  of  kitulnosH;  but  <iiaiter 

Vli. 

seciii;?  tliat  tlioy  <IUl  not  come,  we  went  Uuvard 

tlu'iii.  They  woulil  iu>t  wait  for  um,  liowi-ver,  but 
fled  to  tb(;  land,  making;  hI^us  to  un  to  wait,  and 
giving  UN  to  underNtaiid  that  they  wouUl  mnm  re- 
turn. 

They  (led  directly  to  a  mountain,  but  did  not  tarry 
there  Ion;;,  and  when  they  returned,  brought  witii 
them  sixteen  of  their  young  girls,  and  entering  their 
canoes,  came  to  our  boats  ana  |)ut  lour  of  them  into 
each  boat,  at  which  we  were  very  nmch  astonished, 
as  your  Excellency  may  well  imagine.  Then  they 
mingled  with  their  canoes  among  our  boats,  and  we 
considered  their  coming  to  speak  to  us  in  this  man- 
ner, to  be  a  token  of  friendship.  Taking  this  for 
granted,  we  saw  a  great  crowd  of  people  swinnning 
toward  us  from  the  houses,  without  any  suspicion. 
At  this  juncture,  some  old  women  showed  them- 
selves at  the  doors  of  the  houses,  wailing  and  tear-  ' 
ing  their  hair,  as  if  in  great  distress.  From  this 
we  began  to  be  suspicious,  and  had  immediate  re- 
course to  our  weapons,  when  suddenly  the  girls, 
who  were  in  our  boats,  tlirew  themselves  into  the 
sea,  and  the  canoes  moved  away,  the  people  in  them 
assailing  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  Those 
who  came  swimming  toward  us  brought  each  a 
lance,  concealed  as  much  as  possible  under  the 
water.  Their  treachery  being  thus  discovered,  we 
began  not  only  to  defend  ourselves,  but  to  act  se- 
verely oh  the  offensive.  We  overturned  many  of 
their  canoes  with  our  boats,  and  making  considera- 


m 


i  I 
( 


I 


128 


I.IPR   AND   VOVAORa  OF 


I  ''     > 


• 


■.    1 


I 


cHAn-KR  bU>  sIiUi^IiUt  uiiionf;  tiiom,  tlicy  Miwrn  iihniMioncd 

'■ —  the  nintM'M  ulto^etlicr  nrul  hwumi  to  tin*  sliorr.     I*'if- 

tecii  or  twenty  were  killed  and  many  wounded  on 
their  wide,  while  on  ourM  live  were  nlij^htly  wound- 
ed, all  the  rest  escaping  hy  f'avoiu*  of  Divine  IVov- 
idenee,  and  these  live  being  ((uickly  cured.  We 
took  prisoners  two  of  their  girls  and  .three  men, 
and  on  entering  their  houses  found  only  two 
old  women  ami  ont^  sick  man.  Wt;  t<Nik  from 
them  many  things  of  litth;  value,  hut  would  not 
burn  their  dwellings,  lu'ing  restrained  by  ton- 
Hcicntious  scruples.  Ueturning  to  our  boats  and 
thence  to  our  ships,  with  five  prisoners,  we  put 
irons  on  the  feet  of  each,  excepting  the  young  fe- 
males, yet  when  night  came,  the  two  girls  and  one 
of  the  men  escaped  iu  the  most  artful  manner  in 
the  world. 

ConUnua       Tliese  events  having  occurred,  the  next  day  we 

Uioir  vuyaKo 

■long  the  concluded  to  depart  from  the  port  and  pn)r  •id  fur- 
ther. Keeping  our  course  continually  along  the 
coast,  we  at  length  came  to  anchor  at  about  eighty 
leagues  distance  from  the  place  we  had  left,  and 
found  another  race  of  people,  whose  language  and 
customs  were  very  different  from  those  we  had 
seen  last.  We  determined  to  land,  and  while  pro- 
ceeding in  our  boats,  we  saw  standing  on  the  shore 
a  great  multitude,  numbering  about  four  thousand 
people.  They  did  not  wait  to  receive  us,  but 
1^  fled  precipitately  to  the  woods,  abandoning  their 
'  things.  We  leaped  ashore,  and  taking  the  way 
which  led  to  the  wood,  found  theu"  tents  within 


Jl 


■  1 


1( 


(4 
M 
H 

-J 

M 
CD 

P4 


! 


^ 


-s 

H 


QerS 


>a 


II 


s,  g 


g. 


J 


1^' 


p 

•1 

u  «i 


i5 
I'. 

era 

It 

E 

o 


.9 

n 
I 


> 


AiilnMl 


AMIUUCUS  VKNPUCIUI.  H^ 

the  Hpnce  of  ft  Ixjw-Hliot,  whi»rf  fhey  lunl  mnHo  ii  nnr\ 

K^'Ht   fire,  mill    lvv»»  ol'  tlu'iii   wt-ri'  nMikiiiK  llirir 

ItKNl,   niiiNlinp;   iiiiiiiy   iiiiiiiialH  iirid    I'ihIi  oI    varioiiM 
kiiitlN. 

Wr  n(»tic«Ml  (liut  tlu*y  wore  nmstiiij;  n  crrtftin  iirnmruw. 
aiiiiiiul  lliut  lookcil  like  u  srrjxMil, ;  it  had  no  wiii^N, 
and  wuH  NO  lillhy  in  aitpcaramc,  (hal  \vi>  were 
astonisluMt  al  itH  (h't'onnily.  As  wv  went  through 
thfir  htaisfs  or  (imiIs,  wt*  saw  many  of  thi'sc  scr- 
ponts  aliv«-.  'i'iu'ir  i'vvi  were  lied,  and  they  had  a 
curd  round  their  snonls,  so  that  they  eonl«l  nol  open 
iheir  mouths,  ^is  do^s  arc  sometimes  mu///h'<i,  ho 
tiuit  they  ninv  n<(t  Itilc  These  animals  had  such  a 
Navtu^e  appearance,  that  noiu>  of  us  dared  t(»  turn 
one  over,  thiiddni;  they  mi^dit  Im>  poisonous.  TliQy 
are  ahoul  the  si/i;  of  a  kid,  ahout  the  h'U^th  and  ii 
lialf  of  a  man's  arm,  having'  lon<j;  coarse  feet  armed 
with  lari^e  nails,  'riieir  skin  is  hard,  and  they  an; 
of  various  c«)lours.  They  have  the  snout  and  face 
of  a  serj)ent,  and  from  the  nose  there  runs  a  crest, 
passinjj;  over  the  middle  of  the  hack  to  tin*  nM)t  of 
the  tail.  We  finally  concluded  that  they  were  ser- 
pents, and  poisonous ;  and,  nevertheless,  they  were 
eaten.' 

'    Th(i   tmviijfttor  lins   porlinpn  ciiis. —  Vnivc.  c,>»f.-rr,  ,  torn.  iii. 

drawn  sonicwliul  ii|)()ii  iiis  inm>;i-  p.  U'.'.'i.     But  lli()u;;h  it  is  rnthur 

nation  in  his  ilcscriplion  i)f  this  hard  to  briiitvo  in  u  <li)ini>fltic  sor- 

aniniiil,  altlumuli  Cuiuivui  adnpist  pint  H^«  largfi   as   a  kid,  yet  the 

it  Htiriously,  and  Kuys  in  a  nott;  that  whnlo  dillicuUy  vanislw'.s,  if  for  thi' 

"this  is  the  Kcrpcnl  Tuunri  which  word    M-rpcnt,    which    stiems    to 

is  H[)()ki'n  (if  in  flitrnu-',  totn.  iii.  p.  have  been  niisa|)pii('d  by  tlio  nav- 

130." — Citiiovdi,  Viag^ri^  Arc.  toiM.  i/^ator,  wu  Hubstitulo  reptile  or  an- 

i.  p.  7.').     NavaiitHc  (mntiimatlii!*  irnul. 
08  one  of  the  absunliticsof  Vcspu- 

17 


r 


ij, 


11 


\  ,.•: 


130 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES   OF 


i 


CHAPTER 
VII. 


We  found  that  this  people  made  bread  of  small 
fish  which  they  caught  in  the  sea,  by  first  boiling 
them,  then  kneading  together  and  making  a  paste 
of  them,  which  they  baked  upon  the  hot  coals ;  we 
tried  it,  and  found  it  good.'  They  have  so  many 
otiier  kinds  of  eating,  chiefly  of  fruits  and  roots,  that 
it  would  be  very  tedious  to  describe  them  minutely. 
Seeing,  then,  that  the  people  did  not  return,  we  re- 
solved not  to  meddle  with  or  take  away  any  of 
their  things,  in  order  to  reassure  them ;  and,  having 
left  in  their  tents  many  of  our  own  things,  in  places 
where  they  might  be  seen,  returned  to  our  ships 
for  the  night.  Early  the  next  niorning  we  saw  a 
great  number  of  people  on  the  shore,  and  landed. 
Though  they  seemed  fearful  of  us,  they  were 
suflSciently  confident  to  treat  with  us,  and  gave  us 
all  that  we  asked  of  them.  Finally  they  became 
very  friendly;  told  us  that  this  was  not  their 
place  of  dwelling,  but  that  they  had  come  there  to 
carry  on  their  fishery.  They  invited  us  to  go  to 
their  villages,  because  they  wished  to  receive  us  as 
friends — their  amicable  feelings  toward  us  being 
much  strengthened  by  the  circumstance  of  our 
having  the  two  prisoners  with  us,  who  were  their 
enemies.     They  importuned  us  so  much,  that,  hav- 


•  "  The  ancient  fish-caters  also 
dried  their  fish,  and  made  flour  out 
of  them.  A  large  ijuantity  of 
dried  fish  was  presented  to  him 
(Nearchus) ;  these  jjcople  eating 
fish  as  their  common  food.'' — Ra- 
mus, t.  i.  p.  271,  B.  In  our  times 
the  same  custom  prevails  in  those 


countries.  Barbosa  writes,  "In 
this  country  they  attend  much  to 
fishing,  and  catch  very  large  fish, 
which  they  salt,  and  also  feed 
their  horses  with  them." — Ram.  t. 
p.  295.  Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  75,  76* 
note. 


*ft-^i.,i 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


131 


I 


i 


w 


ing  tak<iyA  counsel,  twenty-three  of  us  Christians  ciiaptm 
concluded  to  go  with   them,  well  prepared,  and  - — — 
with  firm  resolution  to  die  manfully,  if  such  was  to 
be  our  fate. 

After  we  had  remained  here  three  days,  we  ac-  Amencui. 
cordingly  started  with  them  for  a  journey  inland,   land  and 

tf  ./  reache*  a 

Three  leagues  from  the  shore  we  arrived  at  a  tol-  vuisro. 
erably  well-peopled  village,  of  a  few  houses — there 
not  being  over  nine — where  we  were  received  with 
so  many  and  such  barbarous  ceremonies,  that  no 
pen  is  equal  to  the  task  of  describing  them.  There 
was  dancing  and  singing,  and  weeping  mingled 
with  rejoicing,  and  great  feasting.  Here  wo  .-kid 
for  the  night. 


* 


* 


■* 


*  *         After  having  passed  the  night  and 

half  of  the  next  day,  an  immense  nunilxr  of  peo- 
ple visiting  us  from  motives  of  curiosity — the 
oldest  among  them  begging  us  to  go  with  them 
to  other  villages,as  they  desired  to  do  us  great 
honour — we  determined  to  proceed  still  further 
inland.  And  it  is  impossible  to  tell  how  much, 
honour  they  did  us  there.  We  visited  so  ma- 
ny villages,  that  we  spent  nine  days  in  the  jour- 
ney ;  having  been  so  long  absent,  that  our  com- 
panions in  the  ships  began  to  be  uneasy  on  our  ac- 
count. 
Being  now  about  eighteen  leasfues  inland,  we  de-  Rotum  to 

•11  r  ^  theshii* 

liberated  about  returning.  On  our  return,  we  were 
accompanied  by  a  wonderful  number,  of  both  sexes, 
quite  to  the  seashore ;  and  when  any  of  us  grew 


i 


132 


LIFE  AND   VOYAOES  OV 


vn. 


▲  ludicrous 
incident. 


CHAPTER  weary  with  walking,  they  oarried  us  in  their  ham- 
mocks mucli  at  our  ease  ;  in  passing  rivers,  which 
were  numerous  and  quite  large,  they  conveyed  us 
over  with  so  much  skill  and  safety,  that  we  were 
not  in  tile  slightest  danger.  Many  of  tliein  were 
laden  with  the  presents  they  had  made  us,  which 
they  transported  in  hammocks.  These  consisted  in 
very  rich  plumage,  many  bows  and  arrows,  and  an 
infinite  number  of  parrots  of  various  colours.  Others 
brought  loads  of  provisions  and  animals.  For  a 
greater  wonder,  I  will  inform  your  Excellency,  that 
when  we  had  to  cross  over  a  river,  they  carried  us 
on  their  back.-^. 

Having  arrived  at  the  sea,  and  entered  the  boats 
which  had  come  on  shore  for  us,  we  were  aston- 
ished at  the  crowd  which  endeavoured  to  get  into 
the  boats  to  go  to  see  our  ships ;  they  were  so  over- 
loaded that  they  were  oftentimes  on  the  point  of 
sinking.  We  carried  as  many  as  we  could  on  board, 
and  so  many  more  came  by  swimming,  that  we 
were  quite  troubled  at  the  multitude  on  board,  al- 
though they  were  all  naked  and  unarmed.  Tiiey 
were  in  great  astonishment  at  our  equipments  and 
implements,  and  at  the  size  of  our  ships.  Here 
quite  a  laughable  occurrence  took  place  at  their  ex- 
pense. We  concluded  to  try  the  effect  of  discharg- 
ing some  of  our  artillery,  and  when  they  heard  the  • 
thundering  report,  the  greater  part  of  them  jumped 
into  the  sea  from  fright,  acting  like  frogs  sitting  on 
a  bank,  who  plunge  into  the  marsh  on  the  approach 
of  any  thing  that  alarms  them.    Those  who  re- 


• 


J.  ■ 


i 


*V  ■' 

> 


^^- 


■"*■*>: 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


133 


ii 


'J.- 


j 


mained  in  the  ships  were  so  timorous  that  we  re-  chapter 

vii. 
pented  of  having  done  this.    However,  we  reassured 

them  by  telling  them  that  these  were  the  arms  with 

which  we  killed  our  enemies.      Having  amused 

themselves  in  the  ships  all  day,  we  told  them  that 

they  must  go,  as  we  wished  to  depart  in  the  night. 

So  they  took  leave  of  us  with  many  demonstrations 

of  friendship  and  affection,  and  went  ashore. 

I  saw  more  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  these 
people,  while  in  their  country,  than  I  wish  to  dwell 
upon  here.  Your  Excellency  will  notice,  that  in 
each  of  my  voyages,  I  have  noted  the  inost  extraor- 
dinary things  which  have  occurred,  and  compiled 
the  whole  into  one  volume,  in  the  style  of  a  geogra- 
phy, and  entitled  it  "  The  Four  Voyages."  In  this 
work  will  be  found  a  minute  description  of  the 
things  which  I  saw,  but  as  there  is  no  copy  of  it 
yet  published,  owing  to  my  being  obliged  to  exam- 
ine and  correct  it,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to 
impart  them  to  you  herein. 

This  country  is  full  of  inhabitants,  and  contains 
a  great  many  rivers.  Very  few  of  the  animals  are 
similar  to  ours,  excepting  the  lions,  panthers,  stags, 
hogs,  goats,  and  deer,  and  even  these  are  a  little 
different  in  form.  They  have  neither  horses,  mules, 
nor  asses,  neither  cows,  dogs,  nor  any  kind  of  do- 
mestic animals.  Their  other  animals,  however,  are 
so  very  numerous,  that  it  is  impossible  to  count 
them,  and  all  of  them  so  wild,  that  they  cannot  be 
employed  for  serviceable  uses.  But  what  shall  I 
say  of  their  birds,  which  are  so  numerous  and  of  so 


^^' 


134 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  many  species  and  varieties  of  plumage,  that  it  is  a»- 


VII. 


tounding  to  behold  them ! 


T^counti'  Tiie  country  is  pleasant  and  fruitful,  full  of  woods 
"»»«•  and  forests,  which  are  always  green,  as  they  never 
lose  their  foliage.  The  fruits  are  numberless,  and 
totally  diflerent  from  ours.  The  land  lies  within 
the  Torrid  Zone,  under  the  parallel  which  describes 
the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  where  the  pole  is  elevated 
twenty-three  degrees  above  the  horizon,  on  the 
borders  of  the  second  climate.  A  great  many 
people  came  to  see  us,  and  were  astonished  at  our 
features  and  the  whiteness  of  our  skins.  They 
asked  us  where  we  came  from,  and  we  gave  them 
to  understand  that  we  came  from  heaven,  with 
tlie  view  of  visiting  the  world,  and  they  believed 
us.  In  this  country  we  established  a  baptismal 
font,  and  great  numbers  were  baptized,  calling  us, 
in  their  language,  Carabi,  which  means  men  ci* 
great  wisdom. 

The  natives  called  this  province  Lariab.*  We 
left  the  port,  and  sailed  along  the  coast,  continuing 
in  sight  of  land,  until  we  had  run,  calculating  our 
advances  and  retrogressions,  eight  hundred  and  sev- 
enty leagues  towards  the  northwest,  making  many 
stops  by  the  way,  and  having  intercourse  with  many 
people.  In  some  places  we  found  traces  of  gold,  but 
in  small  quantities,  it  being  sufficient  for  us  to  have 


• 


>  Thi8  name  is  read  Lariab  in  the  same  region.     The  change  of 

the  edition  of  Valori,  and  also  in  one  name  for  the  other  was  simply 

that  of  Gruniger.     Giuntini  sub-  a  corruption, 
■titutes  Paria,  which  is,  doubtlessn, 


] 


'  -jr'jii(>*fc';^Sj«'y;eA 


'   h 


AMERICUS  VKSP^'CIUS. 


13S 


i 


discovered  the  country  and  to  know  tliat  there  was  ruAPTRE 

VII. 

gold  in  it.  

We  had  now  been  thirteen  months  on  the  voy-    Pnpara. 

Uuiia  for  tha 

age,  and  the  ships  and  rigging  were  much  worn,  "■«'""»  ^oy. 
and  the  men  weary.  So  ])y  common  consent  we 
agreed  to  careen  our  ships  on  the  beach,  in  order  to 
calk  and  pitch  them  anew,  as  they  leaked  badly, 
and  then  to  return  to  Spain.  When  we  took  this 
resolution,  we  were  near  one  of  the  best  harbours  in 
the  world,  which  we  entered,  and  found  a  vast 
number  of  people,  who  received  us  most  kindly.' 
We  made  a  breastwork  on  shore  with  our  boats 
and  our  casks,  and  placed  our  artillery  so  that  it 
would  play  over  them ;  then  having  unloaded  and 
lightened  our  ships,  we  hauled  them  to  land,  and 
repaired  them  wherever  they  needed  it.  The  na- 
tives were  of  very  great  assistance  to  us,  continually 
providing  food,  so  that  in  this  port  we  consumed 
very  little  of  ojur  own.  This  served  us  a  very  good 
turn,  for  our  provisions  were  poor,  and  the  stock  so 
much  reciuced  at  this  time,  that  we  feared  it  would 
hardly  last  us  on  our  return  to  Spain.  Having 
stayed  here  thirty-seven  days,  visiting  their  villages 
many  times,  where  they  paid  us  the  highest  honour, 
we  wished  to  depart  on  our  voyage. 

Before  we  set  sail,  the  natives  complained  to  us, 
that  at  certain  times  ,'n  the  year,  there  came  from 
the  sea  into  their  territory,  a  very  cruel  tribe,  who, 
either  by  trej^hery  or  force,  killed  many  of  them, 

>  This  was  probably  the  modem  port  of  Mochina,  on  the  cosBt  of 
Camana.  ^jgk 


m 


i 


135 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQES  OP 


CHAPTER  and  cat  them,  while  they  captured  otherx,  and  car- 

VII. 

'• —  ried  them  prisoners  into  their  own  country,  and  that 

-  ..  they  were  liardly  able  to  defend  themselves.  They 
*  signified  to  us  tiiat  tiiis  tribe  were  ishmders,  and 
lived  at  about  one  hundred  leagues  distance  at  sea. 
They  narrated  this  to  us  with  so  much  simplicity 
and  feeling,  that  wc  credited  them,  and  j)romised  to 
avenge  their  great  injuries ;  at  which  they  were 
highly  rejoiced,  and  many  oflered  to  go  with  us. 
We  did  not  wish  to  take  them  for  many  reasons, 
and  only  carried  seven,  on  the  condition,  that  (hey 
should  come  back  in  their  own  canoes,  ior  we  would 
not  enter  into  obligations  to  return  them  to  their 
own  country.  With  this  they  were  contented,  and 
w^e  parted  from  these  people,  leaving  them  very  well 
disposed  toward  us. 

Our  ships  having  been  repaired,  we  set  sail  on 
our  return,  taking  a  northeasterly  course,  and  at  the 
end  of  seven  days,  fell  in  with  some  islands.  There 
were  a  great  many  of  them,  some  peopled,  others 
uniniiabited.  We  landed  at  one  of  them,  wliere  we 
saw  many  people,,  who  called  the  island  Iti,  Hav- 
ing fdled  our  boats  with  good  men,  and  put  three 
rounds  of  shot  in  each  boat,  we  proceeded  toward 
the  land,  where  we  saw  about  four  hundred  imgr 
and  many  women,  all  naked,  like  those  we  had  seen 
before.  They  w^ere  of  good  stature,  and  appeared 
to  be  very  warlike  men,  being  armed  w  ith  bows  and 
arrows,  and  lances.  The  greater  pait  of  them  car- 
ried staves  of  a  square  form,  attached  to  their  per- 
sons in  sud^  manner  that  they  were  not  prevented 


Diarover 
new  islnndH. 


f 


f 


AMERIOUS  VESPUOIUS. 


i9r 


from  drawing  the  bow.     As  we  approuclied  within  ohapteb 

bow-shot  of  tile  sliore,  tliey  all  leaped  into  the  wa- '■ — 

ter,  and  shot  their  arrows  at  us,  to  prevent  our 
landitig. 

Tiiev   were   painted  with   various  colours,  and  severe  bau 
plumed  with   feathers,   and  the   nitcrprcters  who  fttttofthe 

*^  *  native*. 

were  witii  us  told  us  that  when  they  w  v;re  thus 
painted  and  plumed  they  showed  a  wish  to  fi^ht. 
They  persisted  so  much  in  their  endeavours  to  de- 
ter us  from  hindinji^,  that  we  were  at  last  compelled 
to  fire  on  them  v^itii  our  artillery.  Hearing  the 
thunder  of  our  cannon,  and  seeing  some  of  their 
people  fall  dead,  they  all  retreated  to  the  shore. 
We,  having  consulted  together,  forty  of  us  resolved 
to  leap  ashore,  and  if  they  waited  for  us,  to  fight 
with  them.  Proceeding  thus,  they  attacked  us,  and 
we  fought  about  two  hours  w'l'h  little  advantage, 
except  that  our  bowmen  and  gunners  killed  some 
of  their  people,  and  they  wounded  some  of  ours. 
This  was  because  we  could  not  get  a  chance  to  use 
the  lance  or  the  sword.  We  finally,  by  desperate 
exertion,  were  enabled  to  draw  the  sword,  and  as 
soon  as  they  had  a  taste  of  our  arms,  they  fled  to 
the  mountains  and  woods,  leaving  us  masters  of  the 
field,  with  many  of  tlicir  people  killed  and  wounded. 
This  day  we  did  not  pursue  them,  because  we  were 
much  fotigued,  but  returned  to  our  ships,  the  seven 
men  who  came  with  us  being  very  highly  rojnicid. 
The  next  day  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people 
coming  through  the  country,  still  offering  us  signs 
of  battle,  sounding  horns  and  various  other  instru- 

18 


■ .  i .  :~ 


I 


f 


"wptf ' 


138 


MPE  AND  VOYAQRS  OF 


r.' 


oHAPTRt  incilUt  which  they  use  hi  war,  und  all  painted  and 
—  — ^--plumed,  which  ^avc  them  a  Htraii^e  and  fenicious 
appearance.  Whereupon,  all  in  the  ships  held  a 
grand  council,  and  it  was  determined  (hat  since 
these  people  were  resolved  to  he  at  enmily  with  us, 
we  would  ^o  to  meet  them,  and  do  every  Ihing  to 
engage  their  friendship;  hut  in  case  they  would  not 
receive  it,  we  resolved  to  treat  them  as  enoniits,  and 
to  make  slaves  of  all  we  could  capture.  Having 
armed  ourselves  in  the  hest  maimer  possible,  we 
immediately  rowed  ashore,  where  they  did  not  re- 
sist our  landing,  from  fear,  as  I  think,  of  our  bom- 
bardment. We  disembarked  in  four  s(iuares,  being 
fifty-seven  men,  each  captain  with  his  own  men, 
and  engaged  them  in  battle. 

After  a  long  battle,  having  killed  many,  we  put 
them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  to  a  village,  taking 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.'  We  burn- 
ed the  village,  and  returned  victorious  to  the  ships 
wit'a  our  prisoners,  leaving  many  killed  and  wound- 
ed on  their  side,  while  on  ours  not  more  than  one 
died,  and  only  twenty-two  were  wounded.  The 
rest  all  escaped  unhurt,  for  which,  God  be  thanked 
We  soon  arranged  for  our  departure,  and  the  seven 
men,  of  whom  five  were  wounded,  took  a  canoe 
from  the  island,  and  with  seven  prisoners,  lour  wo- 
men and  three  men  that  we  gave  them,  returned  to 
their  own  country,  very  merry  and  greatly  aston- 

>  The  edition  of  Gruniger  reads,     bcr  was  so  small,  and  the  text  ia 
••  twenty-five  slaves ;"  but  it  does    in  accordance  with  Canovai. 
not  appear  probable  that  the  nam- 


"•; 


^¥ 


i 


AMBRI0178  VB8PU0IU8. 


180 


■ 


ished  at  -our  |)ower.     Wc  alMO  net  Hnil  for  Spain,  ciiAma 

vu. 
witli  two  humlrcd  lU'J  twenty-two  prisonerM,  nIuvcm, 

and  urrivod  in  the  port  of  Cadiz  on  the  fillceiith 

day  ofOctoher,  1498,  where  we  were  well  received, 

and  found  a  market  for  our  Nlaves.     Thin  iH  what 

happened  to  nie,  in  tluN  my  first  voyage,  tiiat  n*ay 

be  considered  worth  relating.' 


>  The  edition  of  Urunigcr  makoM 
the  iluto  of  tlto  return  of  Amcricun 
the  15th  of  October,  1499,  and, 
iinmcdiutitly  aftur,  gives  as  the 
date  of  hit  departure  on  his  second 
voyage,  May,  1499.     So  muifeat 


an  error  of  print,  one  would  tliink, 
ought  not  to  have  oilordod  ony 
ground  from  which  to  argue  the 
incredibility  of  the  writer,  yet 
Navarr6to  makes  use  of  it  fur  this 
purpose. 


'> 


.km 


CHAPTER    VIII 


CHAPTKR 
VIII. 


Ttifl  Arrival  of  dilumbuii  on  the  Cnuiit  of  I'urin,  nml  nt  Hinimniola, 
Aujjijxt  ;jOth,  14UH.— Dittrii'twl  Stutii  of  the  (,'oloiiy  Iki  )ut<l  liift.— 
l)«'Hli(i(<lii;«  NdWH  of  iim  J)i8covrry  of  thf  Continrnt  mi  Irtth  of  ()c- 
tuluT,  M!>ri,  friiin  lHu()i'Iltt. — Aiiicriciw  iirrivcM  nt  Cadi/,  l.lih  of  Or- 
toluT,  14!)rt. — Ni'W!.inu(ltiI'ul)lic. — C'oiiNi'(|iicrit  Kxc  itfrmtU. — Alon/ii 
<l»"  Ojoilii. — Iliit  IMun  of  an  Kx[i<ilition.— lJi?»liop  lAinsijco. — H\h  Ho- 
Ireil  of  (Joluiiibus. —  (,'iitiitiiiN.tioii  of  Ojcila. —  His  (^lm|).•llliolmlli|» 
with  AiiiiTiciix. — liiltrviil  bctwirii  First  aiitl  Scruriil  Voyage. — 
Marnogo  of  Ahmt'cu*  with  Muriu  Ccrozo. — Ho  goes  to  Court. — 
Is  itn|)ortun(<(l  l)y  Ojfdu. — (^msnitH  to  j^o  with  him. — .luan  (!<•  la 
Ci«tt. — I'ri'paruiionu  for  Hiiiliii;;  ut  iSovillo. — Lorcu/o  di  I'iur-Frun* 
cvcu  do'  Mcdiui. — yketch  of  hi"  Cifo. 

t 

It  appears  in  tlio  history  of  Columbus,  that  the 
A(hniral,  after  visitirji;  the  coast  of  Faria,  in  14t)8, 
arrived,  oti  the  30th  of  August  iii  that  year,  at  the 
Rctth'inrtit  whicli  he  had  founded  on  the  isUuid  of 
Hispanioha.  He  Ibund  the  aflfairs  of  the  rolony  in 
the  greatest  state  of  confusion  and  anan^hy.  Not- 
witlistauding  the  sagacious  and  vigorous  goveni- 
ment  of  his  brother  Bartlioloinew,  whom  he  had 
left  behind  him  as  his  lieutenant  or  adelantado,  a 
serious  insurrection,  headed  ])y  an  ambitious  man 
named  Roldan,  had  broken  out,  and  threatened  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  new  colony.  Rt>ldan  was 
the  last  man  who  should  have  rebelled  against  the 
authority  of  Columbus,  for  he  had  been  raised  by 
the  Admiral  from  poverty  and  a  low  position,  to  one 


mmm 


4 


LIFE  AND  VOVAOKS  OP  AMRRIons  VRSPlTOIUi. 


141 


of  iisclulrtcss  uikI  (lisliiiclioii  ;  hut  lie  wum  "  one  ot    ciiArniR 

Ihost;   last!  MpirMs,   vvliicli  ^n-w   vimkmiioun  in  the — 

Hunsliinc  ol  |)ros|u'rily.  "• 

(JoIiiiiiImis  muvv  at  once  the  ncrcssity  of  vi^onms  (•orMiiii..n 

II      I  .  .     i-  iif  lll«|i«n- 

iiieiisiircs  to  (iiu'll  the  jjrtjwiri'i  spirit  o(  jusjonttnt  ioU^imIiI' 
uiul  rohi'llioii.  lie  wuN  well  awurr  that  many  of  t5uiuM»»>u». 
tlie  colonists  were  extremely  anxious  to  return  to 
Spain.  They  were  eomptistd  mostly  of  refiij^ees 
from  justice,  and  convicts  who  had  heen  pardoned, 
on  thjL*  condition  ofaccompanyini;  him  on  his  second 
and  third  voyages,  and  looked  upon  their  residence 
in  llispaniola  as  a  punishment,  lie  (U'emed  it  ad- 
viHable,  therefore,  to  ^et  rid  of  as  many  of  these 
unruly  suhjects  an  possible,  and  accordingly,  on 
the  12th  of  September,  14i)H,  he  made  proclama- 
tion, ofleririii;  a  free  pa8sa«i:e  home  to  such  of  the 
colonists  as  wished  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
chance,  in  five  vessels,  which  he  determined  to 
despatch  at  once  for  Spain.  lie  hoped  by  this 
means  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  disaflected,  and 
wasj  desirous,  also,  of  sending  to  his  sovereigns  an 
account  of  his  further  discoveries.'^ 

These  ships  set  sail,  on  the  18th  of  the  next 
month,  from  the  port  of  Isabella,  in  the  island  of 
Hispaniola,  just  three  days  after  the  date  of  the 
arrival  of  Americus  from  his  first  voyajj^e,  in  Cadiz. 
They  reached  Spain  in  the  month  of  December, 
after  a  passajjfe  of  about  two  months,  bringing  with 
them  an  account  of  the  recent  voyage  of  Colum- 

'  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  771.     Per-        '    Fernando    ColambuB,   chap, 
nando  Columbua,  chap.  Ixxiv.  Ixxiv. 


m 


» 


14S 


lAVV.  AND  VOTAORM  Or 


uNAPTRR  bun,  with  Noino  h|M<(-iiii(*iiM  of  iUv  i(()l(l  huicl  prnrl» 

'  which  lir   liiul  pic  kt'ti   up  on  the  roast  ol"  I'aria. 

*  Ttiin  an'oiinl  was  accotiipaiiicd  by  a  (hurt  ol  I  hi* 

track  of  Ihc  I'xpcditioii,  aiut  tiiscoiirMctl  in  ({lowing 
t4>niiN  of  tlic  beauties  and  wealth  of  tju-  cotititry 
which  he  had  visited.' 

It  IM  probable  that  thin  wan  the  first  news  which 
was  published  in  S|)aia  of  the  newly-louiid  coiih- 
nent.  Following  out  (he  i(K'a  adctpted  and  illus- 
trated in  the  sixth  chapter  of  this  work,  thai  (ho 
expedition  which  Aniericus  first  acctMiipanicd  wan 
a  private  enterprise,  joined  by  hitii  as  an  agent  in 
behalf  of  the  king,  it  is  reasonable  to  conrludi^  (hat 
secresy  was  at  first  maintained  concerning  i(,  for 
purposes  of  private;  advantage.  It  is  vi  ry  likely, 
however,  tliut  it  wan  coininunicated  (o  (he  govern- 
ment by  Aniericus,  and  this  supp(>si(ion  is  cor- 
roborated by  what  followetl. 

Aikmiodc  Alonzo  dc  Ojeda,  n  young  man  of  great  cournge 
and  enterprise,  who,  when  only  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  sec(»nd 
voyage,  and  distinguished  himself  much  by  bis 
gallantry  and  audacious  spirit,  was  at  that  lime 
lingering  about  the  court,  in  search  of  some  service 
or  employment,  in  which  to  gain  new  laurels  by 
his  ptowess.     He  was  brought  up  as  a  page  by  the 

'  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  7H1.  FcnIinniKf    Coliimlms    xnys   that 

In  this  nrcount  Ci)lurnbu8  still  "lii'  caiiwl  it  tin;  Ilnly  Isiaiid,  bc- 

adhered  to  his  first  vitswa  and,  did  licviiif(  tliut  land  of  Piiriii  tn  bo 

not  imagine  for   a   nKiniint  that  no  continent." — FerJ.  Cvlumbus, 

when  ho  touched  the  coast  oi  Pa-  chap.  Uxi. 

lit,  he  had  found    a   continent. 


^^w 


AMKKI<'i;il   VKMPUOIUM 

Diik<!  of  Mrdlnn  Crll,  one  of  tho  rnrlioAt 


14a 


1 


Vlli 


of  CoIiiiiiImis  ut  (li(>  rourt  of  iMTiliituiitl  ami  I.hu- 
bt'llti,  ami  had  hccii  traiiii'd  to  hardy  t'XiTciMfN  and 
dariii;;  rxploilN  in  tlh;  iMiNirinli  wars.  l*oNN«.>NNin)( 
inlhicritiul  conncxionx  and  t'ririi«lH,  he  found  |i(U» 
diliictilly  in  or^ani'/iiii^  an  i\|)«'(lition  lo  contiinu* 
thcM*  discoveries,  which  \vcri>  (lie  lirsl  that  hail 
roused  tl'e  cupidity  of  (he  Spaniards,  iiy  llit  ir 
enticiii}(  descriptimis  of  earl,  and  g*>ld,  and 
Hpiies.' 

IlitluTto  (ho  accounts  ()f  llu;   iVev    World  had  KMii»u-i.t.« 
fallen  l;ir  short  of  tin?  sanuuine  auiicipat'  us  of    •''" '^.';*' 
men,  and,  as  appears  above,  the  disajtpoi  'i  ient 
the  expectations  of  all  was  so  ^r  'it    that  it  h 


■«.  "Tl 


in 
ai' 


been  found 


to  f. 


il( 


I  >  accompany 
the  sectuid  and  third  expeditions.  Cimvicts  and 
desperate  characters  of  all  ilescriptions  had  been 
pressed  into* the  service;  but  the  great  sensation 
produccil  by  the  later  intellij^ence  <  titiri'ly  altered 
the  face  of  allairs.  A  multitude  of  adventurers, 
noble  as  will  as  oi'  low  degree,  came  eagerly  for- 
ward to  enrol  themselves  as  volunteers  in  every 
new  armament,  and  the  (mly  dilFiculty  was,  to 
make  a  judicious  sel.  r  ii  from  the  crowd  of 
applicants. 

The  Ui.sliop  Fons^va,  who  held  the  chief  control  comini«.ioB 
of  all  matters  :nipi'»  taining  to  the  aflairs  of  the  In-  fiirmihoj 
dies,  had  been  smce  the  year  1493  u  bitter  enemy 
to  Colu;  ibus,  and  was  always  ready  to  seize  upon 
any  opportunity  to  annoy'  and  impede  him  in  his 

I  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945. 


t 


*■ 


144 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VIII. 


:.^:. 


CHAPTER  undertakings.'  He  gladly  encouraged  Ojeda  to  pro- 
-  ceed  in  his  attempt,  and  issued  a  eonnnission,  giv- 
ing liini  lull  authority.  Well  knowing  that  the 
representations  of  Columbus,  before  his  departure 
on  his  third  voyage,  had  procured  a  revocation  of 
the  edict  of  general  license  to  private  adventures, 
he  did  not  seek  the  approval  of  the  sovereigns,  and 
the  commission  appears  signed  by  him  alone,  in  vir- 
tue of  his  general  superintendence  of  such  ad'airs." 
It  was  wordeil  with  great  caution  and  address,  for 
the  Bishop  knew  that  King  Ferdinand  would  be 
gratified  at  the  prospect  of  extending  his  dominions 
at  the  expense  of  private  persons,  although  he  did 
not  wish  to  appear  guilty  of  any  public  breach  of 
faith  with  Columbus.  Accordingly,  the  only  pro- 
visos which  the  license  of  Ojeda  contained,  were  to 
the  effect,  that  he  should  not  visit  any  lands  belong- 
ing to  the  King  of  Portugal,  or  any  of  those  which 
had  been  discovered  for  Spain  previous  to  the  year 
1495 ;  thus  leaving  him  entire  liberty  to  explore 
the  coast  of  Paria  and  the  adjacent  countries,  and 


(*.t 


^ 


I 


'  The  origin  of  the  difficuhy  be- 
tween Cohimbus  and  the  Bishop 
Fonseca  was  this.  While  at  Se- 
ville, making  preparations  for  his 
Becond  voyage,  Columbus  found 
that  the  expenses  would  be  greater 
than  he  had  anticipated,  and  much 
delay  and  demurring  was  occasion- 
ed in  the  settlement  of  his  accounts. 
Fonseca  was  very  captious  in  the 
matter,  and  in  particular  refused 
the  application  of  Cohimbus  for 
the  appointment  of  certain  mem- 


bers of  his  household  retinue.  Co- 
lumbus appealed  to  the  sover- 
eigns, who  rebuked  the  Bishop  in 
a  letter,  in  which  they  ordered 
that  he  bliould  bo  allowed  ten 
squires  or  unmounted  fiiolnien,  and 
twcpty  additional  servants,  in  va- 
rious domestic  rapacities.  Fonse- 
ca clierislied  tl»e  mcinory  of  tliis 
allront,  as  he  chose  to  consider  it, 
to  the  latest  period  of  his  lify.— 
Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  G87. 
a  Navarrete,  torn.  ii. 


-m 


.'•.*S 


FRIGHTENED   NATIVES  JUMPING    OVERBOARD. 


^^ 


'iii^'mi'' 


^ 


F.B£LLEW 


When  they  beard  the  thundering  report  of  the  hig  guns,  the  greater  part  of  tnem. 

jumped  into  the  sea  from  fright,  acting  like  froga  sitting  on  a  bank,  -who 

plunge  into  the  marsh  on  the  approach  of  anything  that  alarms 

them.    (Sxx  Pass  132) 


,:4 


I 


^ 

4 


1^-1*= 


/"^^'V^, 


> 


/ 


ri.-tW' 


';'"*:■  '> 


'»'  vj.^ 


^^i   ,>'•• 


Vj, 


.^'j.-. 


.*  ■  '.. 


;ijs»«»T,v 


'•1  •- 


J(  t 


"Ul'vA' 


■W: 


'f:yfV 


■% 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIU8. 


gg^ 


il 


^ving  him  an  opportunity  to  reap  the  first  fruits  of  niAPTEii 
the  golden  harvest,  which  the  accounts  of  Americus  •  — ^— 
and  Columbus  represented  as  awaiting  him. 
The  near  resemblance  of  its  incidents,  the  simi-  The  voya- 

.  111.    K***  "'^  Ojeda 

laritv  of  dates  of  departure  and  arrival,  and  the  di-  ind  Ameri- 
rect  testimony  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  himself,  in  the  «;ai- 
course  of  the  lawsuit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  re- 
ferred to  in  a  previous  chapter,  render  it  almost  cer- 
tain that  this  voyage  of  Ojeda  and  the  second  voy- 
age of  Americus  ar^  identical.  It  is  true  that  the 
Italian  biographers  of  the  navigator  arrive  at  a  dif- 
ferent conclusion,  but  they  had  not  the  benefit  of 
the  valuable  mass  of  testimony  which  has  recently 
been  brought  to  light  by  the  researches  of  Navar- 
r6te  among  the  dusty  archives  of  Spain,  and  are  in 
some  degree  carried  away  by  their  desire  to  exalt 
Americus  to  a  separate  command  and  authority, 
rather  than  leave  him  in  the  less  showy  and  conse- 
quential, but  more  useful  position  of  a  skilful  navi- 
gator and  scientific  astronomer.  Before  proceeding, 
however,  to  give  the  descriptions  which  Americus 
has  left  of  his  second  voyage,  the  few  events  which 
have  come  down  to  the  present  time,  relating  to  his 
personal  history  during  the  interval  between  his  ar- 
rival and  second  departure,  demand  attention. 

It  was  during  this  interval  of  about  seven  months.  Marriage  of 
that  Americus,  notwithstanding  the  multifarious  em-  with  Maria 

CerezOi 

ployments  and  .negotiations  in  which  he  was  en- 
gaged, found  time  to  complete  a  matrimonial  en- 
gagement, which  he  had  entered  into  before  his  first 
voyage.    Donna  Maria  Cerezo,  the  lady  whom  he 

19  -  # 


t. 


%^---.^.^ 


"''"''■^yK. 


I 


ml^  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

OHAPTEB  married,  became  known,  and  subsequently  betrothed 

'■ —  to  him,  while  he  was  conducting  the  affairs  of  the 

house  of  Berardi,  in  Seville,  but  either  from  pruden- 
tial motives,  or  some  other  cause  which  cannot  now 
be  ascertained,  their  nuptials  did  not  take  place  till 
after  his  first  voyage.  This  lady  was  a  native  of 
Seville,  of  an  honourable  though  not  wealthy  fami- 
ly, and  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  her  alliance 
with  Americus  was  based  upon  motives  of  affection 
alone,  as  the  navigator  was  neither  at  that  time,  nor 
ever  afterwards,  in  affluent  circumstances.  Very 
little  is  known  respecting  this  lady,  excepting  that 
her  union  with  Americus  was  unproductive  of  chil- 
dren, and  that  she  survived  him,  receiving  from  the 
government,  after  his  death,  a  handsome  pension  in 
consideration  of  her  husband's  services.* 

Soon  after  his  marriage,  Americus  visited  the 
court,  where  he  was  received  with  marked  atten- 
tion by  the  king,  Ferdinand.  Bishop  Fonseca  paid 
him  particular  attention  and  honour.  He  was  con- 
sulted respecting  new  expeditions,  and  his  accounts, 
of  what  he  had  already  seen,  were  listened  to  with 
the  greatest  interest.  The  cold  and  calculating 
spirit  of  the  king  was  gratified  by  finding  that 
others  besides  Columbus  could  add  to  his  dominions 
and  wealth,  for  he  already  repented  the  contract  he 
had  entered  into  with  the  Admiral.  When  that  was 
agreed  upon,  he  little  dreamed  of  the  vast  conces- 
sions he  was  making  to  a  subject,  considering  his 


Americua 

goM  to  the 

court. 


1  See  the  Illustrationa  and  Documents, 
firom  Navarr6te. 


Translation  of  Docomenti 


Wr> 


% 


'■■% 


# 


O  t     I* 


iiiilfciiifii 


III— II   Hrr>iiiitfriTt-i-. 


— * ^•' *^.'-.        r  ■'.s  .T-rt-K  ^.  ,- ,fc.iU.I 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


!47 


schemes  wild  and  visionary ;   but  now  that  the  ohaptu 

VIII* 

brightest  hopes  of  the  advocates  of  Columbus  seem '■ — 

ed  on  the  point  of  being  realized,  he  was  anxious  to 
grasp  as  much  as  possible  for  himself,  and  bitterly 
repented  his  former  bargain.  •    • 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  having  comparatively  little  ex- 
perience as  a  navigator,  and  viewing  his  projected 
voyage  in  the  light  of  a  marauding  enterprise, 
rather  than  as  an  expedition  of  discovery,  was  nat- 
urally desirous  of  engaging  the  services  of  compe- 
tent and  scientific  navigators  to  conduct  his  fleet. 
He  made  immediate  application  to  Americus  and 
to  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  whose  reputation  for  skill  in 
nautical  affairs  was  deservedly  high,  and  urged 
strongly  that  they  should  accompany  him.*  Amer- 
icus was  at  first  disinclined  to  go,  and  represented 
the  short  time  which  he  would  have  to  enjoy  the 
quiet  and  repose  of  home,  after  a  long  and  arduous 
voyage,  but  his  objections  were  of  no  avail.  Sec- 
onded by  the  requests  of  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  the 
entreaties  of  Ojeda  prevailed,  and  Americus  decided 
again  to  visit  the  New  World. 

Thus  strengthened  by  the  patronage  of  the  Court,  a  new  fleai 
the  next  step  for  Ojeda  was  to  find  the  means  of  atX^n 
equipping  his  expedition.    The  connection  of  Amer- " 
icus  with  many  of  the  rich  merchants  of  Seville 
was  of  material  aid  in  this  particular,  and  but  little 
difficulty  was  experienced  in  finding  among  the 


ary. 


7^ 


»  For  a  sketch  of  the  lives  of 
Ojeda  and  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  the 
companions  of  Americas,  in  his 


second  voyage,  see  lUuatratioTU 
and  Documents. 


i 


-<?*■• 


U8 


LIFE  AND  V0YA0E8  OF 


OHATTER  wcaltliy  capitaliHts  of  tliat  enterprising  city  some 
— — —  who  were  willing  to  stake  a  portion  of  their  for- 
tunes on  tlie  successful  issue  of  the  schemes  of  the 
adventurer.  A  fleet  of  four  vessels  was  speedily 
equipped  at  St.  Mary,  a  port  on  the  shore  of  the 
bay  of  Cadiz,  opposite  to  that  city,  and  by  the  lat- 
ter part  of  the  spring  of  1499  was  ready  for  sea. 
So  tempting  was  the  spirit  of  adventure,  that  many 
of  the  sailors  who,  at  their  own  request,  had  been 
sent  home  by  Columbus  from  Hispaniola,  enrolled 
themselves  in  this  new  expedition.* 
Sketch  of      A  brief  notice  of  the  individual  to  whom  Ameri- 

the  life  of  ,   1  .       , 

Lorenzo  di  cus  addrcssod  his  letters,  ffivrng  an  account  of  his 

Pier  Fran-  JOB 

M'^'dicl"  s^^^^'id  ^^^^  third  voyages,  may  not  be  without  in- 
terest to  the  reader.  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  the  grand- 
father of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  had  a  brother  by 
name  Lorenzo,  in  connection  with  whom  he  carried 
on  a  very  extensive  trade,  both  in  Florence  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  world.  This  Lorenzo  left  only 
one  son,  Pier  Francesco,  who  inherited  his  wealth. 
It  was  retained,  however,  in  the  hands  of  Cosmo  de 
Medici,  for  some  years  after  his  death,  and  a  division 
of  the  family  property  did  not  take  place  until  the 
year  1451.  At  that  time  a  new  agreement  or  part- 
nership was  entered  into,  by  which  it  was  stipula- 
ted that  the  business  should  be  carried  on  for  the  joint 
benefit  of  Pier  Francesco,  and  the  two  sons  of  Cos- 
mo, Piero  and  Giovanni,  and  that  their  profits  should 
be  divided  in  equal  thirds.  Very  large  acquisitions 
were  the  result  yf  this  arrangement,  but  while  Cos- 

» Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945t  ;  •• 


h 


#.^ 


^iii^l1lJi(lllii11^t^iy^J■^'J^^■^^»*'      - 


c3C^ 


.i^,r*':-ii"^' 


AMERICUS  VESPUOIUS. 


149 


■  .% 


mo  and  his  Hons  expended  immense  amounts  in  chaptu 

VIII. 

public  charities  and  in  supporting  the  dignity  of • 

chief  magistrates  of  the  republic,  Pier  Francesco 
preferred  the  quiet  of  private  life,  and  transmitted 
to  his  sons,  Lorenzo,  the  subject  of  this  notice,  and 
Giovanni,  a  patrimony  much  more  ample  than  that 
which  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  inherited  from  his 
father,  Piero.  .    ' 

'  The  death  of  Pier  Francesco  took  place  in  1459. 
His  sons  continued  in  the  same  course  which  their 
father  had  pursued  throughout  life.  They  were 
both  anxious  rather  to  acquire  wealth  and  increase 
their  already  overgrown  property,  than  ambitious  of 
political  honours.  In  1490,  as  appears  previously 
in  this  work,  Lorenzo  gave  certain  commissions  to 
Americus,  wiiich  were  one  cause  of  his  residence 
in  Spain.  At  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  Piero  de 
Medici  from  Florence,  in  1494,  the  two  brothers, 
fearful  of  being  themselves  banished  in  the  popular 
commotions  which  ensued,  dropped  the  family 
name,  which  at  that  time  was  in  so  much  odium 
from  the  inefficient  management  of  Piero,  and  as- 
sumed the  surname  of  Popolani.  It  appears  that 
they  were  influenced  to  this  course  partly  by  a  de- 
sire to  acquire  for  themselves  the  power  which  had 
passed  out  of  the  possession  of  the  elder  branch  of 
the  family ;  but,  if  so,  the  subsequent  elevation  of 
Piero  Soderini,  and  the  return  of  the  elder  branch, 
after  his  fall,  disappointed  their  hopes. 

Both  the  correspondent  of  Americus  and  his  bro- 
ther passed  through  life  in  subordinate  stations,  and 


vt' 


*  * 


:^-f 


^s 


i 


180 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOEfl  OF  AMERICU8  VE8PUOIU8. 


ouArrm  thoiurh  the  ducal  house  which  afterwards  Aimished, 

VIII.  ^^  ' 

' for  nearly  three  centuries,  a  line  of  nionarchs  for 

Tuscany,  originated  in  their  branch  of  the  family, 
they  themselves  never  acquired  any  political  rank. 
They  continued  engaged  in  extensive  mercantile 
operations  throughout  their  lives,  and  were  known 
all  over  Europe  by  their  large  commercial  transac- 
tions. When  Americus  wrote  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier 
Francesco  an  account  of  his  second  voyage,  they 
were  living  at  Florence,  under  the  government  of 
Piero  Soderini.* 

^  RcMcoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo  Je  Medici*  vol.  i.  181 ;  voLii.  p.  404, 406 


:# 


,^' 


^ 
^ 


*? 


I 


„f-. 


'ifl« 


mr 


•  y 


('  /■ 


CHAPTER  IX. 


/ 


FIRST  LETTER  OF  AMERIOUS   TO    LORENZO  DI  PIlUlrFRAN* 
CESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  GIVINQ  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  m^  ^^ 

SECOND  VOVAOE.  .AV 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May  I8th,  1409. — MakeatheCM&t^Iilanda.— 
Arrives  at  the  "Now  World  in  twonty-four  Days. — Difficulty  of  Dii- 
.  embarcation. — Freshness  of  the  Water  at  Sea. — Two  largp  Kivers 
Discovered. — Ascent  of  one  of  them. — Description  of  the  Scmify.— 
Remarkable  Current.— Shadows  of  the  Sun. — The\^[i||\|>r  the 
South  Pole. — Remarkable  Passage  in  Dante. — Calculation  o**  Dis- 
tance from  Cadiz. — Calculation  of  Longitude,  Aug.  23,  1499. — Oc- 
cultation  of  Mars. — Sails  Northwardly. — Discovers  ^n  Island. — 
Description  of  the  Natives. — Their  Hospitality. — Prefant  of  Pearls. 
—Voyage  continued. — Meets  with  Unfriendly  Natives.-r-Cttnnibal- 
iam. — Battle  with  them. — Valour  of  a  Portuguese  Sailor. — A  very 
large  Race  of  Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds  to  Uispaniola. — Re- 
fitting the  Fleet. — Continue  Homeward  Voyoge. — Take  a  Cargo  of 
Slave- prisoners. — Arrive  at  the  Azores  and  Cadiz. — Conclusion  of 
th8  Voyage. 

Most  Excellent  and  dear  Lord, 

\  4t  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  written  to  your  Ex-  ohaptei 
cellency,  and  for  no  other  reason  than  that  nothing 
has  occurred  to  me  worthy  of  being  commemorated. 
This  present  letter  will  inform  you,  that  about  a 
month  ago,  I  arrived  from  the  IndieSj-iby  the  way  ol 
the  great  ocean,  brought,  by  the  grace  of  Grod,  safe- 
ly to  this  city  of  Seville.  I  think  your  Excellency 
will  be  gratified  to  learn  the  result  of  my  voyage, 
and  the  most  surprising  things  which  have  been  pre- 


IX. 


%i 


\' 


152 


I.irK  AND  VOYAOSt^  09 


I 

I 

'  f 

i 
I 

I. 


cHArrM  Nt>nU^<l  to  my  ohHorvutioii.     It*  1  am  M)mcwhat  Us 

IX 

^ diouH,  let  my  letter  be  reud  in  your  more  idle  hourN, 

UN  fruit  \H  euteii  after  the  clotli  iM  removed  from  the 
table.  Your  ICxcelleucy  will  pleuNe  to  note,  that, 
commiMHioned  by  hiw  hi^hneNH  the  Kin^  of  Spain,  I 
net  «>ut  with  two  small  sliipN,  (»n  the  IHth  of  May, 
141)9,  on  a  voyuj?e  of  discovery  to  the  HouthweMt,  by 
way  of  the  i^reat  ocean,  and  steered  my  eourse 
alori^;  the  e(»ast  of  Afrieu,  until  I  reached  tlu>  Fortu- 
nate IshuuLv  which  are  now  called  the  Canarien. 
After  having  provided  ourselves  w  itii  all  thing's  ntv 
cessury,  first  otlering  our  prayers  to  (iod,  we  set  sail 
from  an  island  which  is  called  (jomera,  and  turn- 
ing our  prf)WH  s(»uthwardly,  sailetl  twenty-lour  days 
with  u  fresii  w  ind,  without  seeing  any  land. 

Arnve.iii  At  tlic  end  of  tliesc  tweuty-four  days  we  cauio 
nont  ill    witnm  sight  of  land,  and  found  that  we  had  saded 

twenty-four  " 

•lay  about  thirteen  hundred  leagues,  and  were  at  that 
-  ^  distance  from  the  city  of  Cadi/,  in  a  southwesterly 
direction.  When  we  saw  the  land  we  gave  thanks 
to  God,  and  then  launched  our  boats,  nnd,  w  ilh  six- 
teen men,  went  to  the  shore,  which  we  found  thickly 
covered  with  trees,  astonishing  both  on  account  of 
their  size  aiul  their  verdure,  for  they  never  lose  their 
foliage.  The  sweet  odour  which  they  exhaled  (for 
they  are  all  aromatic)  highly  delighted  us,  and  we 
were  rejoiced  in  regaling  our  nostrils. 

We  rowed  along  the  shore  in  the  ])oats,  to  see  if 
we  could  find  any  suitable  place  for  landing,  but 
after  toiling  from  morning  till  night,  we  found  no 
way  or  passage  which  we  could  enter  and  disem- 


Wl4« 


/'• 


I 

i 


AMMAICUB  VKSPUC1U8. 


IM 


% 


b«rk.     Wo  w«'ii»  imjvpiiU'd  fV»nii  (loinR  •o  by  the  otum» 
lowncHMor  i\w  Itiiui,  uiid  by  itH  hoiiif^  no  dciiHcly  cov ^^^ 


i*n'i\  with  tn'«H.     Wo  ooiicluthnl,  thori'loro,  to  re» 
turn  to  th<>  Nhi|)H,  niul  make  mi  uttciiipt  to  luml  in 

MOIIIO  0(h(T  N{)Ot. 

Wo  ohMtTvrd  one  rrmarkiiliU^  circumirtnnrr  in  Fwhnir. 
tiit'No  Mi'UM.  It  was,  tiiat  at  lilU'oti  ii'iigucN  Ironi  tho  temiM* 
hind,  wo  I'ound  tho  wator  frosh  liko  tiiat  of  a  rivor 
— and  wo  liMod  all  our  onipty  caNks  with  it.  Ilav- 
inf(  roturnod  (<»  nuv  NhipN,  wo  rainod  anchor  and  Not 
nail — turning  our  prowN  Noutliwardly,  aN  it  wan  my 
intontion  to  noo  whothor  I  could  Nail  round  a  point 
oflathl,  which  Ftolonioy  callN  tho  Capo,  of  Cattoj^a- 
ra  (which  in  iioar  tho  (troat  Bay).'  In  my  opinion 
itnvas  not  far  fnnn  it,  according  to  the  dogrecH  of 
latitude  and  longitude,  which  will  be  Ntatod  here- 
after. Sailing  in  a  Nouthorly  direction  along  the 
coaNt,  we  Naw  two  large  riverH  issuing  from  the 
land— one  running  i'roin  west  to  east,  and  being  four 
leagues  in  width,  which  is  sixteen  miles, — the  other 
ran  from  south  to  iiortli,  and  was  three  leagues  wide. 
I  think  that  those  two  rivers,  by  reason  of  their 
magnitude,  caused  the  freshness  of  the  water  in  the 
adjoining  sea.  Seeing  that  the  coast  was  invariably 
low,  wo  determined  to  enter  one  of  these  rivers  with 
the  boats,  and  ascend  it  till  we  either  found  a  suit- 
able  landing-place  or  an  inhabited  village. 

Having  prepared  our  boats,  and  put  in  provision 
for  four  days,  with  twenty  men  well  armed,  we 
entered  the  river,   and   rowed  nearly  two  days, 

I  See  tho  Disscrtiusiune  Gostificativg,  Nos.  85,  86 

20 


10 


\ 


\ 


-■»»»■ 


#^ 


/  • 


164 


l.irR   AND   VOYAaKM  Of 


oNAnuR  rtmkiiiff  a  diMtniicr  of  iilNiut  ci|j^liU*(>ri  Ica^nirN.     We 
^^^^ — —  AtU'iii|>t(*(l   to  lutid   ill    iiiiiiiy   |ilari*M  liy   llit*  wiiy, 


but  toiiiul  the  low  liiiiil  Ntill  coiitiiiuiiitf,  iiimI  mi 
liiickiy  ('ovt>n'(l  with  tnvM,  thiit  ii  hinl  roiihl 
«nir('(>ly  lly  throii^h  thein.  Whih*  thiiN  iiitvi|{uliii|( 
'  tho  riviT,  wo  nhw  very  aTtaiti  iiidicatioiiM  that  the 
hihiiul  partM  of  the  itouiilry  were  iiiliahittui ;  never* 
tlieleNH,  an  our  veHNelN  reiiiaiiied  in  a  (hiiiKeroim 
place,  in  caNe  an  adverNe  wind  HhoiiUl  ariHc,  wo 
t'oiu'liided,  at  the  end  of  two  (hiyw,  to  return. 
H^hwiuU;  Here  we  saw  an  iiiiineiiNe  nuinher  of  hirdM,  of 
<i*'^  various  i'oniiN  and  ctdourN ;  a  ^reat  nuinher  of  par- 
n>tN,  and  no  many  varieties  of  them,  that  it  cauMed 
UN  great  aNtoniNhinent.  Some  were  eriniNon-col- 
uured,  otherw  of  variagated  f^rtvn  and  U'lnon,  othejrM 
entirely  green,  and  others,  again,  that  were  hlack 
and  fleNli-coliMired.  Oh!  the  Nong  of  other  NpecieN 
of  birds,  alNo,  waN  so  sweet  and  no  nielodioiiN,  as 
we  heard  it  among  the  trees,  that  wc  often  lin- 
gered, listening  to  their  eharming  music.  The 
trees,  too,  were  so  beautiful,  and  smelt  so  sweetly, 
that  we  almost  imagined  ourselves  in  a  terres- 
trial paradise ;  yet  not  one  of  those  trees,  or  the 
fruit  of  them,  were  similar  to  the  trees  or  fruit 
in  our  part  of  the  world.  On  our  way  back  we 
saw  many  people,  of  various  descriptions,  fishing  in 
the  river.  * 

Having  arrived  at  our  ships,  we  raised  anchor 
and  set  sail,  still  continuing  in  a  southerly  direc- 
tion, and  standing  off  to  sea  about  forty  leagues. 
While  sailing  on  this  course,  we  encountered  a 


« 


AMKRIOUM  VKlPUCtUl. 


165 


currrnt,  which  niii  iViuii  NoitthfaNt  to  northwmt;  nn  numiR 

Ifreiit  wuH  it,  1111(1  rati  »m»  lurioiiNJy,  that  wi*  wrrr  |iiit ^— 

iiitti  threat  r<>ar,  and  won*  «>x|n>n4>(I  (n  ^ri*at  peril. 
The  nirruiit  wan  wi  NtmtiK,  that  tho  Strait  of  <til>- 
rnltar  aiitl  that  of  tlic  l<'an»  of  McHNiiia  appeared 
to  UN  like  iii(>re  Mtai(iiant  water  in  coinpariMiii 
with  it.  We  could  nearcely  make  any  headway 
Of^aiiiNt  it,  tliouffh  W(>  had  the  wind  CreNli  and  lair. 
Hiring  that  we  made  no  progreNN,  or  but  very 
little,  and  the  danger  to  which  we  were  ex|NiNed, 
we  detenninud  to  turn  our  prowM  to  the  nortli- 
wcst.  •• 


Ah  I  know,  if  I  remember  right,  that  your  Rx-    iiitr"»- 


cellency  underNtandN  Noniething  of  coNmography,  1  i>"<iti<»> 
intend  to  dencribe  to  you  our  pn»grenH.  in  our  "'^J"*' 
navif^ation  by  the  latitude  and  lonf(itude.  We 
Hailed  ho  far  to  the  Houtli,  that  we  entered  the 
Torrid  Zone,  and  penetrated  the  (Circle  of  Cancer. 
You  may  rent  uHHurcd,  that  for  a  few  dji^H,  while 
nailing  through  the  Torrid  Zone,  we  naw  four 
MhadowH  of  the  Hun,  as  the  Hun  appeared  in  the 
Kcnith  to  us  at  mid-day.  I  would  Hay  that  the 
Hun,  being  in  our  meridian,  gave  uh  no  shadow, 
and  thin  I  waM  enabled  many  times  to  demonstrate 
to  all  the  company,  and  t(K>k  their  testimony  of  the 
fact.  This  I  did  on  account  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
common  people,  who  do  not  know  that  the  sun 
moves  through  its  circle  of  the  zodiac.  At  one 
time  I  saw  our  shadow  to  the  south,  at  another 
to  the  north,  at  another  to  the  west,  and  at  another 


ni 


^•M\ 


$ 


^ 


106 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER  to  the  east,  and .  sometimes,  for  an  hour  or  two  of 

IX. 

the  day,  we  had  no  shadow  at  all. 

We  sailed  so  far  south  in  llie  Torrid  Zone,  that 
we  found  ourselves  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and 
had  both  poles  at  the  edge  of  the  horizon.  Having 
passed  the  line,  and  sa''ed  six.  degrees  (o  the  south 
of  it,  we  lost  sight  of  the  north  star  altogether,  and 
even  the  stars  of  Ursa  Minor,  or,  to  speak  better, 
the  guardians  which  revolve  about  the  firmament, 
were  scarcely  seen.  Very  desirous  of  being  the 
author  who  should  designate  the  other  polar  star 
of  the  fu'ulliment,  I  lost,  many  a  time,  my  night's 
sleep,  while  contemplating  the  movement  of  the 
stars  around  the  Southern  Pole,  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain which  had  the  least  motion,  and  whiv'li  might 
be  nearest  to  the  firmament,  but  I  was  not  a;ble  to 
accomplish  it  with  such  bad  nights  as  I  had,  and 
such  instruments  as  I  used,  a\  hich  were  the  quad- 
rant and  astrolabe.  I  could  not  distinguish  a  star 
which  had  less  than  ten  degrees  of  motion  around 
the  firmament ;  so  that  I  \vas  not  satisfied  within 
myself,  to  name  any  particular  one  for  the  pole  of 
the  meridian,  on  account  of  the  large  revolution 
which  they  all  made  around  the  firmament. 

While  I  was  arriving  at  this  conclusion  as  the 
result  of  my  investigations,  I  recollected  a  verse  of 
our  poet  Dante,  which  may  be  found  in  the  first 
chapter  of  his  "  Purgatory,"  where  he  imagines  he 
is  leaving  this  hemisphere  to  repair  to  the  other, 
and  attempting  to  describe  the  Antartic  pole,  says; 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


isr 


•'  lo  mi  volai  a  man  dcstra  e  posi  mente 
All'  altro  polo,  e  vidi  (jualtro  stoUe 
Noil  viitto  mui,  fuor  che  alia  prima  gcnto : 
Goder  parova  il  Ciel  di  lor  fiammcllo  : 
O  scttentrional  vcdovo  sito 
Poiche  privato  8ci  di  mirar  (juclle."i 


CHAPTER 
IX. 


It  appears  to  me  that  the  poet  wished  to  describe  The  south- 
in  these  verses,  by  the  four  stars,  tlie  pole  ol"  the 
other  ftrmament,  and  I  have  little  doubt,  even  now, 


t  To  the  right  hand  I  turned,  and  flxed 

my  mind 
On  the  other  polo  attontWo,  where  I  saw 
Four  stars  no'or  soon  before  save  by 

the  kon 
Of  our  llrst  iwronts.    Heaven  of  their 

rays 
Seemed  joyous.   Oh  thou  northern  site, 

bereft 
Indeed,  and  widowed,  since  of  these 

deprived. 
Carey' >  Dante,  Fiaion  of  Purgatory,  Can.  1. 

Venturi  observea  that  "  Dante 
here  speaks^s  a  poet,  and  almost 
in  the  spirit  of  prophecy ;  or  what 
ig  more  likely,  describes  the  heav- 
ens about  that  pole  according  to 
his  own  invention.  In  our  days," 
he  adds,  '♦  the  cross,  composed  of 
four  stars,  three  of  the  second  and 
one  of  the  third  magnitude,  serves 
as  a  guide  to  those  who  sail  from 
Europe  to  the  south,  but  in  the 
age  of  Dante  these  discoveries  had 
not  been 'made."  "It  appears 
probable,"  says  Carey,  in  a  note 
to  this  jjassage,  "  that  either  from 
long  tradition,  or  from  the  relation 
of  later  voyagers,  the  real  truth 
might  not  have  been  unknown  to 
our  poet.  Seneca's  predictions  of 
the  discovery  of  A.merica  may  be 
accounted  for  in  a  similar  manner. 
But  whatever  may  be  thought  of 
this,  it  is  certain  that  the  four  stars 
are  hero  symboUcal  of  the  four 


cardinal  virtues.  Prudence,  Justice 
Fortitude,  and  Temperance.  M. 
Artaud  mentions  a  globe  construct- 
ed b^  an  Arabian  in  Egypt,  wiih 
the  date  of  the  year  022  of  the 
Ilegira,  corresponding  to  1225  of 
our  era,  in  which  the  Southern 
Cross  is  positively  marked.  See 
his  Ilisloirc  ih  Dante,  chap.  xxxi. 
and  xl.  8vo.  Par.  1841 . 

The  prediction  of  Seneca  is  con- 
tained in  the  well  known  lines 
from  Medea, 

Vonient  annis 
Sa:cula  aerls,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vlnculls  rerum  laxnt,  et  ingens 
Patoat  tellus,  Typhlsque  novos 
DetoKdt  orbes,  noc  sit  terrls 
UlUnia  Thulo. 

See  also  the  Illustrations  and  Doc- 
uments— Eulogy  of  Americus. — 
Canovai  suys,  in  a  note  at  this 
passage,  that  Pigafctta  speaks  as 
follows  of  the  Antarctic  Pole :  "  At 
the  Antarctic  Pole  are  seen  many 
stars  congregated  together,  which 
are  like  two  mists,  separated  from 
each  other,  and  a  little  obscure  in 
the  middle.  Between  these  are 
two  not  very  large  or  very  bright, 
and  which  have  little  motion,  and 
these  two  are  the  Antarctic  Pole." 
— Ramusio,  tom.  i.  p.  356.  A  Por- 
tuguese navigator,  in   the   same 


158 


LIFE  AND  VOY^AOES  OP 


CHAPTER  that  what  he  says  may  be  true.     I  observed  four 

'■ —  stars  in  the  figure  oC  an  ahnoiid,  which  had  but 

little  motion,  and  ii  God  gives  me  life  and  health, 
I  hope  to  go  again  into  that  hemispliere,  and  not  to 
return  without  observing  the  pole.  In  conclusion, 
I  would  remark,  that  we  extended  our  navigation 
so  far  south,  that  our  difference  of  latitude  from 
the  city  of  Cadiz  was  sixty  degrees  and  a  lialf,  be- 
cause, at  that  city,  the  pole  is  elevated  thirty-live 
degrees  and  a  half,  and  we  had  passed  six  degrees 
beyond  the  equinoctial  line.'     Let  this  suflice  as  to 


i 

K 


I; 


collection,  says,  "  As  wn  arrived 
at  the  golden  river,  we  l)eghn  to 
see  four  stars  of  admirable  size 
and  lucidity,  placed  in  the  form  of 
a  cross,  which  are  thirty  degrees 
distant  from  the  Antarctic  Pole, 
and  we  called  it  the  CrosH,  and 
raised  an  instrument  to  one  of  these 
four  stars,  which  is  the  foot  of  the 
cross,  anil  as  it  is  found  there  in 
the  aouth,  we  knew  its  centre  to 
i.e  the  Antarctic  Pole.'  — Ihid.  p. 
1  ,  D.  Corsali  speaks  in  tenns 
more  cogent  yet,  in  confirming  the 
observations  and  application  of 
Americus.     "  In  which   place  is 

the  pole two  clouds  of 

reasonable  size  evidently  manifest 
it,  moving  around  it  continually 
in  a  circular  motion,  now  rising 
and  n(jw  descending  with  one  star 
always  in  the  middhs  which,  with 
tRem,  revolves  about  eleven  de- 
gf^s  distant  from  the  pole.  Above 
these  appears  a  marvellous  cross, 
in  the  midst  of  five  stars  which 

surround   it with  other 

stars  which  go  with  it  round  the 
pole,  revolving  about  thirty  de- 


grees distant,  and  it  makes  its  rev- 
olution in  twenty-four  hours,  and 
is  so  beautiful,  that,  it  appears  to 
nio,  no  other  heavenly  sign  can  be 

compared  with  it I  think 

this  may  be  the  cross  of  which 
Dante  speaks  with  proph(!tic  spir- 
it."—/6.  p.  177,  E.  And  finally 
Giuntini,  in  the  Comments  on  the 
Sfera  del  Sacro  Bosco,  writes, 
"  Some  Portuguese  mariners,  while 
seeking  the  noble  emporium  of  In- 
dia, now  called  Calcutta,  su.''ng 
round  the  whole  Atlantic  Ocean, 
saw  the  other  pole,  meanwhile, 
elevated  above  fifty  degrees,  at 
the  same  time  that  our  pole  was 
depressed  below  the  horizon." — 
In.  C.  1.  Spliera  de  Sacio  Bosco. 
Canovai,  torn.  i.  j).  lO.'J,  note 

•  The  following  is  the  ci.lcula- 
lion  of  Americus  more  jihiinly  ox- 
pressed  : 

From  thn  Pule  to  the  Knuatdr  Is  .     .    90= 
From  till!  F,(|U»tor  to  his  position  lit 
the  time 


Total    . 
Deduct  the  Liitltuile  of  Cadi/, 


Diltetence  of  Latitude    .    .  CO)^" 

Bee  Ckmotai,  torn.  il.  p.  105 


If 


..   .A 


i 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


169 


CHAPTER 
IX. 


our  latitude.  You  must  observe  that  this  our  nav- 
igation was  in  tlie  montiis  of  July,  August,  and 
September,  v^^hen,  as  you  know,  the  sun  is  longest 
above  the  horizon  in  our  hemisphere,  and  describes 
the  greatest  arch  in  the  day,  and  the  least  in  the 
night.  On  the  contrary,  while  we  vJ^rd  at  the 
equinoctial  line,  or  near  it,  within  four  to  six  degrees, 
the  difference  between  the  day  and  night  was  not 
percepti|[)le.  They  were  of  equal  length,  or  very 
nearly  so. 

As  to  the  longitude,  I  would  say  that  I  found  so 
much  difficulty  in  discovering  it,  that  I  had  to  la- 
bour very  hard  to  ascertain  the  distance  I  had  made 
by  means  of  longitude.  I  found  nothing  better,  at 
last,  than  to  watch  the  opposition  of  the  planets 
during  the  night,  and  especially  that  of  the  moon, 
with  the  other  planets,  because  the  moon  is  swifter 
in  her  course  than  any  other  ol  the  heavenly  bodies. 
I  compared  my  observations  with  the  almanac  of 
Giovanni  da  Monteregio,  which  'vas  composed  for 
the  meridian  of  the  city  of  Fer  ara,  verifying  them 
with  the  calculations  in  the  tables  of  King  Alphonso, 
and,  afterwards,  with  the  many  observations  I  had 
myself  made  one  night  with  another. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  1499  (when  the  Transit  ot 

•  1  T»/r           1  •  1             •  i^^^fs,  All- 
moon  was  m  coniunction  with  Mars,  which,  accord-  gun  23d, 
J                                '            '  149a. 

ing  to  the  almanac,  was  to  take  place  at  midnight,  or 
half  an  hour  after),  I  found  that  when  the  moon  rose 
to  tlie  horizon  an  hour  and  a  half  after  the  sun  had 
set,  the  planet  had  passed  in  tliat  part  of  the  east. 
I  observed  that,  the  moon  was  about  a  degree  and 


J 


'.60 


V. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


1  '*■ 


W 


r 
I 


% 


CHAPTER  some  minutes  farther  east  than  Mars,  and  at  mid- 

IX 

—  ■_  _  night  she  was  five  degrees  and  a  half  farther  east, 
a  little  more  or  less.  So  that,  making  the  j)r(>[)or- 
^ion :  if  twenty-ft»ur  lioiu*s  are  equal  to  IJGO  degrees, 
♦vhat  are  five  hours  and  a  half  equal  to  7  I  found 
ihe  result*  to  be  eighty-two  degrees  and  a  half, 
which  was  equal  to  my  longitutle  from  the  meridian 
of  the  city  of  Cadiz ;  then  giving  to  every  degree 
sixteen  leagues  and  two  thirds,  I  found  luj^elf  chs- 
tant  west  from  the  city  of  Cadiz  thirteen  hundred 
and  sixty-six  leagues  and  two  thirds,  which  is  five 
thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-six  miles  and 
two  thirds.  The  reason  why  I  give  sixteen  leagues 
to  each  degree  is,  because,  {iccording  to  Tolomeo 
and  Alfagrano,  the  earth  turns  twenty-four  thou- 
sand miles,  which  is  equal  to  six  thousand  lejigues, 
which,  being  divided  by  360  degrees,  gives  to  each 
degree  sixteen  leagues  and  two  thirds.  This  cal- 
culation I  certified  numy  times  conjointly  with  the 
pilots,  and  found  it  true  and  good.' 

It  appears  to  me,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that 
by  this  voyage  most  of  those  philosophers  are  con- 
troverted, who  say  that  the  Torrid  Zone  ctmnot  be 
inhabited  on  account  of  the  great  heat.  I  have 
found  the  case  to  be  quite  the  contrary.  I  have 
found  that  the  air  is  fresher  and  more  temperate  in 
that  region  than  beyond  it,  and  that  the  inhabitjjnts 


•  Sacrobosco  calculates  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  earth  at  31,500 
miles,  Baliani  at  30,000,  ami  mod- 
em astronomers  at  21, GOO  at  the 
equator,  and  21,532  at  the  poles. 


It  will  be  observed  that  Americus 
approximated  more  closely  to  the 
modern  estimate  than  either. — 
Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  105,  note. 


CAREENING    OF    SHIPS    FOR   REPAIRS. 


We  made  a  ti'eaBt'work  on  shore  -with  our  toata  and  our  casks,  and  plaoed'our  artil- 
lery so  that  it  ■would  play  over  them  ;  then  having  unloaded  and  lightened 
our  ahips,  ve  hauled  thena  to  land,  and  repaired  them  wherever  they 
needed  it.     (Sde  Paoe  136  ) 


)J 


Wjp 


»      .V 


^ 


! 

1^1 


1 1 
I' 


i 


I     4 


M»<S(J-''1 


^    '*^" 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIU8. 


161 


are  also  more  numerous  heiv   than  tliey  un-  in  the  autrn 

other  zones,  for  reascms  which  will  he  „aven  below. ■ — 

Thus  it  is  certain,  that  practice  is  of  more  value 
tkan  theory.' 

Thus  far  I  have  relatetl  the  navigation  I  accom-  Dwrription 

°  of  thi)  na- 

plished  in  (he  South  and  West.     It  now  remains  »*veH.  a 

I  race  of  (;mi 

for  me  to  inform  you  of  the  appearatice  of  the  conn-  "*'*'"• 
try  we  discovered,  tlie  natun^  of  tlie  iidiabitants, 
and  their  customs,  the  animals  we  saw,  and  of 
many  other  things  worthy  of  remendjrance,  which 
fell  under  my  obser\'at^n.  After  we  turned  t)ur 
course  to  the  north,  the  first  land  we  found  to  be 
inhabited  was  an  island,  at  ten  degrees  distant  from 
the  equinoctial  line.  When  we  arrived  at  it,  we 
saw  on  the  seashore  a  great  many  people  who  stood 
looking  at  us  with  astonislnnent.  We  anchored  with- 
in  about  a  mile  of  the  land,  fitted  out  the  boats,  and 
twenty-two  men,  well  anned,  made  for  land.  The 
people,  when  tliey  saw  us  landing,  and  perceived 
that  we  were  different  from  themselves  (because 
they  have  no  beard  and  wear  no  clothing  of  any 
description,  being  also  of  a  different  colour,  they 
being  brown  and  we  white),  began  to  be  afraid  of 
us,  and  all  ran  into  the  woods.  With  great  exer- 
tion, by  means  of  sign.s,  we  reassured  them,  and 
negotiated  with  them.  We  found  that  they  were 
of  a  race  called  cannibals,  the  greater  part,  or  all  of 
whom,  live  on  human  flesh. 

Your  Excellency  may  rest  assured  of  this  fact. 
They  do  not  eat  one  another,  but  navigating  with 
certain  barks  Which  they  call  canoes,  they  bring 

21 


1 


> 


-> 


-M/'^^^i^m^ 


162 

CBAPTER 
IX. 


1 


Sailalonf; 

the  ihorc 
aiul  arrive 
•t  tlie  Gulf 

of  Paha. 


LIPK  AND  VOYAOES  OP 

their  prey  from  the  neighbouring  iHlands  or  coun- 
tries  inhabited  by  those  who  are  enemies,  or  (►('  a 
diflerent  tribe  from  their  own.  Tliey  never  eat  any 
women,  unless  tiiey  consider  them  outillhts.  The»e 
things  \\v  verified  in  many  places  vviiere  we  found 
similar  people.  We  often  saw  the  bones  an<l  heads 
of  tiiose  who  had  been  eaten,  and  they  who  had 
made  tiie  repast  admitted  the  fact,  and  sai<l  that 
their  enemies  always  stood  in  much  greater  fear  on 
that  account,  -^-i 

Still  they  are  a  people  (^'  gentle  disposition  and 
beautiful  stature.  They  go  entirely  naked,  an<i  the 
arms  which  they  carry  are  l)ous  and  arrows,  and 
shields.  They  are  a  people  of  great  activity  and 
much  courage.  They  are  very  excellent  marksmen. 
In  fine,  we  held  nmch  intercourse  with  them,  and 
they  took  us  to  one  of  their  villages  about  two 
leagues  inland,  and  gave  us  our  breakfast.  They 
gave  whatever  was  asked  of  them,  though  I  think 
more  through  fear  than  affection,  and  after  having 
been  with  them  all  one  day,  we  returned  to  the 
ships,  still  remaining  on  friemily  terms  with  them. 

We  sailed  ah)ng  the  coast  of  this  island,  and  saw 
by  the  seashore  an<tlher  large  village  of  the  same 
tribe.  We  landed  in  the  boats,  and  fotmd  they 
were  wailing  for  tis,  all  loaded  with  provisions,  and 
they  gave  us  o'lough  to  make  a  very  gootl  breakfast, 
accordhig  to  their  ideas  of  dishes.  Seeing  they 
were  such  kind  j)eople,  and  treated  us  so  well,  we 
dared  not  take  any  thing  fnim  them,  and  made 
sail  till  we  arrived  at  a  gulf  which  is  called  the 


• 


"wp, 


t . 


!>" 


4 


AMRRICUS   VESPUCIUS. 

Gulf  of  Puria.     Wc  anchored  opposite  tl^c  moutli  ciiAprrM 

of  a  ^reat  rivi-r,  vvliich  causoH  the  water  of  this  ^ulf ^— 

to  l)e  frt'Mh,  and  .saw  a  large  village  close  to  tlie  sea. 
We  were  surprised  at  the  great  nuinher  of  people 
who  weror  we^i  tliere.  They  were  without  arms, 
and  seemed  peaeeahly  disposeil.  We  went  ashore 
with  the  l)oats,  and  they  received  us  with  great 
friendship,  and  t<K)k  us  to  their  houses,  where  they 
had  nuide  very  gotxl  preparations  for  hnNikfast. 
Here  tiiey  gave  us  tiiree  sorts  of  wine  to  driniv,  not 
of  the  juice  of  tiu;  grajjc,  but  made  of  fruits  like 
beer,  and  they  were  excellent.  Hen;  also  wo  ate 
many  fresh  acorns,  a  most  royal  fVuit.  Tlu^y  gave 
us  many  other  fruits,  all  different  from  ours,  and  of 
very  good  flavour,  the  flavour  and  odour  of  all  being 
aromatic. 

They  gave  us  some  small  pearls,  and  eleven  large 
ones ;  and  they  told  us  by  signs,  that  if  we  would 
wait  some  days,  they  would  go  and  fish  for  them, 
and  bring  us  many  of  them.  We  did  not  wish  to 
be  detained,  so  with  many  parrots  of  various 
colours,  and  in  good  friendship,  we  parted  from 
them.  From  these  people  we  learned  that  those 
of  the  before  mentioned  island  were  cannibals, 
and  ate  human  flesh.  We  issued  from  this  gulf 
and  sailed  along  the  coast,  seeing  continually  great 
numbers  of  people,  and  when  we  were  so  disposed, 
we  treated  with  them,  and  they  gave  us  every  thing 
we  asked  of  them.  They  all  go  as  naked  as  they 
were  born,  without  being  ashamed.  If  .all  were  to 
be  related  concerning  the  little  shame  they  have,  it 


i 


164 


LIPK  AWnVOYAORS  OF 


\i 


oHAn-Mi  would  he  hordcring  on  impropriety,  therefoTC  it  ia 

'■ —  better  to  suppress  it. 

After  having  sailed  about  lour  huiidud  teagueii 


o^thnCoti.  eonliMualiv  aloiitr  tiie  coast,  we  concluded  that  thin 
^^^^ll  land  wasaconliiient,  which  might  be  bounded  by  the 
eastern  parts  of  Asiii,  this  lieing  (he  conuneiicement 
of  the  western  part  of  the  coutinenl.  IJecaiise  it  hap- 
pened often  that  we  saw  divers  animals,  such  us 
lions,  stags,  goats,  wihl  hogs,  rabhits,  and  <»lher  land 
animals,  which  are  not  found  in  islands,  hut  otdy  on 
the  main  land.  Cioing  inland  one  day  with  twenty 
men,  we  saw  a  serpent  which  was  about  twenty- 
four  feet  in  length,  and  as  large  in  girth  as  myself. 
We  were  very  nuich  afraid  of  it,  and  the  sight  of 
it  caused  us  to  return  innnediately  to  the  sea.  I 
oftentiuies  saw  many  very  ferocious  aninuils  and 
large  serpents. 

Thus  sailing  along  the  coast,  we  discovered  every 
day  a  great  nuudjer  of  people,  speaking  various 
languages.  When  we  had  navigated  four  hundred 
lejigues  al')ng  the  coast,  we  began  to  fmd  j)eople 
who  did  not  wish  for  our  fricndsliip,  but  stood 
waiting  for  us  with  their  'irms,  which  were  bows 
and  arrows,  and  with  some  other  arms  which  they 
use.  When  we  went  to  the  shore  in  our  boats, 
they  disputed  our  landing  in  such  a  manner  that 
we  were  obliged  to  fight  with  them.  At  the  end 
of  the  battle  they  found  that  they  had  the  worst  of 
it,  for  as  they  were  naked,  we  .always  made  great 
slaughter.  Many  times  not  more  than  sixteen 
of  us  fought  with  two  thousand  of  them,  and  in 


i 


I 


I 


*mL 


m» 


I 


• 

'^ 

■^ 

AMicnictrfl 

VKSPUOIUt. 

• 

IM 

the  cud  (lofctited 
tlifir  liouMfM. 

Iht'iii, 

killing 

iiiuny, 

tiiul 

n)bl)inff  nurru 
-       a. 

One  <lav  we  hhw  ii  irn-iil  iiiniiher  ol"  people,  all  iutii«wiii» 
iMJNted  ill  haltle  arniv  l«»  prevent  our  landinir,     We  ••"' «»";'"•• 

I  /I  "  ry  ol  »  I'lif. 

lilted  <Mi^  twenty-six  nnMi  well  armed,  and  et>vered  "JJJj,"'' 
the  bouts,  on  accoiMit  of  the  arrowN  which  were 
MJiot  at  UM,  and  which  always  woiuided  some  of  us 
before  we  landed  Vftcr  they  had  hindered  us  as 
loiiji;  as  they  coil'  e  leaped  on  shore,  and  fought 
a  hard  batlh'  with  them.  'I'lie  reason  why  they 
had  NO  much  courage  .uid  made  such  ^reat  exertion 
against  us,  was,  that  they  did  not  know  what  kind 
of  a  weapon  the  sword  was,  or  how  it  cuts.  While 
thus  en^a^ed  in  combat,  s«)  /;i'eat  was  the  multitude 
of  people  who  charged  upon  us,  throwing  at  us 
such  a  cloudof  arn)ws,  that  wc  couKI  not  withstand 
the  assault,  and  n(>arly  abandoning  the  ho])e  of  life, 
we  turned  our  backs  and  ran  to  the  boats.  While 
thus  disheartened  and  Hying,  one  tU'  our  sailors,  u 
Portuguese,  a  man  of  lifty-live  years  of  age,  who 
had  remained  to  guard  the  boat,  seeing  the  danger 
we  were  in,  jumped  on  shore,  and  with  a  loud 
voice  called  out  to  us,  "Children!  turn  your  faces 
to  your  enemies,  and  (lodwill  give  you  the  victory!" 
Throwing  himself  on  his  knees,  he  made  a  prayer, 
and  then  rushed  furiously  upon  tht^  Indians,  atid  we 
all  joined  with  him,  wounded  as  we  were.  On  that 
they  tiu"ned  their  backs  to  us,  and  begaii  to  flee, 
and  finally  we  routed  them,  and  killed  a  hundred 
and  fifty.  We  burned  their  houses  also,  at  least 
one  hundred  and  eighty  in  number.     Then,  as  we 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


,V4? 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


■a  Hi  12.2 

S  lit  ■" 

t   Iti   111° 


1^ 


1.4    IIIIM.6 


<^ 


n 


^i 


? 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


<p 


\ 


;V 


166 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES   OF 


J 


OHATTER  v#ere  badly  wounded  and  weary,  we  returned  tc 

'- —  the  ships,  and  went  into  a  harbour  to  recruit,  where 

we  staid  twenty  days,  solely  that  the  physician 
might  ciure  us.    All  escaped  except  one,  who  was 
wounded  in  the  left  breast. 
Continue       After  beiniT  cured,  we  recommenced  our  navi- 

the  voyage  .  "  ' 

Jer'a^meTf  S^^^^^)  ^^^)  through  the  same  cause,  we  often  were 
■^«^"Jj°  "*•  obliged  to  fight  with  a  great  many  people,  and 
always  had  the  victory  over  them.  Thus  con- 
tinuing our  voyage,  we  came  upon  an  island, 
fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  mainland.  As  at 
our  arrival  we  saw  no  collection  of  people,  the 
island  appearing  favourably,  we  determined  to 
attempt  it,  and  eleven  of  us  landed.  We  found  a 
path,  in  which  v^  walked  nearly  two  leagues  in- 
land, and  came  to  a  village  of  about  twelve  houses, 
in  which  there  were  only  seven  women,  who  were 
so  large,  that  there  was  not  one  among  them  who 
was  not  a  span  and  a  half  taller  than  myself. 
;,.,  When  they  saw  us,  they  were  very  much  fright- 
ened, and  the  principal  one  among  them,  who  was 
certainly  a  discreet  woman,  led  us  by  signs  into  a 
house,  and  had  refreshments  prepared  for  us. 

We  saw  such  large  women,  that  were  about 
determining  to  carry  off  two  young  ones,  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  make  a  present  of  them 
to  this  king,  as  they  were,  without  doubt,  crea- 
tures whose  stature  was  above  that  of  common 
men.  While  we  were  debating  this  subject, 
thirty-six  men  entered  the  house  where  we  were 
drinking;  they  were  of  such  large  stature,  that 


^-' 


1^ 


'•' 


V 


I 


./ 


'i'-raf f»- 


CHAPTIB 
IX. 


.^■ 


AMERICUS   VE8PUGIUS.  l^J 

each  one  was  taller  when  upon  his  knees  than  I 

when  standing  erect.    In   fact,  they  were  of  the 

stature  of  giants  in  their  size,  and  in  the  propor-         _^„^.,0^ 

tion  of  their  bodies,  which  corresponded  well  with 

their  height.     Each  of  the  women  appeared  a  Pan- 

tasilea,  and  the  men  Antei    When  they  came  in, 

some  of  our  own  number  were  so  frightened  that 

they  did  not  consider  themselves  safe.     They  had  . 

bows  and  arrows,  and  very  large   clubs,  made  in 

the  form  of  swords.     Seeing  that  we  were  of  small 

stature,  they  began  to  converse  with  us,  in  order  to 

learu;  who  we  were,  and  from   what  parts  we 

came.     We  gave  them  fair  words,  for  the  sake  of 

peace,  and  answered  them,  by  signs,  that  we  were 

men  of  peace,  and  that  we  were  going  to  see  the 

world.    Finally,  we  held  it  to  be  our  wisest  course 

to  part  from  them  without  questioning  in  our  turn ; 

so  we  returned  by  the  same  path  in  which  we 

had  come — they  accompanying  us  quite  to  the  sea, 

till  we  went  on  board  the  ships. 

Nearly  half  the  trees  of  this  island  are  of  dye-  Amveata 

•'  *'        place  after- 

wood,  as  good  as  that  of  the  East.     We  went  from  g^  yJnelS. 

this  island  to  another,  in  the  vicinity,  at  ten  leagues  "*• 
distance,  and  found  a  very  large  village — the  hou- 
ses of  which  were  built  over  the  sea,  like  Venice, 
with  mueh  ingenuity.  While  we  were  struck 
with  admiration  at  this  circumstance,  we  deter- 
mined to  go  and  see  them;  and  as  we  went  to 
their  houses,  they  attempted  to  prevent  our  enter' 
ing.  They  found  3ut  at  last  the  manner  in  which 
the  swowi  cttt>*,    ind  thought  it  best  to  let  us 


f-0- 


# 


168 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


u 


CHAPTER  enter.      We  found  their  houses  filled  with  the 

iz. 
— — —  finest  cotton,  and  the  beams  of  their  dwellings 

were  made  of  dye-wood.  We  took,  a  quantity  of 
their  cotton  and  some  dye-wood,  and  returned  to 
the  ships. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  in  all  parts 
where  we  landed,  we  found  a  great  quantity  of  cot- 
ton, and  the  country  filled  with  cotton  trees.  So 
that  all  the  vessels  in  the  world  might  be  loaded  in 
these  parts  with  cotton  and  dye-wood. 

At  length  we  sailed  three  hundred  leagues  farther 
along  the  coast,  constantly  finding  savage  but  brave 
people,  and  very  often  fighting  with  them,  and  van- 

X  quishing  them.    We  found  seven  different  languages 

among  them,  each  of  which  was  not  understood  by 
those  who  spoke  the  others.  It  is  said  there  are  not 
more  than  seventy-seven  languages  in  the  world,  but 
I  say  that  th^re  are  more  than  a  thousand,  as  there 
are  more  than  forty  which  I  have  heard  myself. 

itftermine      After  having  sailed  along  this  coast  seven  hun- 

panioia.    dred  Icagues  or  more,  besides  visiting  numerous 
islands,  our  ships  became  greatly  sea-worn,  and 

*  leaked  badly,  so  that  we  could  hardly  keep  them 

free  with  two  pumps  going.  The  men  also  were 
much  fatigued,  and  the  provisions  growing  short. 
We  were  then,  according  to  the  decisioiy>f  the  pi- 
lots, within  a  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  of  an 
island  called  Hispaniola,  discovered  by  the  Admiral 
Columbus  six  years  before.  We  determined  to 
proceed  to  it,  and  as  it  was  inhabited  by  Christians, 
to  repair  our  ships  there,  allow  the  men  a  little  re- 


/    ' 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIU8. 


109 


age. 


pose,  and  recruit  our  stock  of  provisions  ;  because  oHApm 

from  tliis  island  to  Castile  there  are  three  hundred — 

leagues  of  ocean,  witho«S  any  land  intervening.    ^ 

In  seven  days  we  arrived  at  this  island,  where  RemmVoy. 
we  staid  two  months.  Here  we  refitted  our  ships 
and  obtained  our  supply  of  provisions.  We  after- 
wards concluded  to  go  to  northern  parts,  where  we 
discoverd  more  than  a  thousand  islands,  the  greater 
part  of  them  inhabited.  The  people  were  without 
clothing,  timid  and  ignorant,  and  we  did  whatever 
we  wished  to  do  with  them.  This  last  portion  of 
our  discoveries  was  very  dangerous  to  our  naviga- 
tion, on  account  of  the  shoals  which  we  found 
thereaboutsi.  In  several  instances  we  came  near 
being  lost.  We  sailed  in  this  sea  two  hundred 
leagues  directly  north,  until  our  peopJe  had  become 
worn  down  with  fatigue,  through  having  been  al- 
ready nearly  a  year  at  sea.  Their  allowance  was 
only  six  ounces  of  bread  for  eating,  and  but  three 
small  measures  of  water  for  drinking,  per  diem. 
And  as  the  ships  became  dangerous  to  navigate 
with  much  longer,  they  remonstrated,  saying  that 
they  wished  to  return  to  their  homes  in  Castile, 
and  not  to  tempt  fortune  and  the  sea  any  more. 
Whereupon  we  concluded  to  take  some  prisoners, 
as  slaves,  and  loading  the  ships  with  them,  to  re- 
turn at  once  to  Spain.  Going,  therefore,  to  certain 
islands,  we  possessed  ourselves  by  force  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  steered  our  course  for 
Castile.  In  sixty-seven  days  we  crossed  the  ocean, 
and  arrived  at  the  islands  of  the  Azores,  which  be- 

22 


-^- 


170 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


!■ 


Abatract  of 

dwVoy 

age. 


Jr* 


K. 


CHATTKR  long  to  tho  King  of  Portugal,  and  are  three  hundred 

'• —  leagues  distant  from  Cadiz.     Here  having  taken  in 

our  refreshments,  we  sdied  for  Castile,  but  the 
wind  was  contrary,  and  we  were  obliged  to  go  to 
the  Canary  Ishmtls,  from  there  to  the  island  of  Ma- 
deira, and  thence  to  Cadiz. 

We  were  absent  thirteen  months  on  this  voyage, 
exposing  ourselves  to  awful  dangers,  and  discover- 
ing a  very  large  country  of  Asia,  and  a  great  many 
islands,  the  largest  part  of  them  inhabited.  Accord- 
ing to  the  calculations  I  have  several  times  mode 
with  the  compass,  we  have  sailed  about  five  thou- 
sand leagues.  To  conclude — we  passed  the  equi- 
noctial line  six  and  a  half  degrees  to  the  south,  and 
afterwards  turned  to  the  north,  which  we  penetrated 
so  far,  that  the  north  star  was  at  an  elevaition  of 
thirty-five  degrees  and  a  half  above  our  horizon. 
To  the  w^est,  we  sailed  eighty-four  degrees  distant 
from  the  meridian  of  the  city  and  port  of  Cadiz. 
We  discovered  immense  regions,  saw  a  vast  number 
of  people,  all  naked,  and  speaking  various  languages. 
On  the  land  we  saw  numerous  wild  animals,  various 
kinds  of  birds,  and  an  infinite  quantity  of  trees,  all 
aromatic.  We  brought  home  pearls  in  -their  grow- 
ing state,  and  gold  in  the  grain ;  we  brought  two 
stones,  one  of  emerald  colour,  and  the  other  of  ame- 
thyst, which  was  very  hard,  and  at  least  half  a 
span  long,  and  tiiree  fingers  thick.  The  sovereigns 
esteem  them  most  highly,  and  have  preservied  them 
among  their  jewels.  We  brought  also  a  piece  of 
crystal,  which  some  jewellers  say  is  beryl,  and,  ac- 


■.i^' 


.''•I 


'4lt     H" 


AMBRI0U8  VBaPUClUS. 


m 


m 


cording  to  what  the  Indiana  told  ur,  they  had  u  ouAPm 

great  quantity  of  the  same ;  we  brought  fourteen ^— • 

flesli-coioured  pcarlH,  with  which  the  queen  was 
highly  delighted ;  we  brought  many  other  Htones 
which  appeared  beautiful  to  us,  but  of  all  these  we 
did  not  bring  a  large  quantity,  as  we  were  continu- 
ally busied  in  our  navigation,  and  did  not  tarry  long 
in  any  place. 

When  we  arrived  at  Cadiz,  we  sold  many  slaves,  Arrival  at 
finding  two  hundred  remaining  to  us,  the  others,  •»'•'»' 
completing  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
two,  having  died  at  sea.  After  deducting  the  ex- 
pense of  transportation,  we  gained  only  about  five 
hundred  ducats,  which,  having  to  b6  divided  into 
fifty-five  parts,  made  the  share  of  each  very  small. 
However,  we  contented  ourselves  with  life,  and 
rendered  thanks  to  God,  that  during  the  whole  voy- 
age, out  of  fifty-seven  Christian  men,  which  was  our 
number,  only  two  had  died,  they  having  been  killed 
by  the  Indians. 

I  have  had  two  quartan  agues  since  my  return, 
but  I  hope,  by  the  favour  of  God,  to  be  well  soon, 
as  they  do  not  continue  long  now,  and  are  without 
chills.  I  have  passed  over  many  things  worthy  of 
being  remembered,  in  order  not  to  be  more  tedious 
than  I  can  help,  all  which  are  reserved  for  the  pen 
and  in  the  memory. 

They  are  fitting  out  three  ships  for  me  here, 
that  I  may  go  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery ;  and  I 
think  they  will  be  ready  by  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber.   May  it  please  our  Lord  to  give  me  health  and 


B      # 


ITS 


Liri  AND  yOYAOEfl  Of 


oiArm  B  good  voyage,  oh  I  hope  again  to  bring  very  great 
'—^  new*  and  diHcovcr  the  iwland  of  Trapobanu,  which 

18  between  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the  Hea  ul'  Gan- 

• 

ges.  AfterwurdM  I  intend  tu  return  to  my  c(»untry, 
and  Meek  repoue  in  the  days  of  my  old  age.  .  >  *'"^> 
I  shall  not  enlarge  any  more  at  present,  tiiough 
many  things  have  been  omitted,  in  part  fn)rn  their 
not  being  remembered  at  all,  and  in  part  that  I 
might  not  be  more  prolix  than  I  have  been.  ^ 
seniii  a        I  have  resolved,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that  as 

globe  and  ■•■i.  ,,  n       t 

map  to !».  I  have  thus  iciven  you  an  account  by  letter  of  what 
Medici,  has  occurred  to  me,  to  send  you  two  plans  and  de- 
scriptions of  the  world,  made  and  arranged  by  my 
own  hand  and  skill.  There  will  be  a  map  on  a 
plane  surface,  and  the  other  a  view  of  the  world  in 
spherical  form,  which  I  intend  to  send  you  by  sea, 
in  the  care  of  one  Francesco  Lotti,  a  Florentine, 
who  is  here.  I  think  you  will  be  pleased  with 
them,  particularly  with  the  globe,  as  I  made  one 
not  long  since  for  these  sovereigns,  and  they  esteem 
it  highly.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  come  with 
them  personally,  but  my  new  departure,  for  makmg 
other  discoveries,  will  not  allow  me  that  pleasure. 
There  are  not  wanting  in  your  city  persons  who 
understand  the  figure  of  the  world,  and  who  may, 
perhaps,  correct  something  in  it.  Nevertheless, 
whatever  may  be  pointed  out  for  me  to  correct,  let 
them  wait  till  I  come,  as  it  may  be  that  I  shall  de- 
fend myself  and  prove  my  accuracy. 
I  suppose  your  Excellency  has  learned  the  news 
I  brought  by  the  fleet  which  the  King  of  Portugal 


*^' 


•%  -    ,#.'. 


AMRRICUH   VEHPUCIUS. 


178 


sent  two  yo.'irH  ago  to  iiiuke  diHcovi^rieM  on  the  coant  ciiArm 

of  Guinea.     I  dt)  not  call  such  a  voyage  an  that  a '■—' 

voyage  of  discovery,  hut  only  a  visit  to  diHcovcrcd 
lands ;  hecause,  as  you  will  see  hy  the  map,  their 
navigation  was  continually  within  NJgiit  of  land, 
and  they  sailed  round  the  whole  southern  part  of 
the  continent  of  Africa,  which  is  proceeding  by  a 
way  spoken  of  hy  all  cosniographical  authors.  It 
is  true  that  the  navigation  has  been  very  pi'ofitahle, 
which  is  a  matter  of  great  consideration  here  in  this 
kingdom,  where  inordinate  covetousru^ss  reigns.  I 
understand  that  they  passed  from  the  Red  Sea,  and 
extended  their  voyage  into  the  Persian  Gulf,  to  a 
city  called  Calicut,  which  is  situated  between  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  the  river  Indus.  More  lately  the 
King  of  Portugal  has  received  from  sea  twelve  ships 
very  richly  laden,  and  he  has  sent  them  again  to 
those  parts,  where  they  will  certainly  do  a  profitable 
business  if  they  arrive  safely. 

May  our  Lord  preserve  and  increase  the  exalted 
state  of  your  noble  Excellency  as  I  desire.  July 
18th,  1500. 

Your  Excellency's  humble  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 


Respecting  the  above  letter  to  De  Medici,  an  in- 
telligent Italian  critic  remarks,  that  "it  is  the  most 
ancient  known  writing  of  Americus,  relating  to  his 
voyages  to  the  New  World,  having  been  composed 
within  a  month  after  his  return  from  his  second 
voyage,  and  remaining  buried  in  our  archives  for  a 


174 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOKA  OP  AMRRICUA  VBflPUClUS. 


ONArrn  lung  tiino.     It  iH  a  pruciouN  inniiuiiiciit,  for  without 

'■ —  it  we  nIiouUI  have  been  left  in  ignorance  of  the  grcut 

ndditionH  which  he  made  to  aMtrononiical  science. 
Tlie  inoNt  rigorouH  examination  of  thJM  letter  cannot 
bring  to  light  the  leant  circumMtance  proving  any 
thing  for  or  againnt  the  accuracy  of  his  firnt  voyage. 
Tho  indiflerence  with  which  he  commenceN  the 
matter  in,  however,  a  Ntrong  indication  that  he  had 
previouNly  written  an  account  of  his  firut  voyage 
to  the  same  l^reneo  de'  Medici,  to  whom  he  ad- 
dresHed  this  communication.' 


>  Bartolozzi,  Riccrche  UMtorio-Critiche  circa  alle  Scoperte  D'Aoter* 
i|0  Vatpuoci,  p.  63,  63. 


\  1 


CHAPTER    X. 

CONTINUATION  OF  TIIK  I.KTTKR  OP  AMRRICVS  TO  PIERO 
8UDEKINI,  OIVINO  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  IIIH  8KCOND  VOYAOB. 

Dnparturn  from  Cadi/,  M«y,  14!)9.— Arrival  in  tho  Now  Wt»rlrl. — 
Higiw  of  liihubitantii. — CoaNtiiifi  tho  Hhornit. — Han  Luia  iJe  Maran- 
ham. — Cliato  and  Capture  a  Canou. — Cannibalism. — PoarU  and 
Oold. — Inimical  NutivvM. — Chewing  the  Cu«l. — Wont  of  Wotor. — 
Immcnito  LuavoH. — iMland  of  Curacoa. — Largo  Islandon. — Viiit  to 
thuir  Village. — Returning  to  Contilo. — Trade  with  the  Indiana. — 
Large  Quantity  of  IVarls. — Vitit  Antilla. — Take  in  Proviaiou.— 
Soil  fur  Spain. — Arrival  ut  Cadiz,  June  Hth,  1600. 

The  Second  Voyage,  and  wlitit  I  Haw  in  it  most  chapteb 
wortliy  of  being  renienibcred,  here  follow.  We  — il— 
set  out  from  the  port  of  Cadiz,  three  ships  in  com-  , 

pany,  on  the  18th  of  May,  1499,  and  steered  our 
course  directly  to  the  Cape  Verd  Islands,  passing 
within  sight  of  the  Grand  Canary.  We  soon  ar- 
rived at  an  island  which  is  called  Del  Fuego  or 
Fire  Island,  and  having  taken  in  wood  and  water, 
we  proceeded  on  our  voyage  to  the  southwest.  In 
forty-four  days  we  arrived  at  a  new  land,  which  we 
judged  to  be  a  continent,  and  a  continuation  of  that 
mentioned  in  my  former  voyage.*    It  was  situated 

*  He  was  twenty  days  in  ma-  mentioned  in  my  former  voyage." 
king  the  Canaries,  and  twenty-  The  mistake  originated  in  a  mis- 
four  more  in  crossing  tho  Atlantic,  print  of  the  Latin  edition,  the  word 
Some  editions  make  the  reading  "eontraria"  being  substituted- for 
of  this  passage,  «*  opposite  to  that  "  continua." — Can.,  torn.  i.  p.  138 


.W 


IT6 


l.ll*R  AND   VOYAOKM  Of 


^ 


i 


oNArrKR  within  (lie  torrid  xuiir,  MHitli  of  tlirn|uiiiortial  .itit% 
-  ■ '  wlu'H'  tlu'  miiitli  \hAv  in  i>lt>viitr«l  (ivi*  th'^riTH,  luid 
ciiMtiiiit.  rn>iii  Niiid  iNliiiMl,  iH'iiriiit^  MMith,  ulNHit  iivo 
liiiiidrrtl  I(>u^ii(>i4.'  lien*  vvi*  foiiiKl  llic  dayN  luid 
iii^litM  t'(|iial  on  the  '^Ttli  of  .liiiu*,  when  the  muii  is 
iinir  the  tropic  of  (^'iincrr. 

Wi'  (till  not  M*(>  any  |)iH»|iii>  licrt^,  and  having  nn- 

ciiuri'd  our  NliipN  and  caNt  otVour  lioatN,  wv  pnu.'rd- 

cd  to  tlic  land,  wliicli  wc  I'onnd  to  Ik*  inundatcil  by 

very  lar^t^  rivorN.     Wv  canu*  to  anchitr,  and  liaving 

^ot  out  the  iM>atH,  uttcniptcd  to  enter  thcM*  at  many 

pointN,  Imt  from  the  iniinenHe  (|uantity  of  water 

hroiight  down  by  them,  we  couhl  find  no  |>hM'e,  uf- 

'    ter  hard  toilinjf,  tliat  wnH  not  overflijweil.     We  muw 

*  many  NignH  of  the  eountry'H  bein^  iidiabited,  but,  m 

we  were  unable  to  enter  it,  we  concluded  to  return 

to  the  NhipN,  and  make  the  attempt  on  Home  other 

part  of  the  coant. 

coMttiio       We  nuNcd  our  anchors  accordingly,  and  Hailed 

ftbout  forty  alou^  Houtlieast  by  eant,  continually  coasting  the 

land,  which  ran  in  that  direction.     We  attempted 

to  enter  at  many  pointH  within  the  Hpacc  of  forty 

leagucM,  but  all  our  laltour  wan  lalx>ur  lost.     We 

^     found  the  currentn  ho  strong  on  thin  coant  that  they 

abnolutely  obstructed  our  Hailing,  and  they  all  ran 

from  the  Houthcant  to  the  northwest.     Seeing  our 

navigation  was  attended  with  so  many  inciMivien-  , 


U 


'  The  work  of  Bandini  contains  in   many  infttunncs   mnnifr.stly  at 

«  aeries  of  singular  errors  in  regard  varinnco  with  the  aetw. —  Cano' 

tothiu  letter.   The  Kgurc  5,  where-  vat,  tum.  i.  p.  132. 
ever  itoccura,  ia  printed  8 — though 


:NLAND   ICXKZ^BRBAKFAeT. 


Tkty  ara  vary  azceUant  marlctmaQ    la  fins,  wa  held  muf^b  intercouraa  witb  tham. 

a&d  tha/  took  ua   to  one  cf  t'ueir  villages  about  two  loagaaa  ialacd,  and 

gave  U3  our  breakfast.    (Sii  Faoi  163  ) 


/ 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


177 


:4C 


^ .    .tit 


CHAPTU 
X. 


ences,  we  concluded  to  turn  our  course  to  the  north- 
west. Having  sailed  some  time  in  this  direction, 
we  arrived*  at  a  very  beautiful  harbour,  which  was 
made  by  a  large  island  at  the  entrance,  inside  of 
which  was  a  very  large  bay.* 

While  sailing  along  parallel  with  the  island,  with  ^''■JJJjJ"'! 
a  view  of  entering  the  harbour,  we  saw  many  peo-  *  «»"«*• 
pie  on  the  shore,  and,  being  much  cheered,  we  raan- 
ceuvred  our  ships  fcfl:  the  [)urpose  of  anchoring  and 
landing  where  they  appeared.  We  might  have  been 
then  about  four  leagues  at  sea.  While  proceeding 
on  our  course  for  this  purpose,  we  saw  a  canoe  quite 
out  at  sea,  in  which  there  were  several  people,  and 
ma,de  sail  on  our  ships  in  order  to  come  up  with  and 
take  possession  of  them,  steering  so  as  not  to  run 
them  down ;  we  saw  that  they  stood  with  their  oars 
raised,  I  think  either  through  astonishment  at  be- 
holding  our  ships,  or  by  way  of  giving  us  to  under-  '^^ 
stanc^  that  they  meant  to  wait  for  us  and  resist  us ; 
but  as  they  perceived  us  approaching,  they  dropped 
their  oars  into  the  water,  and  began  to  row  towards 
the  land.     Having  in  our  company  a  small  vessel  '^ 

of  forty-five  tons,  a  very  fast  sailer,  she  took  a  fa- 
vourable wind,  and  bore  down  for  the  canoe.  Com- 
ing close  up  with  it,  they  bore  away  and  came  round, 
and  we  followed  in  her  wake.  In  order  that  the 
schooner  might  appear  as  if  she  did  not  wish  to 
board  the  canoe,  she  passed  it,  and  then  hove  up  in 
the  wind.  Seeing  that  by  this  manoeuvre  they  had 
the  advantage,  they  plied  their  oars  with  main 

»  This  was  San  Luis  de  Maranham. — Navarrue,  torn,  iii.  p.  259. 

23 


mm 


V'  - 


178 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


oHArm  Strength,  in  order  to  escape ;  but  having  our  boats 

'■ —  at  the  stern  filled  with  good  men,  we  thought  they 

would  take  them,  which  they  laboured  hard  to  do 
•  for  more  than  two  hours,  without  success.  If  the 
schooner  had  not  borne  down  upon  them  once  more, 
we  should  have  lost  them.  When  they  found  them- 
selves embarrassed  between  the  schooner  and  the 
boats,  they  all  jumped  into  the  sea,  being  about 
twenty  men,^  and  at  the  distance  of  two  leagues 
from  the  shore.  We  followed  them  the  whole  day 
with  our  boats,  and  could  only  take  two,  which  was 
an  extraordinary  feat ;  all  the  rest  escaped  to  the 
shore.  Four  boys  remained  in  the  canoe,  who  were 
not  of  their  tribe,  but  had  been  taken  prisoners  by 
them,  and  brought  from  another  country.  We  were 
much  surprised  at  the  gross  injmies  they  had  inflict- 
ed upon  these  boys,  and  having  been  taken  on  board 
the  ships,  they  told  us  they  had  been  captured  in 
order  to  be  eaten.  Accordingly  we  knew  that  Jkhose 
people  were  cannibals,  who  eat  human  flesh. 

We  proceeded  with  the  ships,  taking  the  canoe 
with  us  at  the  stem,  and  foHowing  the  course 
which  they  pursued,  anchored  at  half  a  league 
from  the  shore.  As  we  saw  many  people  on  the 
shore,  we  landed  in  the  boats,  carrying  with  us 
the  two  men  we  had  taken.  When  we  reached 
the  beach,  all  the  people  fled  into  the  woods,  and 


*  Bandini  gives  the  number  of 
men  in  this  canoe  as  seventy.  A 
canoe  must  have  been  tolerably 
large  to  have  held  even  twenty 
men,  although  larger  ones  have 


been  met  with,  made,  like  this,  out 
of  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  Ferdinand 
Columbus  speaks  of  some  holding 
as  many  as  fifty  men. — Canovai. 
torn.  i.  p.  136,  note.  . 


K 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


179 


we  seiit  one  of  the  two  men  to  negotiate  with  chaptbe 

them,  giving  them  several  trifles,  as  tokens  of '■ — 

friendship,  such  as  little  bells,  buttons,  and  looking- 
glasses,  and  telling  them  that  we  wished  to  be 
their  friends.  He  brought  the  people  all  back 
with  him,  of  whom  there  were  about  four  hundred 
men,  and  many  women,  who  came  unarmed  to  the 
place  where  we  laid  with  the  boats.  Having 
established  friendship  with  them,  we  surrendered 
the  other  prisoner,  and  sent  to  the  ships  for 
the  canoe,  which  we  restored.  This  canoe  was 
twenty-six  yards  long,  and  six  feet  wide,  made  out 
of  a  single  tree,  and  very  well  wrought.  When 
they  had  carried  it  into  a  river  nea"  by,  and  put  it 
in  a  secure  place,  they  all  fled,  and  would  have 
nothing  more  to  do  with  us,  which  appeared  to  us 
a  very  barbarous  act,  and  we  judged  them  to  be 
a  faithless  and  evil-disposed  people.  We  saw 
among  them  a  little  gold,  which  they  wore  in 
their  ears. 
Leaving    this    place,  we    sailed   about   eiffhty  Me**  fnen** 

o  r  ^  o      J    ly  natives 

leagues  along  the  coast,  and  entered  a  bay,  where   «'»'*  p'": 

o  o  '  J  >  cure  pearm 

we  found  a  surprising  number  of  people,  with 
whom  we  formed  a  friendship.  Many  of  us  went 
to  their  villages,  in  great  safety,  and  were  received 
with  much  courtesy  and  confidence.  In  this  place 
we  procured  a  hundred  and  fifty  pearls  (as  they 
sold  them  to  us  for  a  trifle),  and  some  little  gold, 
which  they  gave  us  gratuitously.^     We  noticed 

>  The  edition  of  Gruniger  says,  "  five  hundred  pearls." — NavarreU^, 
torn.  ill.  p.  250. 


•k 


■"*.••; 


MM 


|gO  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

ouAn-ER  that  in  this  country  they  drank  wine  made  of 

'■ —  their  fruits  and  seeds,  which  looked  like  beer,  both 

white  and  red ;  the  best  was  made  of.  acorns,  and 
was  very  good.  We  ate  a  great  many  of  these 
acorns,  as  it  was  the  season  of  them.  They  are  a 
very  good  fruit,  savoury  to  the  taste,  and  healthful 
to  the  body.  The  country  abounded  with  the 
means  of  nourishment,  and  the  people  were  well- 
disposed,  being  the  most  pacific  of  any  we  had 
seen. 
Remain  We  remained  in  this  port  seventeen  days  with 
days  in  port,  great  pleasure,  and  every  day  some  new  tribe  of 
people  came  to  see  us  from  inland  parts  of  the , 
country,  who  were  greatly  surprised  at  our  figures, 
at  the  whiteness  of  our  skins,  at  our  clothes,  our 
arms,  and  the  form  and  size  of  our  ships.  We 
were  informed  by  these  people  of  the  existence  of 
another  tribe  still  farther  west,  who  were  their 
enemies,  and  that  they  had  a  gr^at  quantity  of 
pearls.  They  said  that  those  which  we  dis- 
covered in  their  possession  were  some  they  had 
taken  from  this  other  tribe  in  war.  They  told  us 
how  they  fished  for  pearls,  and  in  what  manner 
they  grew;  and  we  found  that  they  told  us  the 
truth,  as  your  Excellency  shall  hear. 

We  left  this  harbour,  and  sailed  along  the  coast, 
on  which  we  continually  saw  smoke,  and  many 
people  on  the  shore,  as  we  passed.  After  many 
days  we  entered  a  harbour,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
pairing one  of  our  ships,  as  she  leaked  badly. 
,        Here  we  found  many  people,  with  whom,  neither 


«^ 


■J- 


''■^' 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


181 


by  force  nor  entreaty,  could  we  have  any  inter-  chaptwi 

course.     When  we  went  ashore,  they  fiercely  dis -^ — 

puted  our  landing,  and  after,  they  found  it  impos- 
sible to  resist  us  any  longer,  fled  to  the  woods. 
Having  discovered  them  to  be  so  barbarous,  we 
sailed  %way  from  the  place,  and  finding  an  island 
about  fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  coast,  re- 
solved to  see  whether  it  was  inhabited.  We 
found  on  this  island  the  most  bestial  and  filthy 
people  that  were  ever  seen,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
extremely  pacific,  so  that  I  am  able  to  describe 
their  habits  and  customs.  Their  manners  and 
their  faces  were  filthy,  and  they  all  had  their 
cheeki^  stuffed  full  of  a  green  herb,  which  they 
were  continually  chewing,  as  beasts  chew  the 
cud,  so  that  they  were  scarcely  able  to  speak. 
Each  one  of  them  wore,  hanging  at  the  neck,  two 
dried  gourd-shells,  one  of  which  was  filled  with  the 
same  kind  of  herb  tliey  had  in  their  mouths,  and 
the  other  with  a  white  jneal,  which  appeared  to  be 
chalk-dust.  They  also  carried  with  them  a  small 
stick,  which  the}  wetted  in  their  mouths  from 
time  to  time,  and  then  put  into  the  meal,  after- 
wards putting  it  into  the  herb,  with  which  both 
cheeks  were  filled,  and  mixing  the  meal  with  it.* 


•  This  herb  was  either  the  Betel, 
or  something  similar  to  it.  It  is 
very  much  esteemed  in  the  East 
Indies.  The  white  mealy  sub- 
stance which  he  speaks  of,  was 
calcined  oyster  shells.  The  na- 
tives used  it  for  the  purpose  of 


quenching  their  thirst,  as  Ameri- 
cus  supposed,  and  made  use  of  it 
also  as  a  medicine, — See  Ramusio, 
tom.  i.  p.  298.  Cook's  Voyages,  vol. 
i.  p.  112-434-436.  Ferdinand 
Columbus  also  speaks  of  it,  and 
says,  "  The  chiefs  continued  to  put 


i 

1^ 


MMMi 


188 


UPB  AND  VOYAOE0  OF 


Ik 


oRApTiR  We  were  surprised  at  their  conduct,  and  could  not 

'■ —  understand  for  what  purpose  they  indulged  in  the 

filthy  practice. 
suiMtituta  As  soon  as  these  people  saw  us,  they  came  to  us 
■Mdbjrtho  with  as  much  familiarity  as  if  we 'had  been  old 
friends.  As  we  were  walking  with  them  sSbng  the 
shore,  and  wished  to  find  some  fresh  water  to  drink, 
they  made  us  understand  by  signs  that  they  had 
none;  and  offered  us  some  of  their  herbs  and  meal ; 
hence  we  concluded  that  water  was  very  scarce  in 
this  island,  and  that  they  kept  these  herbs  in  their 
mouths  in  order  to  allay  their  thirst.  We  walked 
about  the  island  a  day  and  a  half  without  finding 
any  living  water,  and  noticed  that  all  the  water 
which  they  drank,  was  the  dew  which  fell  in  the 
night  upon  certain  leaves  which  looked  like  asses' 
ears.  These  leaves  being  filled  with  dew  water, 
the  islanders  used  it  for  their  drink,  and  most  ex- 
cellent water  it  was,  but  there  were  many  places 
where  the  leaves  were  not  to  be  found. 

They  had  no  kind  of  victuals  or  roots  such  as  we 
found  on  the  mainland,  but  lived  on  fish  which  they 
caught  in  the  'sea,  of  which  there  was  an  abun- 
dance, and  they  were  great  fishermen.  They  pre- 
sented us  with  many  turtles,  and  many  large  and 
very  good  fish.  The  women  did  not  chew  the  herb 
as  the  men  did,  but  carried  a  gourd  with  water  in 


a  dry  herb  in  their  mouths,  and 
also  a  certain  powder. — Canovai, 
torn.  1.  p.  141. 

Alonzo    Nino    and    Christobal 
Guerra  observed  upon  the  coast 


of  Cumana,  that  the  Indians  chew- 
ed an  herb  continually  to  keep 
their  teeth  white. — Navarrete,  torn 
iii.  p.  15. 


■i 


AMKIUCU8  VB8PUCIU8.  Up 

it,  of  which  they  drank.    They  had  no  villages,  oiiArnyi 

houses,  or  cottages,  except  some  arbours  which  de '■ — 

fended  them  lh)m  the  sun,  but  not  from  the  rain ; 
this  appearing  needless,  for  I  think  it  very  seldom 
rained  on  this  island.  When  they  were  fishing  out 
at  sea,  they  each  wore  on  the  head  a  very  large 
leaf,  so  broad  that  they  were  covered  by  its  shade.' 
They  fixed  these  leaves  also  in  the  ground  on  shore, 
and  as  the  sun  moved,  turned  them  about,  so  as  to 
keep  within  the  shadow,  and  defend  themselves 
from  the  sun's  rays.  T.h«  island  contained  many 
animals  of  various  kinds,  all  of  which  drank  the 
muddy  water  of  the  marshes. 

Seeing  there  was  no  utility  in  staying  here,  we 
left  and  went  to  another  island,  which  we  found 
inhabited  by  people  of  very  large  stature.  Going 
into  the  country  in  search  of  fresh  water,  without 
thinking  the  island  inhabited  (as  we  saw  no  people), 
as  we  were  passing  along  the  shore,  we  remarked 
very  large  footprints  in  the  sand.  We  concluded 
that  if  the  other  members  corresponded  with  the 
feet,  they  must  belong  to  very  large  men.  While 
occupied  with  these  conjectures,  vHt  struck  a  path 
which  led  us  inland,  and  imagining  that  as  the  isl- 
and was  small,  there  could  not  be  many  people  on 


A  race  of 
gigantie 


•  Ramusio  speaks  of  a  tree  or 
plant  growing  in  the  East  Indies, 
which  produces  four  or  five  leaves, 
each  of  which  will  shelter  a  man 
from  the  sun  and  rain. — Ram.  torn. 
i.  p.  161,  D. 

Conti  also  speaks  of  a  tree,  the 
leaves  of  which  are  six  yards  long, 


and  nearly  the  same  width. "  When 
it  rains  they  are  carried  over  the 
head  to  prevent  the  people  from 
being  wet,  and  three  or  four  per- 
sons stretching  it  out  may  be  cov- 
ered."—iiirf.  p.  339,  C.  CatmaU 
torn.  i.  p.  144. 


« 


i>^ 


164 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OV 


cHAprcR  it,  we  passed  on  to  find  out  of  what  descriptioii 

'■ —  tlipy  might  be.    After  we  had  gone  about  a  league, 

we  saw  in  fi  valley  five  of  their  cottages,  which 
appeared  to  be  uninhabited,  and,  on  going  to  them, 
we  found  only  five  women,  Iwo  quite  old,  and  three 
girls,  all  so  tall  in  stature,  that  we  regarded  them 
with  astonishment.  When  they  saw  us,  they  be- 
came so  frightened  that  they  had  not  even  courage 
to  flee,  and  the  two  old  women  began  to  invite  us 
into  their  houses,  and  to  bring  us  many  things  to 
eat,  with  many  caresses.  They  were  taller  than 
a  tall  man,  and  as  large-bodied  as  Francisco  of  Al- 
bizzi,  but  better  proportioned  than  we  are. 

While  we  were  all  consulting  as  to  the  expedi- 
ency of  taking  the  three  girls  by  force,  and  bringing 
them  to  Castile,  to  exhibit  the  wonder,  there  en- 
tered the  door  of  the  cottage  thirty-six  men  much 
larger  than  the  women,  and  so  well  made  that  it 
was  a  pleasure  to  look  at  them.  They  put  us  in 
such  perturbation,  however,  that  we  would  much 
•  •  rather  have  been  in  our  ships,  than  have  found  our- 
selves with  such  people.  They  carried  immense 
bows  and  aiTo\IN,  and  large-headed  clubs,  and  talk- 
ed among  themselves  in  a  tone  which  led  us  to 
think  they  were  deliberating  about  attacking  us. 

Seeing  we  were  in  such  danger,  we  formed  vari- 
ous opinions  on  the  subject.  Some  were  for  falling 
upon  them  in  the  house,  others  thought  it  would  be 
better  to  attack  them  in  the  field,  and  others  that 
we  should  not  commence  the  strife  until  we  saw 
what  they  wished  to  do.    We  agreed  at  length  to 


'»'■■ 


AMERICUO  VESPUC1U8. 


186 


go  out  of  the  cottage,  and  take  our  way  quietly  to-  ohaitw 

wards  the  Hliips.    As  soon  as  we  did  tliis,  they  fol '— 

lowed  at  a  stone's  throw  behind  us,  talking  earnest- 
ly among  theinseives,  and  I  think  no  less  afraid  of 
us  tlnin  we  were  of  them ;  for  whenever  we  stop- 
ped, they  did  the  same,  never  coming  nearer  to  us. 
In  this  way  we  at  length  arrived  at  the  shore, 
where  the  boats  were  waiting  for  us — we  entered 
them,  and  as  we  were  going  oflT  in  the  distance, 
they  leaped  forward  and  shot  many  arrows  after  us, 
but  we  had  little  fear  of  them  now.  We  discharged 
two  guns  at  them,  more  to  frighten  than  to  injure, 
and  on  hearing  the  report,  they  all  fled  to  the  moun- 
tain. Thus  we  parted  from  them,  and  it  appeared 
to  us  that  we  had  escaped  from  a  perilous  day's 
work.  These  people  were  quite  naked,  like  the 
others  we  had  seen,  und  on  account  of  their  large 
stature,  I  call  this  island  the  Island  of  Giants.^  We 
proceeded  onward  in  a  direction  parallel  with  the 
land,  on  which  it  often  happened  that  we  were 
obliged  to  fight  with  the  people,  who  were  not  will- 
ing to  let  us  take  any  thing  away. 
Our  minds  were  fully  prepared  by  this  time  for  Thoughu  of 

•'    *       *  •'  returning  to 

returning  to  Castile.  We  had  been  at  sea  about  a  ^v^- 
year,  and  had  but  little  provision  left,  and  that  little 
damaged,  in  consequence  of  the  great  heat  through 
which  we  had  passed.  From  the  time  we  left  the 
Island  of  Cape  Verd  until  then,  we  had  been  sail- 
ing continually  in  the  torrid  zone,  having  twice 


>  This  was  probably  the  island  of  Curacoa. 
p.  259. 

24 


-Navarrite,  torn.  iii. 


186 


w    LirK 


UrK  AND  VOYAOEfl  Of 


OMAPTRR  croMcd  the  equinoctial  line,  un  before  ittatt^d  ;  hav- 

'■ —  in^  been  live  ciegreeH  beyond  it  to  the  Mouth,  and 

tlien  being  (illeen  degreeH  nortit  of  it. 

Being  tiiun  disfKirted  for  our  rtHurn,  it  pIciiNed  the 
Holy  Spirit  to  give  um  Nonie  re|)OMe  from  our  gn>at 
lubourM.  (ioing  in  Heurch  of  u  harbour,  in  order  to 
repair  our  ^hipN,  we  fell  in  with  u  [u>oplt>  who  ro- 
eeived  us  with  much  friendsiiip,  and  we  found  that 
tiicy  hud  a  great  (ptantity  of  oriental  pearls,  which 
were  very  giMul.  We  remained  with  them  forty- 
Neven  days,  and  procured  from  them  a  hundred  and 
nineteen  marks  of  [)earlH  in  exchange  for  u  mere 
trifle  of  our  merchandise,  which  I  think  did  not 
cx)8t  us  the  vidue  of  forty  ducuts.  We  guvc^  them 
nothing  whatever  but  beJIs,  looking-glasses,  beads, 
and  brass  plates  ;  for  a  bell,  one  would  give  all  the 
pearls  he  had.  We  learned  from  them  how  and 
where  they  fished  for  these  pearls,  and  they  gave  us 
many  oysters  in  which  they  grew.  We  procured 
one  oyster  in  which  a  hundred  and  thirty  pearls 
were  growing,  but  in  others  there  were  a  less  num- 
ber. The  one  with  the  hundred  and  thirty  the 
queen  took  from  me,  but  the  others  I  kept  to  my- 
self, that  she  might  not  see  them. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  if  the  pearls 
are  not  ripe  and  not  loose  in  the  shell,  they  do  not 
last,  because  they  are  soon  spoiled.  Of  this  I  have 
seen  many  examples.  When  they  are  ripe,  they 
ore  loose  in  the  oyster,  and  mingle  with  the  flesh, 
and  then'they  are  good.  Even  the  bad  ones  which 
they  had.  which  for  the  most  part  were  rough,  and 


% 


AMUUCUH   VB8PUCIUS. 


vm 


diMti^urt'd  willi  lioleit,  were  neverthclcMN  worth  a  oiiaiti 
coiiMuleruble  nuiii.  ^  '— 


At  the  end  of  forty-seven  days,  we  left  thcw^ 
people  in  ^reut  IViendNhip  with  um,  and  fn)in  the 
want  of  proviNionH  went  to  tlie  iHiund  of  Antiila, 
which  was  discovered  Monie  years  before  by  (Jhrin- 
topher  ColuinbuM.  Here  we  obtained  many  sup- 
plieM,  and  staid  two  montlis  and  seventeen  (hiys. 
We  passed  through  many  dangers  and  troubles 
with  the  Christians  who  were  settled  in  this  island 
with  Columbus  (I  think  through  their  envy),  the 
relation  of  which,  in  order  not  to  be  tedious,  I  omit. 
We  left  there  on  the  twenty-second  of  April,  and 
after  sailing  a  month  and  a  half,  entered  the  port 
of  Cadiz,  where  we  were,  received  with  much  hon- 
our, on  the  eighth  day  of  June.*  Thus  terminated, 
by  the  favour  of  God,  my  second  voyage. 


>  The  nionthti  of  April  and  June 
are  adopt«'cl  by  Canovai,  and  very 
properly,  instead  of  the  months  of 
September  und  April,  which  are 
used  in  some  other  editions.  iThis 
reading  makes  the  letter  corres- 
pond with  that  to  Dc'  Medici,  de- 
scribing the  same  voyage,  and  be- 


sides, gives  the  correct  date  of  the 
t'irmination  of  the  voyage.  Amer- 
icus  says  that  it  lasted  thirteen 
months ;  if  it  ended  in  September, 
it  would  have  been  seventeen. — 
See  Fwit  Letter  of  Americut  to 
Dt'  Medici.  Canovai,  torn.  i.  p. 
151. 


I 


T^r 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Ui^uatiflablrt  IVrviTaiori  of  ihn  Wonli  of  Amnrioiu.— Attack  nf  Sick* 
MM, — Niiw  N|iaiii«li  Fl«'«'t  for  hitii. —  ili»  i'lwilion  in  8|min. — Mi>- 
tivi'4  of  till)  King  of  i'ortiiKiil  in  artrni|itin({  to  nti\u  tlm  Hrrvici'*  rtf 
Atiifricua.— Fir»t  Atti'ni|it  liy  |ji  itrr.— Srconil  Attrinpt  liy  a  M«»- 
muklt. — Juliuno  OiiH undo. —Ill)  Inivi'*  S|(ain  wontly. — (ioc*  to 
LiitlMtn. — K('ci'|ition  iit  thu  ('oitrt  of  Krninnnurl, — Itn|M)rtnti(r  of  hi* 
Vovn((u  to  till)  Kin{(ilotn  of  i'orrui{nl.  -  Kxtract  from  Tliomaon'* 
SeaDonii. — A  Wtinl  rt)«|tt)cting  thu  D«tu  uf  tho  Voyage. — Inaccuracy 
of  Ilurrvrt.  . 


CHArTBK 

XI. 


It  was  (luriiii(  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year  1500, 
that  Aiiu'ricuM  wrote  hJM  letter  to  l^ronKo  de'  iMeili- 
ci,  fj^ivinn  a  description  of  the  voyage  which  had  jiiNt 
been  brou^iit  to  a  conclusion.  He  apoIogixeN,  as 
has  been  seen,  for  his  long  Nilcnce,  and  /j^ives  as  an 
excuse  for  it,  the  reason,  that  nothing  had  occurred 
to  him  worthy  t)f  being  commemorated,  excepting 
that  wliich  he  proceeiled  to  narrate.  A  most  un- 
justifiable use  has  been  made  of  this  expression  of 
the  navigator,  by  those  who  arc  desirous  f)f  discred- 
iting his  account  of  his  first  voyage.  They  argue 
that  it  is  equivalent  to  saying  that  he  had  not  made 
a  previous  voyage,  for  it  would  have  been  a  remark- 
able forgetfulness  to  have  said  that  nothing  of  im- 
portance had  occurred,  if  he  had  made  a  previous 
voyage,  of  eighteen  months  duration,  in  1497-8. 
How  much  more  ingenuous  would  it  be  to  suppose 


LirK  AM)  voYhWBW  AMKRK'tm  VKartiriUf.  mo 

tliutlir  had  pri'Moii^lv  nritU'it  l>« '  M'  tliciiiii  iict'outit  onaftm 
of  (hat  r»rnl  voya^j'  in  letttf»<  which  h^\t'  Inrn  hwt 
hi  tlu>  htpM*  of  liiiii*,  aii'l  that  lit*  interval  iN'fwirfii 
thoMv  ('(MiiiiiutiicatioiiN  and  (Im'  one  und(  r  fonitidoru- 
tioii,  a  pcriiMl  of  nioro  than  toiirlct-n  nionthN  at  thr 
h'UMt,  coni(H>nfd  hini  to  Nprak  ol  IiIn  Idiij^  MiU'ncc  and 
make  excuNew  for  it.  Tiie  weakneNN  of  iUv  uti^u- 
tnent  math'  nN«'  ol'to  diMcredit  him,  in  of  itxelf  an  ev- 
idence  of  the  wuiit  of  cogent  prtMif  in  (4iip|M)rt  uf 
tlieir  |M»Mition.'  . 

NotwithNtiintiin^  tht*  nevere  atlaik  of  HickneHN  pr^psnumn 
whuli  Aineru'UN  experienced  ininiediatelv  alter  Inn  >.»>»««  rnw. 
rt;turn,  (the  ([uartan  a^ue,  contracted  prohahly  hy 
cxposnre  to  tlie  unhealthy  climate  of  the  West  In- 
diuN,)  he  devoted  himself  at  once  to  preparation  for 
a  third  voya^^e.  It  would  seem  that  the  merchantH 
of  Seville  were  not  easily  disheartened  hy  the  un- 
profitahle  result,  in  a  pecuniary  fxiint  of  view,  of  the 
voyage  of  Ojeda  anti  Americus  ;  or  that  the  fjfov- 
ernnient  itself  had  taken  ids  fortunes  under  its  spe- 
cial cliurge.  Wliile,  ixiwever,  a  new  fleet  was  be- 
ing made  ready,  which  lie  expected  would  he  in 
complete  onler  for  sea  as  early  as  the  inontli  of 
September,  some  circumstances  occurred  wliich  led 
him  to  abandon  tlie  service  of  Spain  and  try  his 
fortune  urttler  the  auspices  of  a  new  monarch. 

What  these  circumstances  were  can  now  only  be 
conjectured.    Americus  himself  su1)sequently  speaks  ^ 

of  the  course  which  he  had  adopted  in  terms  which 
show  that  he  did  not  leave  Spain  without  doubting 

>  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  886.  « 


tl 


190 


LIFE  AND   VOYAGES  OP 


Reaoonit 
whirh  led 
King  Em- 
manuel to 


CHAPTER  in  his  own  mind  the  propriety  of  the  proceeding. 

He  stood  deservedly  liigh  in  the  estimation  of  the 

Court,  and  the  amenity  and  modesty  of  Ids  manners 
Iiad  attached  to  him  a  great  numher  of  warm  friends 
and  achnirers.  It  is  prohable  that  he  accepted  the 
offers,  winch  were  made  to  him  by  the  King  of 
Portugal,  in  a  momentary  feeling  of  pique  at  some 
fancied  neglect,  or  in  disgust  at  the  measures 
brought  about  by  persons  envious  of  his  well-earned 
fame.' 

The  motives  of  the   King  of  Portugal  in   en- 
deavouring to  secure  the  services  of  Americus  are 

"to  AmMi-"  ^^^y  iipP'i''<^'»t.  The  accidental  discovery  made 
""■•  by  Cabral,  about  a  year  before  this  time,  who, 
while  attempting  to  double  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  on  his  way  to  the  East  Indies,  had  been 
driven  across  the  South  Atlantic  to  the-  shores  of 
Brazil  by  adverse  winds,  had  given  rise  to  dis- 
putes and  dissensions  between  the  governments  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.  These  disputes  had  just 
been  settled  by  a  compromise.  The  line  of  de- 
marcation between  their  respective  dominions  was 
changed,  and  removed  three  liundred  and  seventy 
leagues  west  of  its  former  position.  Cabral  saw 
but  very  little  of  the  country  which  he  had  fallen 
in  with  so  unexpectedly.  He  took  formal  posses- 
sion of  it,  however,  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign, 

-  i^and  despatched  one  of  the  ships  of  his  fleet  to 

give  information  of  his  discovery,   while  in  the 
meantime  he  pursued  his  original  voyage.^ 

>  See  chap.  xiii.  '  Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  79. 


■'>^- 


,',  M  ■ 


.J 


'I 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


191 


The  accounts  of  Americus  respecting  this  newly-  c-bapter 

acquired  region  could  not  have  failed  to  reach  the ^ — 

ears  of  King  Ennnanuel.  He  found  himself,  by 
the  recent  agreement,  put  into  possession  of  a 
country  far  more  exte;^isive  than  tho  meagre  re- 
ports of  Cabral  could  have  warranted  him  to  hope 
for.  Unable  to  avail  himself  of  the  servic((s  oi'  that 
navigator,  and   duly  estimating   the   distinguished  / 

reputation  and  skill  of  Americus,  he  spared  no 
pains  to  detach  him  from  the  service  of  Spain, 
and  entice  him  to  Portugal.  It  was  then  that  the 
Portuguese  government  bitterly  repented  its  re- 
pulse of  Columbus,  and  regretting  deeply  its  ill- 
timed  economy.  King  Emmanuel  resolved  to  lempt 
Americus  with  the  prospect  of  splendid  rewards. 

The  first  attempt  which  was  made  to  induce  Lettpw  from 
him  to  accompany  an  expedition  from  Lisbon,  was    Portugal 

*        •'  *  and  a  raes- 

by  letter  from  tlie  kinar  himself,  and  was  unsuc-  sengerwnt 

•'  o  7  tQ  Amen- 

cessful.  Americus,  unprepared  for  the  proposition,  *"*■• 
delayed  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  and  gave  him  at 
last  an  answer  in  the  negative.  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, couched  in  such  decided  terms  as  to  discour- 
age the  king,  or  preclude  the  possibility  of  gaining 
him  over  at  last.  He  pleaded  ill-health,  and  said, 
indefinitely,  that  when  he  recovered  he  might  be 
induced  to  go. 

The  second  attempt  was  more  favourably  re- 
ceived. Juliano  Giocondo,  an  Italian,  then  resi- 
dent at  Lisbon,  was  despatched  soon  after,  to  en- 
treat Americus  with  greater  urgency.  He  came 
at  once  to  Seville,  where  Americus  was  residing, 


./ 


•,** 


^M.  i"g'<tl<1KBt'UJ8FJtfB 


192 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


XI. 


M- 


H- 


CHAPTER  and,  by  dint  of  earnest  persuasion,  induced  him 
at  last  to  enter  the  service  of  Eninianuel.  Ameri- 
cus  yiehled,  against  the  advice  of  his  friends,  who, 
according  to  his  own  account,  all  looked  with  ill- 
favoiir  upoiii  the  project.  Fearing  that  some 
attempt  might  be  made  to  detain  him,  he  left  the 
kingdom  privately,  in  company  with  Giocondo 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  Lisbon. 

"  It  does  not  appear,"  says  Canovai,  "  that  King 
Ferdinand  considered  himself  wronged,  by  the  sud- 
den flight,  and,  to  say  the  least,  apparent  discoiu-tesy 
of  Americus,  in  leaving  the  kingdom  and  the  king,  his 
patron,  without  salutation  or  leave-taking.  It  was 
probably  looked  upon  as  a  trait  of  his  reserved  char- 
acter, or  an  evidence  of  his  aversion  to  idle  and 
sland#ous  rumours,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
take  the  pains  to  contradict.  Rumours  and  whis- 
perings soon  die  away,  when  they  have  nothing  to 
feed  upon,  and  when  Americus  returned,  as  though 
from  a  journey,  the  slight  was  forgotten,  and  he 
was  treated  with  greater  honour  than  before.'" 

Americus  was  received  with  open  arms  at  the 
court  of  Emmanuel,  and  commenced  with  ardour 
the  preparation  of  the  fleet.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  who  had  the  command  of  this  expedition,  but 
it  is  apparent  that  its  nautical  management  was 
under  the  control  of  Americus,  from  the  letters  to 
De'  Medici  and  Soderini  which  folloAv.  The  navi- 
gator wrote  three  accounts  of  this  his  first  voyage 
in  the  Portuguese  service,  two  of  them  directed  to 

'  Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  80.  W'' 


.^ 


•«^Aiffr 


< 

■ 

*                     V      .*■,-■  .'. 

■               i     ,    :■      .       .■lAu.Nf 

^■'ii 


:f.m 


li 


I  • 


il 


k  i 


■ite 


,_,^ 


'* 


CHAFTU 
XI. 


AMERICUS  VE8PUCIUS.  1^3 

De'  Medici,  of  which  the  most  elaborate  is  given, 
and  the  other  to  Hoderini.  He  evidently  looked 
upon  it  iiM  tile  most  important  in  its  discoveries  that 
he  hud  ever  made,  and  he  regarded  it  correctly. 
Unfortunately,  it  was  equally  signalized  by  the 
tempestuous  weatlier  he  experienced  in  the  course 
of  it.     Had  it  not  been  for  this,  there  is  little  doubt  , 

that  lie  would  have  realized  all  his  hopes  of  a 
southwestern  passage  to  India,  but  the  violent 
storms  he  encountered  compelled  him  to  desist  and 
return  tdiPortugal. 

Notwithstanding,  the  results  of  tlie  voyage  were  Great  im- 
of  vast  niiportance  to  Portugal.    An   immensely  "V^y"** 
wealthy  country  was  added  to  her  dominions,  whose         ^ 
mines  of  gold  and  diamonds  furnished  her  most  op- 
portunely with  resources  for  prosecuting  her  con- 
quests and  discoveries  in  the  East.    Then,  to  make 
use  of  the  graphic  words  in  which  the  poet  Thom- 
son describes  the  effect  of  the  voyages  of  De  Gama, 
originally  suggested  by  Prince  Henry,  and  which 
may  be  applied  v^'^ith  equal  justice  to  this  voyage  of 
Americus : 

Then  from  ancient  gloom  emerged 
The  rising  world  of  trade  :  the  genius,  then, 
Of  Navigation,  that  in  hopeless  sloth 
Had  slumbered  on  the  vast  Atlantic  deep 
For  idle  ages,  starting,  heard  at  last 
The  Lusitanian  prince,  who,  Heaven-inspired, 
To  love  of  useful  glory  roused  mankind, 
And  an  unbounded  commerce  mixed  the  world.' 

One  word  respecting  the  autlienticity  of  the  voy- 


•*(' 


•%■- 


Thomson's  Seasons — Summer. 
25 


:iMit'iit''^ntf ' "■''"irtii'-+  "  iiiflaifiiiiiiiMifir'i 


-,..-;i.^..aa:...,..  „f.a.*^,i 


194 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERIGUS  VESPUGID8. 


1» 


OHAPTBR  age  which  is  described  in  the  two  following  chap- 

1 —  ters.     The  Spanish  historiun  Hcrrera,  an  lias  been 

seen,  with  the  view  of  sustaining  the  position  that 
the  first  voyage  of  Aniericus  was  altogether  suppo- 
sititious, pretends  that  he  was  sailing  in  1501,  in  the 
company  of  Ojeda,  in  the  Gulf  of  Darien.*  Most 
unfortunately  for  the  accurary  of  this  historian, 
there  exists  undoubted  evidence  to  the  contrary. 
Peter  Martyr,  wliose  veracity  is  unquestionable, 
states  that  Americus  sailed  many  degrees  south  of 
the  line,  in  the  Portuguese  service.'  ^merous 
other  writers  assert  the  same,  though  they  differ 
respecting  the  exact  date  of  the  voyage.  Gomara, 
however,  fixes  the  date  unequivocally,  and  expressly 
declares  that  Americus  was  despatched  by- King 
Emmanuel  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  the  year 
1501.'  No  reasonable  doubt  can  then  be  enter- 
tained that  the  voyage  actually  took  place,  and  the 
reader  may  safely  peruse  the  accounts  of  the  navi- 
gator in  spite  of  the  unmanly  attempts  of  partisan 
critics  to  injure  his  credibility. 

>  Herrera,  Historia,  &c.,  Decad.        ^  Gomara,  Hist,  of  the  Indies, 
i.  1.  4,  c.  11.  chap.  ciii.  in  Barcia'^i  Historian 

sMartyr,Ocean.D.ii.I.l,  p.  199.    dores. 


, 


Jiv 


k- 


M. 


<    ■*  .'I .  ,•' 


^f 


lit- 


CHAPTER  XII. 


UHAFTEK 
XII. 


SECOND  LETTER  OP  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-PRAN 

CESCO  DE'  MEDICI,  OIVINQ  A  BRIEF  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS 

THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE  FOR  THE  KINO  OF  PORTUGAL.' 

Departure  from  Cape  Verd. — Arrival  at  the  Continent. — Heavenlj 
Bodies. — Beauty  of  the  Country. — Numerous  Aninmls. — The  Na- 
tives destitute  of  Laws  ond  Religion. — Their  Food  and  Ornaments. 
— Longevity. — Mode  of  Reekoning  Time. — Tlieir  Wars  and  Canni- 
balism.— Climate. — Products  of  the  Country. 

My  Most  Excellent  Patron,  Lorenzo  : 

(After  due  commendation),  My  last  letter  to  your 
Excellency  was  written  from  a  place  on  the  coast 
of  Guinea,  called  Cape  Verd,  and  in  it  you  were 
informed  of  the  commencement  of  my  voyage. 
This  present  letter  will  advise  you  of  its  continua- 
tion and  termination.   ^  * 

We  started  from  the  above-mentioned  Cape,  hav-  Departure 

/•  1  .         11  !•  /.  1  1    from  Cape 

mff  rirst  taken  in  all  necessary  supplies  of  wood  and  Verdandaiv 

°  _  ./         1 1  jival  at  the 

water,  to  discover  new  lands  in  the  ocean.     We  continent. 
sailed  on  a  southwesterly  course,  until,  at  the  end 
of  sixty-four  days,  we  discovered  land,  which,  on 
•many  accounts,  we  concluded  to  be  Terra  Firma. 
We  coasted  this  land  about  eight  hundred  leagues 

'  This  letter  was  published  for  entitled  "  Ricerche  Istorico  Crit- 
the  first  time  in  the  year  1789,  by  iche  circa  alle  Scoperled' Amerigo 
Bartolozzi,  at  the  close  of  his  work     Vespucci." 


..T-  •,• 


:^s 


% 


i^i&^.l^>  ."-  .jk 


t>>t<:v_Jjt^; 


? 


196 


LIPB  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


uHArrcR  ill  a  direction  west  by  soulli.     It  wun  full  of  inhab- 

XII. 

itants,  and  I  noticed  many  remarkable  tliingM,  which 

I  determined  to  narrate  to  your  Exc(?llency. 
Hr»v..niy       We  sttlled  in  these  seas   until  we  entered  the 

nodii-i  of  tnti 

*ii"rai!i"'  ''^'"'■'''t^  Zone  and  passed  to  the  soutii  of  the  equi- 
iJi«re.  noctial  line  and  the  Tropic  of  Cttj)ricorn,  so  that 
we  were  fifty  dej^rees  to  the  south  of  the  line.  We 
navigated  here  (bur  mouths  and  twenty-seven  days, 
seeing  neitiier  the  Arctic  Pole,  nor  Ursa  Major  or 
Minor.  We  (listu)vercd  here  many  beautiful  con- 
stellations, invisible  in  the  Northern  Hemisphere, 
and  noted  (heir  marvellous  movements  and  gran- 
deur. We  marked  (lie  course  of  their  revolutions, 
and  with  geometrical  calculatitms  determined  the  po- 
sition of  these  heavenly  bodies.  The  most  notable 
of  the  things  which  occurred  in  this  voyage  I  have 
collated  for  a  small  work,  which,  when  I  am  at  lei- 
sure, I  shall  find  occupation  in  completing,  and  which 
will  acquire  for  me  some  fame  after  my  death.  I 
had  in  readiness  a  sketch  of  this  to  send  to  you,  but 
the  King's  Highness  retains  it,  and  when  he  returns 
it,  I  will  forward  it  as  I  proposed.  In  effect,  my 
navigation  extended  to  a  fourth  part  of  the  world, 
and  a  line  to  my  zenith  there,  made  a  right  angle, 
at  the  centre  of  the  earth,  with  that  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  forty  degrees 
above  the  equator.  ^ 

Numeronii       To  procccd  nov/  to  a  de/3cription  of  the  country, 
■>ai»,  but   of  the  plants  therein,  and  of  the  customs  of  the  in- 

none  that  '■ 

■"  ti^'  habitants,  I  would  observe,  that  this  region  is  most 
delightful,  and  covered  with  immense  forests,  which 


^If' 


|; 


W- 


V^ji.-.^  .-C' J    .  - 


it 


AMERICUS   VRSPUCIU8. 


197 


never  lose  their  foliage,  and  tlirougliout  the  year  chaptm 

yield  the  sweetest  aromatic  odours,  and  [»roduce  an '■ — 

infinite  variety  of  fruit,  j;rateful  t«>  the  taste,  and 
healtliful  for  tlie  b(tdy.  In  the  fields  tloiirish  so 
nianv  sweet  flowers  and  herbs,  and  the  fruits  are 
m  delicious  in  their  fragrance,  that  I  fancied  myself 
near  the  terrestrial  paradise.  What  shall  I  tell 
you  of  the  birds,  and  of  the  brilliant  colours  of 
their  plumage  7  Whatof  their  variety,  their  sweet 
Hongs,  and  their  beauty  1  I  dare  not  enlarge  upon 
this  theme,  for  I  fear  that  I  should  not  be  believed. 
How  shall  I  enumerate  the  infinite  variety  of  syl- 
van animals,  lions,  panthers,  and  catamounts,  though 
not  not  like  those  of  our  regions,  wolves,  stags,  and 
baboons  of  all  kinds  1  We  saw  more  wild  animals, 
such  as  wild  hogs,  kids,  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits, 
than  could  ever  have  entered  the  ark  of  Noah,  but 
we  saw  no  domestic  animals  whatever. 

Now  consider  reasoning  animals.  We  found 
the  whole  region  inhabited  by  a  race  of  people 
who  were  entirely  naked,  both  men  and  womeUk 
They  are  well-proportioned  in  body,  with  black 
hair,  and  little  or  no  beard.  I  laboured  much  to 
investigate  their  customs — remaining  twenty-seven 
days  for  that  purpose — and  the  following  is  the  in- 
formation I  acquired. 

They  have  no  laws,  and  no  religious  belief,  but  cu^tonwoi 

1.  IT  /.  1  thenativ«». 

live  according  to  the  dictates  of  nature  alone. 
They  know  nothing  of  the  immortality  of  the 
soul;  they  have  no  private  property,  but  every 
thing  in  common;  they  have  no  boundaries  of 


•;  ] 


I 


196 


OHAPTRR 
XII. 


MFR  AND   VOYAORR  OP 


kingdom  or  province ;  tliey  obey  no  king  or  lord, 
for  it  in  wimlly  unneccMsary,  an  tliey  liiive  no  laws, 
and  eacii  one  is  liiH  own  niUNter.  Tiiey  dwell 
together  in  liouNeN  irmde  like  bcllM — in  the  con- 
struction of  wiiicii  they  ime  neither  iron  nor  any 
other  metal.  Tlii»  is  very  remarkable,  for  1  have 
seen  houses  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long, 
and  thirty  feet  wide,  built  with  much  skill,  and 
containing  live  or  six  hundred  people.  They  sleep 
in  hanunocks  of  cotton,  sus))ended  in  the  air, 
without  any  covering;  they  eat  seated  upon  the 
ground,  and  their  food  consists  of  the  roots  of 
herbs,  of  fruits  and  fish.  They  eat,  also,  lobsters, 
crabs,  and  oysters,  and  many  other  kinds  of  nms- 
cles  and  shell-fish,  which  arc  found  in  the  sea. 
As  to  their  meat,  it  is  principally  human  flesh. 
It  is  true  that  they  devour  the  flesh  of  animals 
and  birds;  but  they  do  not  catch  many,  becuuue 
they  have  no  dogs,  and  the  woods  are  so  thick, 
and  so  filled  with  wild  beasts,  that  they  do  not 
care  to  go  into  them,  without  going  in  large  bodies. 
The  men  are  in  the  habit  of  decorating  their 
lips  and  cheeks  with  bones  and  stones,  which  they 
suspend  from  holes  which  they  bore  in  them.  I 
have  seen  some  of  them  with  three,  seven,  and 
even  as  many  as  nine  holes,  filled  with  white  or 
green  alabaster — a  most  barbarous  custom,  which 
they  follow,  in  order,  as  they  say,  to  make  them 
selves  appear  fierce  and  ferocious. 


I 


^h^ 


AMKKI0U8   VBSPUCIUS. 


199 


They  arc  a  |M*o|)le  t^f  ^roat  lon><evity. 


Wt!  met  tiiArTM 

XII. 

with    iimriv  who  hud   (U'sct'iidaiilM   of  the  fourth • 

»:      .         .       ,  .  ,  ivir  loo- 

degree     Xot  knowing  how  to  compute  tune,  and  K'vuvMd 

counting  neither  (hiyw,  nionthn,  or  years,  excepting  '■"'^»*^ 
in  NO  fiir  as  tiiey  count  the  huiar  inontlis,  when 
they  wanted  to  signify  to  us  any  particuhir  lUira- 
tion  of  time,  they  did  it  by  showing  us  a  st(»ne 
for  each  moon  ;  and,  com|)Uting  in  this  manner,  we 
discovered  that  the  age  (»f  one  man  that  we  saw 
waH  seventeen  liuiuh-ed  moons,  or  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  years,  reckoning  tiiirteen 
moons  to  the  year. 

They  are  a  warlike  race,  lind  extremely  cruel.  Their  w»r» 
All  their  arms  and  bows  are,  as  Petrarch  says,  crueiiy. 
"  committed  to  the  winds ;"  for  they  consist  only 
of  spears,  arrows,  and  stones.  They  use  no 
shields  for  the  body — going  to  battle  wholly  na- 
ked. There  is  no  order  or  discipline  in  their 
fights,  except  that  they  follow  the  counsels  of  the 
old  men.  Most  cruelly  do  they  combat,  and  those 
who  conquer  in  the  field  bury  their  own  dead, 
but  cut  up  and  eat  the  dead  of  their  enemies. 
Some,  who  are  taken  prisoners,  are  carried  to 
their  villages  for  slaves.  Females  taken  in  war, 
they  frequently  marry ;  and  sometimes  the  male 
prisoners  are  allowed  to  niarry  the  daughters  of 
the  tribe ;  but  occasionally  a  diabolical  fury  seems 
to  come  over  tliem,  and,  calling  together  their 
relations  and  all  the  people,  they  sacrifice  these 
slaves,  the  children  w  ith  their  parents,  with  many 
barbarous  ceremonies.     This  we  know  of  a  cer- 


900 


MFK  AND   VOYAOBR  Of 


I* 


cMAPTiit  tnirity;  for  wv  i'ouiul  iiiiutli  liuiiiun  flcHh  in  their 

-  houses,  liiiii^  ti|)  to  siiKilcr,  and  vvc  |>(ircliu.st'(l  tt»n 

poor  creutiiri's  iVoiii  thctii,  hoth  iiicii  iiikI  woiiiun, 

whom  they  wen;  tihout  to  hacriru'c,  t(»  nuvc  tht*m 

fVoui  Much  u  lUlo. 

Much  MM  wv  nipromlu'd  tluMii  on  this  account, 
I  caruiot  nay  uholhcr  tlii-y  anu'iultMl  at  all.  The 
most  aMtoriisliin^  (liin^  in  all  (heir  wars  and  cru- 
elty was,  lliat  we  couUI  not  fuid  out  any  reaMon 
lor  them,  'llu'y  nuule  wars  against  each  other, 
al(hou){li  (hey  had  neither  kiiif^s,  kin^tioniN,  nor 
property  of  any  kind,  without  any  apparent  deHirc 
to  plunder,  and  without  any  lust  l<»r  power,  which 
always  appeared  to  nie  to  he  the  movinjf  causes  of 
wars  and  anarchy.  When  we  asked  them  ahout 
this,  they  ^ave  us  no  other  reason  than  (hat  they 
did  so  to  av#f^  (he  murder  of  their  ancestors. 
To  conclude  this  disijuslin^  suhject,  one  man 
confessed  to  me  that  he  had  ea(en  of  the  flesh  of 
over  two  hundred  ho<lies,  and  I  believe  it  was  the 
truth. 
aimnt^an.i      In  rcffard  to  the  climate  of  this  recion,  I  should 

health  uftliA  "  ^        ' 

country,  say  that  it  was  extremely  pleasant  and  healthful ; 
for,  in  all  the  time  that  we  were  there,  which  was 
ten  months,  not  one  of  us  died,  and  oidy  a  few 
were  sick.  They  suffer  from  no  infirmity,  pesti- 
lence, or  corruptitm  of  the  atmosphere,  and  die 
only  natural  deaths,  unless  they  fall  by  their  own 
hands,  or  in  consequence  of  some  accident.  In 
fact,  physicians  would  have  a  bad  time  in  such 
a  place. 


AMKRICtfi  VCMPUCiUM. 


I 


aoi 

AiH  we  went  (lii*rc  Molrly  ti>  makv  <IUcov<>ru*M,  niid  (MAn-mi 


mi. 


riturli'tl  Willi  that  view  /ntiii  Li^hoii,  williout  iii< 
IciKliit^  I  •  l<N>K  (or  any  nrolit,  wimIuI  iKit  trotihlc  i>r  th«iu«iif 
(iur?4clvt>  lit  rx(»l(in;  (lie  couiilry  iiiiicli,  uiid  romid 
iiotiiiii^  of  iiiiicti  vtiliu; ;  not  tliiit  I  do  not  tiolicvu 
I  lull  it  is  I'tipabit',  I'roni  itN  climate  ami  Kcru'rui  tt{>- 
pearancc,  ot'conlaininy;  cvfry  kind  of  vvcalili.  It  in 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  we  did  not  discover  at 
once  ev«'ry  tiling  thai  nii^lit  hv  turned  to  profit 
iliere,  for  the  inhahitauls  think  nitthinj^  of  ^oUl,  Nil- 
ver,  <»r  precious  stones,  and  valiu?  only  feathers  and 
bones.  l)ut  1  hope  that  I  shall  be  sent  a^ain  by 
the  Kiii^  to  visit  these  rt>^i(»ns,  and  that  many 
years  will  not  elapse,  before  they  will  brin^f  im- 
mense profit  and  revenue  to  I  he  kini^dojn  of  Purtu- 
Hal.  Wt;  found  ;;reat  <piantiliej«DL  dye-wood, 
enou!j;li  to  loud  all  the  ships  that  (f^^Hind  costii^ 
uothin<(.  The  same  may  be  said  of  cassia.  We 
saw  also  crystals,  spices,  and  drugs,  but  tlu;  ([uul- 
ities  of  the  last  are  unknown. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country  tell  of  gold  and 
other  metals,  but  I  am  one  of  those,  who,  like  St. 
Thomas,  are  slow  to  believe.     Time  will  show  all. 

Most  of  the  time  of  our  stay,  the  heavens  were 
serene,  and  adorned  with  numerous  bright  and 
beautiful  stars,  many  of  which  I  observed,  with 
their  revolutions.  This  may  be  considered  a 
schedule,  or,  as  it  were,  a  capita  rnrmn,  of  the  things 
which  I  have  seen  in  these  parts.  Many  things 
are  omitted,  which  are  worthy  of  being  mentioned, 
in  order  to  avoid  prolixity,  and  because  they  are 

26 


.  ^i^aik ,  Sii.!^^i£lLj^ljif^f^A^,^   j^aJI^, 


^^■"S'*'' 


au2 


MI'I",    AND   VOYAdICa  OV   AMKIIK^UH   VIOSPUCIUS. 


ciiAiTKii  IoiiikI  ill   my  ucoMiiit  t»f   tlio  voyajjc.      Ah  yet  I 

— — —  tarry  in  Lisbon,  wuiliiijj;  IJH*  plcusnro  of  tin*  King, 

to  (l(>l(>i'niiiir  what  I  .shall  lio.     May  it  please  Hod 

that   1  (l(»  whatever  is  most  to  his  ^lory  and  the 

sul Nation  of  my  soul. 

Your  Kxcellency's  servant, 

AmEIUCUS    VksI'UI  1U8. 


■ .  .>-,i^i.-.'  ■;.ri<£it. . 


I 


T?*f  •'T' 


V* 


■»\- 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

I 

SECOND  LF/rrF,ll  OF  AMRRICU«  TO  I.ORKNZO  DI  PIER-PRAN- 

CKHCO  DK'  MF.DKJI,  (IIVINCi  A  KULLKll  ACJCOUNT  OF  UlS 

TlilHU  VOYAOK,  MAUK  FOKTIIK  KING  OF  rOllTUOAL.' 

Prnainhli!  r(!9|ic(!lin|;'  the  First  Letter  of  Arnoricus  to  Do  Medici. — 
Suils  IVoiri  LIhIioii  May  l.'lth,  1.^01. — Arrives  ut  tlioCatiuries. — CouhIh 
the  Sli(irf!8  of  Afri(!a. — ExpericiKU'H  violent  (JuIcm. — I'roviHioriH  full 
short. — Loiij,'  PuHHU^e. — DcHpuir  at  their  Hiluation. — Arrive  at  last 
at  tlio  Continent. — If^noranee  of  the  Pilots. — Astronnijijcul  Observa- 
tions oF  AniericuH. — Coust  along  the  Hhon.s  of  South  America. — 
IiitnrcoiirHo  wilh  the  Nutiv<!H. — Thickly-inhabited  Country. — Sin- 
gular CuHtoitis  of  the  NiitivcH. — Their  Mode  of  Life. — Cannibalism 
again. — CJinnilcund  FruitH. — Starsof  the  Antarctic  Pole. — Beautiful 
Iris  or  Jlaini)ow. — (Geometrical  Calculations  of  ^^cricus. — Grati- 
tude to  the  Suprcjiic  Being. — Arrival  at  Lisbon."— Another  Voyage 
in  Contem])lation. 

In  days  past,  I  gave  your  Excellency  a  full  ac-  chapteh 

count  of  my  return,  and  if  I  remember  aright,  wrote : — 

you  a  description  of  all  those  parts  of  the  New 
World  which  I  had  visited  in  the  vessels  of  his  se- 
rene highness  the  King  of  Portugal.  Carefully  con- 
sidered, they  appear  truly  to  form  another  world, 
and  therefore  we  have,  not  without  reason,  called 
it  the  New  World.     Not  one  of  all  the  ancients  liad 


'  One  circumstance  distinguishes 
this  letter  from  the  others  of  Amer- 
icus.  It  is  not  in  the  Italian  ver- 
sions, filled,  as  all  the  rest  arc,  with 
Italianized  Spanish  words,  or  rath- 


er with  corrupt  Spanish.  The 
text  of  Ramusio  is  purely  Tuscan, 
and  is  copied  by  Canovai,  from 
whom  this  translation  is  made.— 
Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  153,  154. 


\~' 


r 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

oHAPTEi  any  kftowledge  of  it,  and  the  things  which  have 

'■ —  heen  lately  ascertained  by  us,  transcend  all  their 

ideas.    They  thought  there  was  nothing  south  of 

« 

the  equinoctial  lind  but  an  immense  sea,  and  some 
poor  and  barren  islands.  The  sea  they  called  the 
Atlantic,  and  if  sometimes  they  confessed  that  there 
might  be  land  in  that  region,  they  contended  that  it 
must  be  sterile,  and  could  not  be  otherwise  than 
uninhabitable. 

The  present  navigation  has  controverted  their 
opinions,  and  openly  demonstrated  to  all,  that  they 
were  very  far  from  the  truth.  Beyond  the  equinoc- 
tial line,  I  found  countries  more  fertile  and  more 
thickly  inhabited,  than  I  have  ever  found  any  where 
else,  even  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  as  will  be 
more  fully  manifested  by  duly  attending  to  the  fol- 
lowing relation.  Setting  aside  all  minor  matters,  I 
shall  relate  only  those  of  the  greater,  importance, 
which  are'  well  worthy  of  commemoration,  and 
those  which  I  have  personally  seen  or  heard  of 
from  men  of  credibility.  I  shall  now  speak  with 
much  care  concerning  those  parts  most  recently  dis- 
covered, and  without  any  romantic  addition  to  the 
truth. 
Departure  With  happy  omens  of  success,  we  sailed  from 
^y^3A°  Lisbon,  with  three  armed  caravels,  on  the  thir- 

1501 

teenth  day  of  May,  1501,  to  explore,  by  command 
of  the  king,  the  regions  of  the  New  World.  Steer- 
ing a  southwest  course,  we  sailed  twenty  months, 
in  the  manner  which  I  shall  now  relate.  In  the 
first  place,  we  Went  to  the  Fortunate   Islands, 


m^ 


;^' 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS, 


205 


which  are  now  called  the  Grand  Canaries.    They  chaptb* 

are  in  the  third  climate,  in  the  farthest  part  of  the 

West  which  is  inhabited.  After  navigating  the 
ocean,  we  ran  along  the  coast  of  Africa  and  the 
country  of  the  blacks,  as  far  as  the  promontory 
which  is  called  by  Ptolemy,  Etiopo,  by  our  people, 
Cupe  Verd,  and  by  the  negroes,  Biseneghe,  while 
the  inhabitants  themselves  call  it  Madanghan. 
The  country  is  situated  within  the  Torrid  Zone,  in 
about  fourteen  degrees  north  latitude,  and  is  inhab- 
ited by  the  blacks.  Here  having  refreshed  our- 
selves, and  reposed  awhile,  we  took  in  every  kind 
of  provision,  and  set. sail,  directing  our  course  to- 
^^  ards  the  Antarctic  Pole. 

We  bore  a  little  to  the  wjst,  as  the  wind  was   Saii  on  a 
easterly,  and  we  never  saw  land  until  after  w^e  had  eriycouwe 
sailed  three  months  and  three  days  consecutivelv.  "ico  severe 
What  great  toils  and  dangers  we  ^7ere  exposed  to 
in  this  navigation,  what  troubles  and  vexations  we 
suffered,  and  how  often  we  were  disgusted  with 
life,  I  shall  leave  those  to  judge  who  have  had  sim- 
ilar experience — those  particularly  who  know  what 
great  difficulties  are  met  with,  while  lookin  jj  for  un- 
certain things,  and  attempting  discoveries  in  places 
where  man  has  never  before  been ;  but  I  would  not 
wish  any  one  to  be  our  judge  who  has  had  no  expe- 
rience in  these  things. 

To  shorten  my  relation  as  much  as  possible,  yoiu* 
Excellency  must  know,  that  we  sailed  ninety-seven 
days,  experiencing  harsh  and  cruel  fortune.  Durins 
forty-four  days,  the  heavens  were  in  great  commo- 


8V<r«iH. 


'   ife 


«  ^ 


S' 


H^, 


Line  AND  VOYAUKN  OK 


XIII 


oHAri'Kn  iioii,  nml  wo  liiid  iittlliiiiy;  lint  (liii!i<l(>r  niul  liglitiilng 
- —  and  (li'iMU'liiii^  ruin.  Dark  <'IoihIh  rovcnMl  (lie  sky, 
mt  that  liy  ilay  W(^  could  s(m>  luit  litth*  hrtlcr  than 
wo  coiiM  ill  ordiiinry  iii^;lils,  without  iiiooiishiiuv 
Our  nights  woro  oi'  {\\r  hiackost  darkiusss.  Tho 
loar  of  di'alli  caiiio  ovor  us,  and  tho  liopo  of  lil'o  al- 
most d(>s(M't(<d  us.     A  ('(or  all  tliost*  lu>avy  alllictions, 


at  last  it  pleased  (lod,  in  his  niciry,  to  have  et 


tin- 


passH 


>n  on  us  and  (o  save  our  lives.     On  a  sudden, 


the  land  appeared  in  view,  and  at  the  si|j;ht  of  it 
our  eourai>e,  which  had  CalhMi  very  low,  and  tnir 
s(reiii((li,  which  had  hecoine  weakness,  iniinediate- 
ly  revived,  'riuis  it  usually  happens  <o  those  who 
have  passed  (lirough  great  ailliction,  and  especially 
to  tlio.se  who  have  heeii  preserved  Iroiii  the  rage  of 
t»vil  Tori  line. 
c«»m.»ioi»ii.  Oil  the  sevenleenlli  day  of  August,  in  the  year 
iniKt  irih.  inOI,  we  anchored  hy  the  slum*  of  that  country, 
and  nMulered  to  the  Soprenie  Heing  our  most 
sincere  (hanks,  according  (o  (he  Cliri.'<tiaii  custom, 
in  a  solemn  celehratioii  of  mass.'  The  land  we 
discovered  did  not  appear  to  be  an  island,  but  a 
}'outinen(.  as  it  ex(en(led  far  away  in  (lie  dislaiice, 
without  any  appearance  of  termination.'^     It  was 


I9UI 


n 


>  Bamlini  mnkos  n  misi  iiko  in  ttii.s 
dntr,  givinj{  it  ns  tho  first,  dny  of 
August;  other  odiiimis  Imvo  iiflio 
17lh  of  Au,;i{ust,  wliiih  is  corrcv-t, 
AS  Aiucrirus  stnrttHi  on  the  13th 
of  May,  aiul  snilod  thrco  months 
and  throe  days. — Canovai,  toni.  i. 
p.  158. 

•   It  nuy  seem    strange   that 


AIn(^ril'us  should  not  at  otiro  havi 
nooRiii/.od  iho  coiiliiu'ul  which  h« 
hnd  visitod  before  in  hissrcond  voy- 
age, Btid  hnve  nientioueti  the  fact; 
but  it  must  tiot  bo  forgotten  that 
his  vessels  hnd  been  Ifulleliiig  with 
severe  gales,  and  ilriveii  for  some 
time  almost  at  tlio  mercy  of  the 
wavca — that  ho  reached  land,  sit- 


^ 


AMKIIIGUS  VK8PUCIU8. 


807 


bcnulifnlly  fertile,  and  very  lliickly  inhabiU'd.     All  ciiArrBR 

HortH  <>('  wild  animals,  wliieJi  are  wholly  unknown — 

in  our  |»irlH,  w<Te  there  found  in  ahundancc. 
Many  otlu^r  tliin^N  I  would  descrihc,  hut  have 
NtudiouNly  avoided  mentioning,  in  order  that  id(/  < 

work  ui'ifrUi  not  h(M-.ot^ie  lar^e  heyond  measure. 
One  tliin/;  only  I  feel  that  I  should  not  omit:  it 
is,  that,  aided  hy  the  K(»(»dn(;ss  of  (tod,  in  due  time, 
and  ae<;ordin;;  to  our  need,  we  saw  land;  for  we 
were  not  ahh^  to  susliiin  ourselves  any  longer; 
all  our  provisions  li->\iii;^  failed  uft;  our  wood, 
water,  hiscuit,  sidt  i.  tiit,  cheese,  wine,  oil,  and, 
what  is  more,  our  vi|i;our  of  mind,  all  gone.  By 
(lod's  merey,  tiiereforc,  oui  lives  were  spared,  and 
to  him  wo  ought  to  rend«^r  thanks,  honour,  and 
glory. 

We  were  unanimously  ot  v»pmion  that  our  navi- 
gation should  be  eofitimteo  along  this  coast,  and 
that  we  should  not  lose  sight  of  it.  We  sailed, 
therefore,  in  accordanci-  with  this  conclusion,  till 
we  arrived  at  a  certair.  cape,  which  makes  a  turn 
to  the  south.  This  cape  is,  perhaps,  three  hun- 
dred leagues  distant  from  the  place  where  we 
first  saw  land  in  sailing  this  distance  we  often 
landed,  and  had  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants, 
a^  mU  be  more  elaborately  mentioned  hereafter. 
I  bave    iiriitted  to  state  that  this  newly-discovered 


aattMJ  X .  least  fifty  leagues  farther  all    ho  might  have  recognized  it 

buQtb  than  he  did  before,  in  a  dif-  without  thinking  it  important  to 

ttticnt  season,  and  when  the  coun-  say  that  he  did  so. — Canovai,  torn. 

ty  waa  not  overflowed.     After  i.  p.  158. 


>■-   fOl^/ 


r* 


908 


LIFE   AND  VOYAORS  OP 


1,^ 


• 
i 


fKnorance  of 
the  pilotH. 


ouAPTEu  land  is  about  seven  hundred  leagues  distant  from 

XIII 

'■ —  Cape  Verd,  tiiough  I  was  persuaded  that  we  had 

sailed  more  than  eight  hundred.  This  was  partly 
owing  to  the  severe  storm  and  our  irequent  acci- 
dents, and  partly  to  the  ignorance  of  the  pilot; 
both  of  which  causes  had  a  tendency  to  lengthen 
the  voyage. 

We  had  arrived  at  a  place  which,  if  I  had  not 
possessed  some  knowledge  of  cosmography,  by  the 
negligence  of  the  pilot,  would  have  finished  the 
course  of  our  lives.  There  was  no  pilot  who 
knew  our  situation  within  fifty  leagues,  and  we 
went  rambling  about,  and  should  not  have  known 
whither  we  were  going,  if  I  had  not  provided  in 
season  for  my  own  safety  and  that  of  my  com- 
panions, with  tiie  astrolabe  and  quadrant,  my 
astrological  instruments.  On  this  occasion  I  ac- 
quired no  little  glory  for  myself;  so  ,  that,  from 
that  time  forward,  I  was  held  in  such  estimation 
by  my  companions,  as  the  learned  are  held  in  by 
people  of  quality.  I  explained  the  sea-charts  to 
them,  and  made  them  confess  that  the  ordinary 
pilots  were  ignorant  of  cosmography,  and  knew 
nothing  in  comparison  with  myself 

The  cape  of  this  newly-discovered  land,  which 
turned  towards  the  south,  was  an  object  which 
excited  in  us  a  great  desire  to  arrive  at  it,  and 
examine  it  attentively.  It  was  determined,  by 
common  consent,  to  make  an  investigation,  and  un- 
derstand the  customs  and  disposition  of  the  people 
of  the  country.    We  sailed,  accordingly,  near  the 


■*'i^' 


:,    .,-    -/,ijSj.- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


209 


coast  for  about  six  hundred  leagues.     We  landed  ciiAprmi 
often,  and  often  came  to  a  parley  with  Ihe  in- 


i, 


habitants,  who  received  us  with  honour,^nd  m 
a  very  friendly  manner.  Having  discovered  their 
kindness,  and  very  innocent  nature,  we  8taid  with 
them,  not  without  receiving  much  honour,  for 
fifteen  jor  twenty  days  at  a  time.  They  are  ex- 
tremely courteous  in  entertaining  strangers,  which 
will  be  more  clearly  shown  hereafter.  This  con- 
tinent commences  at  eight  degrees  south  of  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  we  sailed  so  far  along  the 
coast,  that  we  passed  seventeen  degrees  beyond 
the  winter  tropic,  towards  the  Antarctic  Pole, 
which  was  here  elevated  fifty  degrees  above  the 
horizon. 

The  things  which  I  saw  there  are  unknown  to 
the  men  of  our  times.  That  is,  the  people,  their 
customs,  their  humanity,  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
the  mildness  of  the  atmosphere,  the  salubrious  sky, 
the  celestial  bodies,  and  above  all  the  fixed  stars 
of  the  eighth  sphere,  of  which  no  mention  has  ever 
been  made.  In  fact,  until  now  they  have  never 
been  known,  even  by  the  most  learned  of  the  an- 
cients, and  I  shall  speak  of  them  therefore  more 
particularly. 

This  country  is  more  numerously  inhabited  than  a  twckiy. 
any  I  had  seen  for  some  time,  and  the  people  are   country. 

n-  Singular 

very  mild  and  fanriliar.     They  do  not  offend  any   custonu. 
one ;  they  go  entirely  as  nature  has  brought  them 
forth;. naked  they  are  born,  and  naked  they  die. 
Their  bodies  are  very  well  formed,  and  may  be 

27 


^j,  -'-^ 


910 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  OF 


• 


oBArTKii  said  to  be  fairly  proportioned ;  their  colour  is  of  a 

'—  reddish  cast,  which  is  owing  partly  to  their  being 

nakedlpbnd  therefore  easily  sunburnt ;  their  hair  is 
black,  but  long  and  straight.  In  walking  and  in 
their  games  they  display  superior  dexterity.  They 
have  handsome  faces  and  a  noble  aspect,  but  they 
deform  them  in  an  incredible  manner  by  perfora- 
tion. Their  cheeks,  their  jaws,  their  noses,  li[>M 
and  ears  have  not  one  little  hole  only,  but  many 
large  ones  in  them  ;  so  that  I  have  often  seen  one 
have  seven  holes  in  his  face,  each  of  the  size  of  a 
damson  plum.  Having  dug  out  the  flesh,  they  fill 
the  holes  with  certain  blue  pebbles,  of  bright  mar- 
ble, or  beautiful  alabaster,  or  ivory,  or  of  very  white 
bones,  made  according  to  their  fashion,  and  very 
conveniently  wrought.  This  thing  appears  so 
uncouth,  disgusting,  and  barbarous,  that  at  the 
first  sight,  a  man  having  his  face  filled  with 
stones  and  pierced  with  many  holes,  appeared  like 
a  monster.  It  will  hardly  be  believed,  that  one 
man  had  seven  stones  in  his  face,  each  one  more 
than  half  a  span  in  size ;  there  is  no  one,  indeed, 
who  would  not  be  astonished  by  an  attentive  exam- 
ination of  things  so  monstrous.  Nevertheless  they 
are  true,  for  I  myself  have  often  seen  seven  stones 
placed  in  this  fashion,  and  nearly  sixteen  ounces  in 
weight. 

In  the  ears  they  wear  more  precious  ornaments, 
such  as  rings  fastened  in,  and  pendant  pearls  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Egyptians  and  Indians.  The 
custom  of  wearing  stones  is  observed  by  the  men 


I? 


■}S^ 


t-=    '.'■.    ■    ;.    X':. 


# 

AMRRICU5I  VESPIICIUS. 


211 


alone.    Tlic  women  only  wear  onmmentH  in  the  chaptmi 

XIII 

eurs.    Tiiey  iiavc  neitluT  \V(m)I  nor  flax,  consequent- — 

ly  they  have  no  cloth  at  all,  neither  do  they  uhc        > 
cotton  clothinj^,  as  hy  goinj?  entirely  naked   they 
have  no  need  of  any  garments. 

There  is  no  patrimony  among  them,  but  every  i)„m..«tie 
thing  is  common.  They  have  neither  king  nor  cm-  '"uBtlvei. 
pire ;  each  one  is  a  king  by  himself.  They  take  as 
many  wives  as  they  please.  In  the  intercourse  of 
the  sexes  they  have  no  regard  to  kindred,  inter- 
marrying the  son  with  the  mother,  and  the  brother 
with  the  sister,  and  dissolving  these  connections 
whenever  it  pleases  them,  for  they  arc  wholly  with- 
out laws,  and  live  ungovemed  by  reason.  They 
have  neither  temples  nor  religion,  and  do  not  even 
worship  idols.  What  more  shall  I  sayl  They 
have  a  wicked  and  licentious  manner  of  living, 
more  like  the  style  of  the  Epicureans  than  that  of 
the  Stoics.  They  carry  on  no  commerce,  and  have 
no  knowledge  of  money.  Still  they  have  strife 
among  them,  and  fight  cruelly,  and  without  any  or- 
der. The  old  men,  by  their  speeches,  stir  up  the 
young  men,  draw  them  into  their  opinions  when- 
ever they  please,  and  inflame  them  for  war,  in 
which  they  kill  their  enemies.  If  they  overcome 
and  subdue  them,  they  eat  them,  and  consider  them 
very  delicious  food.  They  feed  on  human  flesh  to 
such  a  degree,  that  the  father  may  eat  the  son,  or 
the  son  may  eat  the  father,  as  the  chance  may  be. 
I  saw  one  very  wicked  wretch  who  boasted,  and 
held  it  as  no  small  glory  to  himself,  that  he  had 


t 


812 


LIKK  AND   V0VA0E8  OP 


I  Nnw  nloo  a 


uiiAPTtt  eaten  more  tlmti  three  liundred  men. 

'■ —  certain  town,  in  which  I  re^nained  perhaps  twenty- 
seven  dayM,  wiiere  human  fleNli,  luivin^  heen  Malted, - 
uvuM  HUMpended  from  the  heums  of  the  dwellin^H,  aH 
ive  NUN[H>nd  the  flesh  of  the  wihl  hoar  from  the 
beams  of  the  kitchen,  after  having  dried  it  in  the 
sun  or  smoked  it,  or  as  we  Mispeiid  sausages  and 
other  simihir  things.  They  were  greatly  astonished 
that  we  did  not  eat  (mr  enemies,  wiiose  lU'sh,  they 
say,  excites  the  appetite,  and  has  an  extraordinary 
relish,  and  is  of  a  most  sweet  and  delicate  flavour. 

Their  arms  are  hows  and  arrows,  and  the  latter 
being  pointed  with  iron,  they  fight  most  cruelly 
with  them,  as  those  who  arc  naked  are  assaulted 
aikd  wounded  like  brute  animals.  We  en<leavoured 
many  times  to  convert  them  to  our  opinions,  and 
often  admonished  them,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing 
them  finally  to  abandon  such  an  infamous  custom 
as  an  abomination.  Many  times  they  promised  u 
to  refrain  from  practising  such  cruelty. 


'rheir  lun- 
gnvity. 


'i'^ 


.  I' 


V 


* 


* 


* 


* 


They  live  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  according  to 
what  I  fould  learn,  and  are  very  seldom  sick.*     If 


I  "  I  found  such  a  very  perfect 
and  singular  atmosphere  in  this 
country  (Arabia  Felix),  that  I 
8iH)ke  with  many  persons  v.ho  had 
lived  more  than  a  hundred  and 
twenty-five  years,  and  they  were 
yet  in  good  health  and  hearty." — 
Ramuaio,  tom.  i.  p.  155.  ^ome 
writers  have  attributed  the  long 


life  of  thq  Indians  to  the  habit  of 
anointing  their  btxlies  with  oily 
substances,  "At  this  day,"  says 
a  writer,  "  the  natives  of  Brazil 
anoint  themselves,  and  are  very 
long  lived,  so  much  so,  that  five 
years  ago,  some  French  friars  met 
some  natives,  who  remembered 
the  building  of  Pemambuco,  ahun- 


'3 


X.. 


I 


AMFRICnS  TESPUCIUtl. 


2n 


they  chaneo  to  fall  into  any  infirmity,  tlu»y  cure  them-  cha 

i»clvf»  iinincdiad'ly  with  the  jiiici;  of  heHm.     The«c  -; 

are  the  tliiii^N  I  have  diMcovereii  ainonf(  them,  which 
are  \v«)rtliy  of  cHteeni :  the  teiiifK'rate  atmoMphere,  the 
favourable  Nky,an(l  long  life;  and  tlii.s  ariHeH,perhapH, 
from  the  east  wind,  which  blows  there  continually, 
and  ban  the  name  effect  on  them  that  the  north 
wind  has  on  uh.  They  Uikc  great  pleasure  in  fiHh- 
ing,  an<l  for  the  most  part  live  by  it,  nature  aiding 
them  to  that  effect,  as  the  sea  abounds  there  with 
all  sorts  of  fish.  With  hunting  they  are  little  de- 
lighted, on  account  of  the  great  multitude  of  wild 
animals,  through  fear  of  which  they  do  not  pursue 
their  game  in  the  forests.  All  sorts  of  lions,  bears, 
a.  d  other  animals  are  seen  there.  The  trees  grow 
to  an  almost  incredible  height,  ami  they  refrain, 
therefore,  from  going  into  the  forests,  because,  being 
naked  and  unarmed,  they  would  not  be  able  safely 
to  contentf  with  the  wild  beasts. 

The  climate  is  very  temperate,  and  the  country 
fruitful,  and  supremely  delightful.  Although  it  has 
many  hills,  yet  it  is  watered  by  a  great  number  of 
springs  and  rivers,  and  the  forests  are  so  closely 
studded  that  one  cannot  pass  through  them,  on  ac- 
count of  the  thickly-standing  trees.  Among  these 
ramble  ferocious  animals  of  various  kinds.  The 
trees  and  fruits  grow  without  the  labour  of  cultiva- 
tion, and  indeed  their  fruits  are  most  exciellent,  and 
are  found  in  great  abundance.     Yet  they  are  not 

dred  ond  twenty  years  since,  and     of  manhood." — Hist.  ViLetMori. 
they  had  then  arrived  at  the  age    p.  536.     Canovai,  torn.  i.  p.  169. 


% 


214 


LIKK  AND  VUYAOKM  Of 


oNAmii  |)omiVioiiN  t(»  tliv  HyNtciii,  tliou^li  very  unlike  our 

'• —  own.     Ill  like  iiitiiiiit'r,  tlio  enrlli   pnnliui'H  i^rvM 

tjuuiitilii'N  ol*  lirrliH,  mul  rootM  ol'  wliicli  they  iiitiku 
breud  uiiil  otluT  culableH.  There;  arc  many  kinilH 
of  grain,  hut  they  arc  not  exactly  Hiniihir  to  ourH. 
Tile  country  proiiuceN  no  metal  except  gold,  uf 
which  tliere  in  a  great  alxundance.  Thougii  we  in 
tiiiM  lirst  voyage  iiave  lirougiit  liome  niuie,  yet  all 
tlie  people  ol*  tlit?  country  certified  to  tlie  fact,  af- 
ririiiing  that  the  region  ahou:  ded  in  gold,  and  Hay- 
ing that  aiiKHig  them  it  vvaM  little  esteemed,  and 
nearly  valuelcNs.  They  liave  miuiy  pearls  and  pre- 
cious NtoneH,  as  we  have  rect)rded  heli)re.  Now 
tliough  I  .should  Ik;  willing  tu  descrihe  all  tlicMe 
tilings  particularly,  from  the  great  number  of  them, 
and  their  diverse  a.iture.  this  history  would  become 
too  extensive  a  work.  Pliny,  u  most  learned  man, 
who  compiled  histories  of  many  things,  did  not  im- 
agine the  thousandth  part  of  these.  If  he  iiad 
treated  of  each  one  of  them,  he  would  have  made 
a  much  larger,  but  in  truth  a  very  perfect  work. 
•iTw  ciinuite  Tile  various  species  of  parrots,  and  their  vjirie- 
iM»ut/<>f  gated  colours,  alTord  particularly  no  small  matter 

the  country  *  1 1       •    i  i 

iuffneit  ijk^  of  astonishment.     The  trees  all  yield  an  odour  of 

lilea  of  a  •' 

lerwwtriiii  unimagiiuiblc  sweetness,  and  fnnn  all  of  them  issue 
gums,  liquors,  and  ju'ccs.  If  we  knew  their  virtues, 
I  think  there  would  be  nothing  wanting  to  us,  not 
only  in  regard  to  our  pleasures,  but  in  regard  to  the 
maintenance  of  our  health,  or  to  the  recovering  of 
it  when  lost.  If  there  is  a  terrestrial  paradise  in 
the  world,  it  cannot  be  far  from  this  region.    The 


^ 


t 
^ 


*  ■■<. 


AMiCKiC'tH  VKaPCCIUt. 


Silft 


(UMintry,  ns  I  liuvc  naiil  IxTort*,  fiiciii^  (lie  mnii\\  linw  (lupnui 
Mucli  a  triii|M'raU*  clitiiuU*,  Unit  in  vvinU'r  tliry  have  — — — 
no  cold,  and  in  Hunnncr  llioy  an;  not  troubled  with 
hoat.      \      • 

The  wky  and  the  ntnuwidiere  nro  NcUIoin  over-  a.imi««i». 
Nhadovved  with  cloiidM,  and  the  (hiyw  are  ahnont  »'••>• 
always  Nerene.  Dew  Noint'linieN  lalU,  but  very 
li^liUy,  and  only  (or  the  space  of  three  or  four  hours, 
and  then  vanishes  like  mist.  They  have  scarcely 
any  vapours,  and  the  sky  is  splendidly  adorned  with 
stars  unknown  to  us ;  of  which  1  have  retained  a 
particular  remembrance,  and  have  enumerated  uh 
many  as  twenty,  w  hose  brightness  is  ecpial  to  that 
of  Veiuis  and  Jupiter.  I  considere^l  also  their  cir- 
cuit and  their  various  motions,  and  having  u  know- 
U'i\m'  of  j^eometry,  I  easily  measured  their  circum- 
ference and  diameter,  and  I  am  certain,  therefore, 
they  arc  of  nuich  greater  magnitude  than  men  im- 
agine. Among  the  others,  I  saw  three  Cunopi. 
Two  were  very  bright ;  the  third  was  dim,  and  un- 
like the  others.* 


•  Tho  splcnflour  and  beanty 
of  tbeso  stars  probably  induct'd 
Amcricud  to  givu  them  tho  natno 
of  Cun(t|)U»,  which  w  the  most 
brilliant  Htar  in  the  conKtuUation 
Argu.  Corsuli,  an  ant-ient  Flor- 
entinn  navif^ator,  speaks  thus  of 
the  Antarctic  stars  which  occu- 
pied the  attention  of  Amcricus: 
•'  Here  we  saw  an  odmirablo  order 
of  stars,  which  in  that  port  of  the 
heavens  which  is  opposite  to  our 
North  Star  were  exhibited  in  end- 


IfM  revolving." — Ramutio,  torn, 
i.  p.  177,  E. 

Caduinosto,  speaks  of  observa- 
tions taken  by  him  of  these  stars, 
and  describiiif^  the  situation  of 
them,  says,  "  The  North  Star  ap- 
peared very  low  upon  tho  sea,  be- 
ing not  more  than  the  length  of  a 
lance  obove  it.  We  saw  six  stare 
low  u])on  the  sea,  clear,  bright, 
and  lurgts  and  ranging  them  by 
the  compass,  we  concluded  that 
they  were  the  Ursa  Major  of  the 


216 

UUAPTUU 
XIII. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


The  Antarctic  Pole  has  not  the  Ursa  Major  and 
Mhior,  whicli  may  be  seen  at  our  Arctic  Pole ;  nei- 
the  South"  ther  are  there  any  bright  stars  touching  the  pole, 

cm  llemls-  ,  ^     ,  ,  .    ,  ,  t  •        ,  i. 

jjhere.  but  of  tliose  wlucii  rcvolve  round  it,  there  are  four 
in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle.  While  these  are  rising, 
there  is  seen  at  the  left  a  brilliant  Canopus,  of  ad- 
mirable magnitude,  which,  hfiving  reached  mid-sky, 
forms  the  ligure  of  a  triangle.  To  these  succeed 
three  other  brilliant  stars,  of  which  the  one  placed 
in  the  centre  has  twelve  degrees  of  circumference. 
In  the  midst  of  them  is  another  brilliant  Cmwpas. 
After  tiiese  follow  six  other  bright  stars,  whose 
splendour  surpagses  that  of  all  others  in  the  eighth 
sphere.  The  middle  one  is  thirty-two  degrees  in 
circumference.  After  these  figures  follows  a  large 
Canopus,  but  it  is  dim.  These  are  all  to  be  seen  in 
the  milky  way,  and  when  they  arrive  at  the  merid- 
ian, show  the  figure  of  a  triangle,  but  have  two 
sides  longer  than  the  other. 

I  saw  there  many  other  stars,  and  carefully  ob- 
serving their  various  motions,  composed  a  book, 
which  treats  of  them  particularly.     In  this  book  I 

rainbow,  and  the  falling  stars,  is 
in  accordance  with  the  taste  and 
phraseology  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived,  and  is,  consequently,  very, 
slightly  confonnable  to  the  ideas 
of  philosophers  and  astronomers 
of  the  present  day.  This  note  is 
inserted  to  illustrate  the  views  of 
cotemporaneous  navigators,  and  of 
writers  who  flourished  at  about 
the  same  time. — Canovai,  torn.  i. 
p.  173-176. 


South,  but  the  principal  star  we 
did  not  see." — Ramusio,  torn.  i.  p. 
107,  B. 

Giuntini  writes,  "Those,  who 
in  this  age,  have  taken  a  voyage 
from  Spain  towards  the  South,  re- 
late that  many  bright  stars  are 
to  be  seen  about  the  Southern 
Pole,  of  which  Americus  Vespu- 
cius,  our  Florentine,  is  said  to  have 
enumerated  twenty." 

The  reasoning  of  Americus  con- 
cerning the  Southern  Stars,  the 


..^;: 


^■^ 


lix^  _a;_. 


AMERICT7S  VESPUCIUS.  j||f 

have  related  almost  all  the  remarkable  things  which  chapter 

I  encountered  in  the  course  of  my  navigation,  and 

with  which  I  have  become  ax;quainted. 

This  book  is  at  present  in  the  possession  of  his    work  of 
Most  Serene  Highness,  the   King,  and  I  hope  he  the  subject 

.  .  .        \  X  .1    ofastrono- 

will  return  it  soon  mto  my  hands.     I  exammed      my. 
some  things  in   that  hemisphere  very  diligently, 
which  enable  me  to  contradict  the  opinions  of  phi- 
losophers, being   altogether    repugnant    to    them. 
Among  other  things,  I  saw  the  rainbow,  that  is,  the      , 
celestial  arch,  which  is  white  near  midnight.*    Now       » 
in  the  opinion  of  some,  it  takes  the  colour  of  the 
four  elements — the  red,  from  fire ;  the  green,  from 
the  eait!i ;  the  white,  from  the  air;  and  the  blue,  from 
the  water.   Aristotle,  in  his  book  entitled  "  IVfeteors," 
is  of  a  very  different  opinion.    He  says,  "  The  celes- 
tial arch  is  a  repercussion  of  the  sun's  rays,  in  the  va- 


'  "By  this  white  rainbow,  he 
means,  perhaps,  that  he  had  seen 
some  of  those  crowns  which  as- 
tronomers call  '  Halos,'  and  which 
appear  round  the  moon,  and  other 
planets  and  fixed  stars,  and  are 
often  of  whit'sh  colour,"  &c. 
Thus  writes  Btndini,  commenting 
on  this  passage,  in  the  letter  of 
Americus.  A  Portuguese  pilot 
speaks  o  f  such  a  rainbow  in  the 
work  of  Ramusio :  "  It  htfe  been 
noticed,"  says  he,  "  after  a  rain, 
that  the  moon,  by  night,  makes 
that  appearance  of  the  Iris  called 
the  bow,  such  as  is  made  by  the 
sun  in  the  daytime.  But  the 
colours  made  by  the  moon  are  like 
white  mist." — Tom.  i.  p.  116,  D. 
Now  the  Halo  does  not  form  an 


"  arch,"  but  an  entire  circle,  and 
is  not  very  rare  among  us,  having 
been  often  particularly  mentioned 
by  navigators.  "They  saw," 
says  Cook,  "  almost  every  morn- 
ing a  rainbow,  until  one  night  in 
the  forepart  of  July,  they  saw  one 
astonishingly  beautiful,  occasioned 
by  the  refraction  of  the  light  of 
the  moon." — Cook's  Voyages,  vol. 
V.  p.  287.  "  The  palest  light  of 
the  moon  producers  in  like  mpnner 
a  rainbow,  which  is  less  observed 
on  account  of  its  faint  and  fading 
colours,  but  I  observed  one  with 
very  lively  colours,  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  June,  1773,"  &c. — Ibid. 
vol.  ix.  p.  134.  Canovai,  torn  i. 
p.  177,  178. 


28 


218 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


. 


cHApTEE  pours  of  the  clouds  where  they  meet,  as  bright- 

'■ —  ness,  reflected  from  the  water  upon  th^  wall,  returns 

to  itself.  By  its  interposition  it  tempers  the  heat  of 
the  sun ;  by  resolving  itself  into  rain,  it  fertilizes  the 
earth,  and  by  its  splendour  beautifies  the  heavens. 
It  demonstrates  that  the  atmosphere  is  filled  with 
humidity,  which  will  disappear  forty  years  before 
the  end  of  the  world,  which  will  be  an  indication 
of  the  djyness  of  the  elements.  It  announces  peace 
between  God  and  men,  is  always  opposite  the  sun, 
*  is  never  seen  at  noon,  because  the  sun  is  never  in 
the  north."  But  Pliny  says,  that  after  the  u,utumnal 
equinox,  it  appears  at  every  hour.  This  I  have 
extracted  from  the  Comments  of  Landino  on  the 
fourth  1|pok  of  the  iEneiad,  and  I  mention  it  that 
no  one  iiay  be  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  his  labours, 
and  that  appropriate  honours  may  be  rendered  to 
every  one. 

I  saw  this  bow  two  or  three  times ;  neither  am 
I  alone  in  my  reflections  upon  this  subject.  Many 
mariners  are  also  of  my  opinion.  We  saw,  also, 
the  new  moon  at  mid-day,  as  it  came  into  conjunc- 
tion with  the  sun.  There  were  seen,  also,  every 
night,  vapours  and  burning  flames  flashing  across 
the  sky.  A  little  above,  I  called  this  region  by 
the  name  of  hemisphere,  which,  if  we  would  not 
speak  improperly,  cannot  be  so  called,  when  com- 
paring it.  with  our  own.  It  appeared  only  to 
present  that  form  partially,  and  it  seemed  to  us 
muitration  speaking  improperly  to  call  it  a  hemisphere. 
podM.        As  I  have  before  stated,  we  sailed  from  Lisbon, 


^ 


AMERICUS  VE8PUCIUS. 


219 


which  is  nearly  forty  degrees  distant  from  the  chaptke 

equinoctial  line  towards  the  north,  to  this  country,   '■ — 

which  is  fifty  degrees  on  the  other  side  of  the  line ; 
the  sum  of  these  degrees  is  ninety,  and  is  the 
fourth  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe,  ac- 
cording to  the  true  reckoning  of  the  ancients.  It 
is  therefore  manifest  to  all,  that  we  measured  the 
fourth  part  of  the  Earth.  We,  who  reside  in 
Lisbon,  nearly  forty  degrees  north  of  the  equinoc- 
tial line,  are  distant  from  those  who  reside  on  the 
other  side  of  the  line,  in  angular  meridional  length, 
ninety  degrees ;  that  is,  obliquely.  In  order  that 
the  case  may  be  more  plainly  understood,  I  would 
h  erve,  that  a  perpendicular  line  starting  from 
r'  it  point  in  the  heavens  which  is  our  zenith, 
strikes  those  obliquely  who  are  fifty  degrees  be- 
yond the  equinoctial  line ;  whence  it  appears  that 
we  are  in  the  direct  line,  and  they,  in  comparison 
with  us,  are  in  the  oblique  one,  and  this  situation 
forms  the  figure  of  a  right-angled  triangle,  of  which 
we  have  the  direct  lines,  as  the  figure  more  clearly 
demonstrates.*  I  have  thus  spoken  with  sufficient 
prolixity  as  to  cosmography. 

Such  are  the  things  which  in  this,  my  last  navi- 
gation, I  have  considered  worthy  of  being  made 
known;  nor  have  I,  without  reason,  called  this 


»  The  figure  spoken  of  consists,  our  zenith,  the  second,  drawn  at 

as  will  be  seen  on  the  next  page,  right  angles  with  it,  will  strike  the 

of  two  straight    lines  extending  zenith  of  a  person   standing  at 

from  the  centre  of  the  earth  to  the  ninety  degrees  distance  from  us. — 

sky.     If  the  first  line  strikes  the  Canwai,  torn.  i.  p.  182. 
point  in  the  heavens,  which  is  at 


n  ^^.££j«i^M\ 


280 


. 


CHAPTBB 
XIII. 


UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

it  nottrojenUo. 


work  the  "Third  Journey."  I  have  before  com- 
posed two  other  books  on  navigation  which,  by 
command  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  I  per- 
formed in  the  West,  in  whiclf  many  things  not 
utiworthy  of  being  made  known  are  particularly 
described;  especially  those  which  appertain  to 
the  glory  of  our  Saviour,  who,  with  marvellous 
skill,  built  this  machine,  the  world.  And,  in 
truth,  who  can  ever  suflSciently  praise  God?  I 
have  related  marvellous  things  concerning  him 
in  the  aforesaid  work.  I  have  stated  briefly  that 
which  relates  to  the  position  and  ornaments  of 
the  globe ;  so  that  when  I  shall  be  more  at  leisure, 
I  may  be  able  to  write  out,  with  greater  care,  a 
work  upon  cosmography,  in  order  that  future  ages 
may  bear  me  in  remembrance.  Such  works  teach 
me  more  fully,  from  day  to  day,  to  honour  the 


I'' 


/ 


AMERICU3   VESPUCIUS. 


aai 


Supreme  God,  and  finally  to  arrive  at  tiie  kiiowl-  chaftu 

edge  of  tiiose  things  which  our  ancestors  and  the 

ancient  fathers  had  no  acquaintance  with.  With 
most  humble  prayers  I  supplicate  our  Saviour, 
whose  province  it  is  to  have  compassion  upon 
mortals,  that  he  will  prolong  my  life  sufiicicntly, 
that  I  may  perform  what  I  have  purposed  to  do. 
My  three  journeys  I  tlnnk  I  shall  defer  writing 
about  in  full  till  another  time.  Probably  when 
I  have  returned  safe  and  sound  to  my  native 
country,  with  the  aid  and  counsel  of  learned  men, 
and  with  the  encouragement  of  friends,  I  shall 
write  with  greater  care  a  larger  work. 

Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me  for  hot  having  Apoio^r  for 
sent  you  the  ioumals  which  I  kept  from  day  to  the  ioum^= 
day  m  this  my  last  navigation,  as  I  had  promised  ago. 
to  do.  The  king  has  been  the  cause  of  it,  and  he 
still  retains  my  pamphlets.  But  since  1  have 
delayed  performing  this  work  until  the  present 
day,  perhaps  I  shall  add  the  fourth  "Journey." 
I  contemplate  going  again  to  explore  that  southern 
part  of  the  New  World;  and  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  such  intention,  two  vessels  are  al- 
ready armed  and  equipped,  and  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  provisions.  I  shall  first  go  eastward, 
before  making  the  voyage  south ;  I  shall  then  sail 
to  the  southwest,  and  when  I  shall  have  arrived 
there,  I  shall  do  many  things  for  the  praise  and 
glory  of  God,  the  benefit  of  my  native  country, 
the  perpetual  memory  of  my  name,  and  partieu- 


iih 


\ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMERICUS  VESPUCIU8. 

CH^ER  larly  for  the  lionour  and  solace  of  my  old  age, 

which  has  already  nearly  come  upon  me.  i 

The»e  is  nothing  wanting  in  this  affair  but  the 
leave  of  the  king ;  and  when  this  is  obtained,  as 
it.  soon  vvill  be,  we  shall  sail  on  a  long  voyage, 
and  may  it  please  God  to  give  it  a  happy  ter- 
mination. " 
Your  Excellency's  servant, 

Amebic  us  Vespucids. 


i 


}• 


^5? 


I* 


« 


# 


ii'l- 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

CONTINUATION  OP  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO  SODERINl,  OIVINc 
A  DESCRIPTION  OP  THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  OP  AMERICUS. 

Stay  at  Lisbon  after  Second  Voyage. — Letters  from  thu  King  uf  Por- 
tugal.— Juliuno  Bartulomeo  del  Giocondo  sent  from  Lisbon  to  urge 
Americus  to  sail  in  the  Portuguese  Service. — His  Consent  and  De- 
parture for  Lisbon. — Sails  from  Lisbon,  13th  of  May,  1501. — En- 
counters severe  Storms. — Arrives  at  the  Continent. — Sails  along 
the  Shores. — Attempts  to  treat  with  the  Natives. — Two  of  the 
Crew  proceed  Inland. — Treachery  of  the  Natives. — One  of  the  Crow  ^ 

killed  and  eaten. — Learn  the  Death  of  the  other  two. — At  length  W.' 

meet  with  Friendly  Natives. — Continue  the  Vovage  to  the  North. 
— April  7th,  discover  New  Land. — More  severe  Storms. — Return 
to  Lisbon. — Arrive  on  the  Seventh  of  September,  1502. 

I  WAS  reposing  myself  in  Seville,  aftei  the  many  oHAPnoi 

XIV 

toils  I  had  undergone  in  the  two  voyages  made  for '■ — 

His  Serene  Highness  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  in 
the  Indies,  yet  indulging  a  willingness  to  return  to 
the  land  of  pOTrls,  when  fortune,  not  seeming  to  be  • 
satisfied  with  my  former  labours,  inspired  the  mind 
of  his  Serene  Majesty,  Don  Emmanuel,  King  of  Por- 
tugal (I  know  not  through  what  circumstances),  to 
attempt  to  avail  himself  of  my  services.  There 
came  to  me  a  royal  letter  from  his  Majesty,  contain- 
ing a  solicitation  that  I  would  come  to  Lisbon  and 
speak  with  his  highness,  he  promising  to  show  me 
many  favours.  I  did  not  at  once  determine  to  go, 
and  argued  with  the  messenger,  telling  him  I  was 


•^ 


•7" 


1^ 


224 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQKS  Of 


buit. 


.A. 


cHAiTRR  ill,  and  iiulispoHod  for  tin*   iindcrtakinir,  but  that 

XIV. 

• when  I  recovered,  if  iiiN  lliglitie.ss  winhed  me  to 

serve  Kiin,  I  would  do  whutever  he  might  com- 
mund  me. 
H«r.u«.ion»      Seeine  that  he  could  not  obtain  me,  he  sent  Juli- 
Amt^ririiH  to  auo  di  Biirtolomeo  del  Giocondo,  who  ut  that  time 

go  III  Lin-  '  ^ 

resided  in  Lisbon,  with  commission  to  use  every 
possible  means  to  bring  me  back  with  him.*  Juli- 
auo  came  to  Seville,  and  on  his  arrival,  and  in- 
duced by  his  urgent  entreaties,  I  was  persuaded  to 
go,  though  my  going  was  looked  upon  with*  ill-fa- 
vour by  all  who  knew  me.  It  was  thus  regarded 
by  my  friends,  because  I  abandoned  Castile,  where 
I  had  been  honoured,  and  because  they  tliought 
that  the  king  had  rightful  possession  of  me,  and  it 
was  considered  still  worse  that  I  departed  without 
taking  leave  of  my  host. 

Having^  presented  myself  at  the  court  of  King 
Emmanuel,  Jie  appeared  to  be  highly  pleased  with 
my  coming,  and  requested  that  1  would  accompany 
his  three  ships  which  were  ready  tqget  out  for  the 
discovery  of  new  lands.  Thus,  esteeming  a  request 
from  a  king  as  equivalent  to  a  command.  I  was 
obliged  to  consent  to  whatever  he  asked  of  me. 
We  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  with  three 
May  13,    sliips  in  Company,  on  the  thirteenth'^  day  of  May, 

•  This  Juliano  was  the  same    tions  printoil  in  Miliin  in  1.^08  ftnd 
individual  who    translated,   from 
Spanish  to  Italian,  and  from  Ital- 
ian to  Latin,  this  relation  of  the 
voyage  of  Americus,  as  appears 


Departure 
Cma  Lisbon 


in  the  Latin  edition  which  Manoz 
speaks  of,  and  in  the  Italian  edi- 


l.'il!). — Navarrfte,  toin.  iii.  p.  'Jfi.'}. 
s  Respecting  the  date  of  the 
commencirncnt  of  this  voyn/jf,  son 
notes  of  the  preceding  chapter; 
see  also  the  Dissertazioue  Qiustiti- 
cativai  No.  19.       ■ 


k 


^. 


■*.\. 


■*' 


i  * 


/'-    » 


> 
r, 


'/J 

> 

o 


• 


«r 


AMKRICUM   VESPUCIUt. 


29ft 


.■» 


levfre 

■tiirmi,  on 

tlie  17ih  gT 

Auguit 


1601,  ami  Hlocrtul  our  courwe  diructly  fur  the  Qrnnd  cHArru 

JUV 

Ciuiary  ImIuiuIm,  wliicli  wo  puN^^d  without  Mtopping, • — 

and  couMted  along  tlic  weNtcrn  Hliures  of  Africa. 
On  tliiN  coast  we  found  cxcellont  fiHhing,  taking  a 
kind  of  fiNh  called  |)orghies,  and  were  detained  there 
three  dayN.  Vnmi  there  we  went  to  the  coast  of 
Ethiopia,  arriving  at  a  |K>rt  called  UeHcneghe,  with 
in  tin;  Torrid  Zone,  and  Hituated  in  the  fourteenth 
degree  of  north  latitude,  in  the  firMt  climate.  Here 
we  remained  eleven  dayit  taking  in  wcM>d  and  water 
— as  it  waH  my  intention  to  sail  for  the  South 
through  the  great  Atlantic  Ocean. 

We  left  this  port  of  Ethiopia,  and  sailed  on  our  Arrival  »i 
course,  bearing  a  quarter  south,  and  in  ninety-seven  ""i;,';  *^ 
days  we  made  the  land  at  a  distance  of  seven  hun- 
dred leiigues  from  said  port.  In  those  ninety-seven 
days  we  had  the  worst  weather  that  ever  man  ex- 
perienced who  navigated  the  ocean ;  a  succession  of 
drenching  rains,  showers,  and  tempests.  The  sea- 
son was  very  unpropitious,  as  our  navigation  was 
continually  drawing  us  nearer  the  equinoctial  line, 
where,  in  the  month  of  June,  it  is  winter,  and  where  *(j^ 

we  found  the  days  and  nights  of  equal  length,  and 
our  shadows  falling  continually  towards  the  south. 
It  pleased  Grod,  however,  to  show  us  new  land,  on 
the  seventeenth  day  of  August,  at  a  half  a  league 
distance  from  which,  we  anchored.  We  launched 
our  boats  and  went  ashore,  to  see  if  the  country 
was  inhabited,  and  if  so,  by  what  kind  of  people, 
and  we  found  at  length  a  population  far  more  de- 
graded than  brutes.  f_    *  # 

29 


*■  ' 


t 


I 


\* 


r 


f 


Urt  AND  V0YA0E8  Or 

aumm       Your  Kxcdlericy  will  iiiiilcrMtiiiul  tliat  at  fimt  w© 

—  did  not  M*(^  liny  inliuliitantM,  tlioiiKli  wo  kiu;w  very 

mmu>^i  well,  i>y  the  many  Ni^iiN  we  hiiw,  that  tlit  roun- 

Um  riiiiniry  i     i         ••?  .   .       .         ■ 

inihflimmn  try  waM  p<Hiim>d.  W(*  t<N>k  iMiMM'NNion  of  It  in  tilt! 
name  o(  Iiin  iiumt  Serene  IVlajeNty,  anil  louiid  it  to  lie 
pleiiNant  and  verdant,  aiul  oI'^innI  Niirfact^  and  Hitu> 
uted  five  de^reeM  Houtli  of  tli(>  e({uino('tial  line ;  thuii 
much  we  aseertained,  and  then  returned  to  the 
shipti.  On  the  next  day,  uh  we  were  in  great  need 
of  W(mn1  and  water,  we  determined  to  go  on  whore 
and  procure  the  iieceMsary  HupplieN.  While  we 
were  there,  we  wiw  pi'ople  liMiking  at  us  from  the 
Huminit  of  a  mountain,  hut  they  did  not  venture  to 
deNcend.  They  were  naked,  and  <»f  the  Name  col- 
our and  figures  as  those  heretofore  discovered  hy 
.:.  mc  for  the  King  of  Spain.    We  made  much  exertion 

to  persuade  them  to  come  and  speak  with  us,  hut 
wc  could  not  assure  them  sutficiently  to  trust  us. 
Seeing  their  obstinacy  and  malignity,  as  it  was 
growing  late,  we  returned  to  the  ships,  leaving  on 
shore  for  tlicm  many  bells,  looking-glasses,  and 
other  things,  in  places  where  they  could  find  them. 
When  we  had  gone  away,  they  descended  from  the 
mountain,  and  took  {Mtsscssion  of  the  things  we  had 
left,  appearing  to  be  filfed  with  wonder  while  view- 
ing them.  So  on  this  day  we  obtained  no  advan- 
tage, save  that  of  procuring  some  water. 
Twoof  th«  The  next  morning,  we  saw  from  the  ships  that 
•^tch«^"to  the  people  of  the  country  were  making  many  bon- 
tbenaUvei.  fires,  and  thinking  them  signals  for  us  to  come  to 
them,  we  went  on  shore.     We  found  that  many 


t 


v.. 


AMBRICITII   VKflPUrnJI. 


997 


to 
inj 


p4H)pIo  litul  arrived,  hut  tlicy  ki>pt  nlwtiyM  nt  h  (Hn-  iu\rru 
iatii'v,  tliuii^li  {\\vy  iiiiiilt*  Hif^UH  tliiit  tlicy  wImIhhI  un      ■ 
to  iirt'oiii|miiy  lliriii  iiklaiiil.  ,  .■ 

VVIicnMipoii  two  of  our  ('liriNtiaiiH  wrrc  iiuluoii 
to  urik  till'  ('iiptJiinN  |»i>riiiiMMioii  to  \m\vv  tlir  (lander 
1111(1  go  witli  thrill,  ill  onh'r  to  ncc  what  kiiidot' pco- 
ph>  they  wrrr,  and  whether  they  had  any  richeN, 
MpiceN,  or  drtj^M.  'I  liey  iiiiportiiited  *Min  mo  much, 
tliat  he  liiially  couNeiited.  After  hav*  ^^  hteti  fitted 
out  with  inaiiy  artichrs  of  trade,  tliey  h'ft  uh,  with 
orders  not  i(t  he  ahseiit  more  than  five  days,  aw  wt; 
Mhouhl  expect  them  with  great  anxiety.  So  iii^y 
ttMik  their  way  into  the  country,  and  we  returiie<l 
it)  the  nhipM  to  wait  for  them,  wliich  wv  did  f  t  t'le 
•pucu  of  «ix  (hiys.  Nearly  every  tlay  there  cuiie 
ptxiplc  to  the  .shore,  l)ut  they  would  never  wpeak 
with  UM. 

On  the  Ncventh  day  we  landed,  and  found  that  oni^oniK^ 
they  had  l)i'oiiglit  their  wives  with  them.     A:-*  we  and  cntcM. 
reached  the  shore,  the  men  of  the  country  com- 
manded their  woiiu'U  to  Npeak  with  us.     We  ob- 
served that  tliey  hesitated  to  obey  the  order,  and 
accordingly  determined  to  send  ow  of  our  people,  a 
very  courageous  young  man,  to  u;'>'  uss  them.     In 
order  to  encourage   them,   we  entered   the   boats 
while  he  went  to  sp;ak  with  t'te  women.     When 
he  arrived,  they  formed  tl»erl^ fives  into  a  great  cir- 
cle around  him,  touching  him  and  looking  at  him 
as  with  astonisluii  ;nt.     While  all  this  was  going     # 
on,  we  saw  a  woman  coming  from  the  mountain, 
carrying  a  large  club  in  her  hand ;  when  she  ar- 


# 


#■'» 


L,    -  i«.*l-f''ii»<i.- 


I 


i 


828 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


Fat(^  of  tlio 
two  nioi8t)n- 

gtTH. 


■  *- 


ciiAPTKn  rived  whore  tlie  young  Ciiristian  stood,  she  came 

'■—  up  beliiiid  him,  and  raising  tiie  bludgeon,  gave  him 

such  a  blow  with  it,  that  she  laid  him  dead  on  the 
spot,  and  innnediately  the  other  women  took  iiim 
by  tlie  feet  and  dragged  him  away  towards  the 
mountain. 

The  men  ran  towards  the  shore  forthwith,  and 
began  to  assail  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows, 
throwing  our  peo])le  into  great  fright,  owing  to  tlie 
many  arrows  that  reached  them,  in  consequence  of 
the  boats  having  grounded.  No  one  resorted  to 
arms,  but  for  a  time  all  was  terror  and  panic.  After 
a  while,  however,  we  discharged  four  swivels  at 
them,  which  had  no  other  eflect  than  to  make  them 
flee  towards  the  mountain,  when  they  heard  the  re- 
port. There  we  saw  that  the  women  had  already 
cut  the  young  Christian  in  pieces,  and  at  a  great 
fire  which  they  had  made,  were  roasting  him  in  our 
sight,  showing  us  the  several  pieces  as  they  eat 
them.  The  men  also  made  signs  to  us,  indicating 
that  they  had  killed  the  other  two  Christians  and 
eaten  them  in  the  «ame  manner,  which  grieved  us 
very  much. 

Seeuig  with  our  own  eyes  the  cruelty  they  prac- 
tised towards  the  dead,  and  the  most  intolerable 
injury  they  had  done  to  us,  more  than  forty  of  us 
adopted  the  determination  to  rush  on  shore,  avenge 
such  cruel  nmrders,  and  punish  such  bestial  and 
inhuman  conduct.  The  Superior  Captain,  however, 
would  not  consent  to  it,  and  thus  they  remained 
eatiated  with  the  great  injury  they  had  done  us ; 


L^, 


-§,. 


r  V 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


229 


us 


XIV. 


and  we  left  them  most  reluctantly,  highly  chagrined  ciiaptre 
at  the  course  of  our  Captain. 

We  departed  from  this  place  and  sailed  along  in 
a  southeastern  direction,  on  a  line  paralU^l  with  the 
coast,  makmg  many  landings,  but  never  fmding  any 
people  who  would  converse  with  us.  Continuing 
in  this  manner,  we  found  at  length  that  the  line  of 
the  coast  made  a  turn  to  the  south,  and  after  doub- 
ling a  cape  which  we  called  Cape  St.  Augustin,  we 
began  to  sail  in  a  southerly  direction.  This  cape  is 
a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant  easterly  from 
the  aforementioned  land  where  the  three  Cliristians 
were  murdered,  and  eight  degrees  south  of  the  equi- 
noctial line.  While  sailing  on  this  course,  we  one 
day  saw  many  people  standing  on  the  shore,  appa- 
rently in  great  wonder  at  the  sight  of  our  ships. 
We  directed  our  course  towards  them,  and  having 
anchored  in  a  good  place,  proceeded  to  land  in  the 
boats,  and  found  the  people  better  disposed  than 
those  we  had  passed.  Though  it  cost  us  some  ex- 
ertion to  tame  them,  we  nevertheless  made  them 
our  friends,  and  treated  with  them. 

In  this  place  we  staid  five  days,  and  here  we 
found  cassia  stems  very  large  and  green,  and  some 
already  dry  on  the  tops  of  the  trees.  We  deter- 
mined to  take  a  couple  of  men  from  this  place,  in 
order  that  they  might  teach  us  the  language.  Three 
of  them  came  voluntarily  with  us,  in  order  to  visit 
Portugal.  • 

Being  already  wearied  with  so  much  writing,  I 
will  delay  no  longer  to  inform  your  Excellency  that 


♦■ 


230 


LIFE  AND   VOVAQES  OF 


,Wt' 


# 


CHAPTER  we  left  this  port  and  sailed  continually  in  a  south- 

XIV 

' —  erly  direction  in  sight  of  the  shore,  making  frequent 

landings,  and  treating  with  a  great  number  of  peo- 
ple. We  went  so  far  to  the  south  that  we  were 
beyond  the  tropic  of  Capricorn,  where  the  south 
pole  is  elevated  thirty-two  degrees  above  the  hori- 
zon. We  had  then  entirely  lost  sight  of  Ursa  Mi- 
nor, and  even  Ursa  Major  was  very  low,  nearly  on 
the  edge  of  the  horizon  ;  so  we  steered  by  the  stars 
of  the  south  pole,  which  are  many,  and  much  lar- 
ger and  brighter  than  those  of  tlie  north.  I  drew 
the  figures  ol'  the  greater  part  of  them,  particularly 
of  those  of  the  first  and  second  magnitude,  with  a 
description  of  the  circles  which  they  made  around 
the  pole,  and  an  account  of  their  diameters  and 
semi-diameters,  as  may  be  seen  in  my  "  Quattro  Gi- 
ornate'^  (Four  Journeys). 
Voyagp        We  ran  on  this  coast  about  seven  hundred  and 

•oi^t^even  fifty  leagucs ;  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  Cape  St. 

hundred  .  i.iii 

and  fifty    Augustm  towards  the  west,  and  six  hundred  to- 

leagues. 

wards  the  south.  If  I  were  to  relate  all  the  things 
that  I  saw  on  this  coast,  and  others  that  we  passed, 
as  many  more  sheets  as  I  have  already  written  upon, 
would  not  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  We  saw 
nothing  of  utility  on  this  coast,  save  a  great  number 
of  dye-wood  and  cassia  tref^s,  and  also  of  those  trees 
which  produce  myrrh.  There  were,  however,  many 
natural  curiosities  which  cannot  be  recounted. 

Having  been  alreaoy  full  ten  months  on  the  voy- 
age, and  seeing  that  we  had  found  no  minerals  in 
the  country,  we  concluded  to  take  our  leave  of  it,  • 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


231 


and  attempt  the  ocean  in  some  other  part.     It  was  chapter 

determined  in  council  to  pursue  whatever  course '■ — 

of  navigation  appeared  best  to  me,  and  I  "was  in- 
vested with  full  command  of  the  fleet.  I  ordered 
that  all  the  people  and  the  fleet  should  be  provided 
with  wood  and  water  for  six  months ;  as  much  as 
the  orticers  of  the  ships  should  judge  it  prudent  to 
sail  with.  Having  laid  in  our  provisions,  we  com- 
menced our  navigation  with  a  southeasterly  wind, 
on  the  fifteenth  day  of  February,  when  the  sun  was 
already  approaching  the  equinoctial  line,  and  tend- 
ed towards  this,  our  northern  hemisphere.  We 
were  in  such  a  high  southern  latitude  at  this  time 
that  the  south  pole  was  elevated  fifty-two  degrees 
above  the  horizon,  and  we  no  longer  saw  the  stars, 
either  of  Ursa  Minor  or  Ursa  Major. 

On  the  third  of  April  we  had  sailed  five  hundred  Encounter 

*  another  vio. 

leagues  from  the  port  we  left.  On  this  day  com-  lent  storm. 
menced  a  storm,  which  was  so  violent  that  we 
were  compelled  to  take  in  all  our  sails,  and  run  un- 
der bare  poles.  The  wind  was  south  and  very 
strong,  with  very  high  seas,  and  the  air  very  pier- 
cing. The  storm  was  so  furious  that  the  whole 
fleet  was  in  great  apprehension.  The  nights  were 
very  long,  being  fifteen  hours  in  duration  on  and 
about  the  seventh  of  April,  the  sun  being  then  in 
sign  of  Aries,  and  winter  prevailing  in  this  region. 

Your  Excellency  will  please  to  observe  that 
while  driven  by  this  storm  ji|  the  seventh  of  April, 
we  came  in  sight  of  new  land,  and  ran  within  twenty 
leagues  of  it,  finding  the  whole  coast  wild,  and  see-    , 


# 


*,w 


,   -K 


232 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQES  OF 


CHATTER  ing  neither  harbour  nor  inliabitants.    The  cold  was 

XIV. 

'■ —  so  severe  that  no  one  in  tlie  fleet  could  either  with- 


'■ill 

'A 


; 


stand  or  endure  it,  which  I  conceive  to  be  the  rea- 
son of  this  want  of  population.  Finding  oursv'lves 
in  such  great  danger,  and  the  storm  so  violent  that 
we  could  hardly  distinguish  one  ship  from  on  board 
another,  on  account  of  the  high  seas  that  were  nm- 
ning,  and  the  misty  darkness  of  the  weather,  we 
agreed  that  the  Superior  Captain  should  make  sig- 
nals to  the  licet  to  turn  about,  and  that  we  should 
leave  the  country  and  steer  our  course  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Portugal.  This  proved  to  be  very  good 
counsel,  for  certain  it  is,  if  we  had  delayed  that 
night,  we  should  all  have  been  lost.  We  took  the 
wind  aft,  and  during  the  night  and  next  day  the 
storm  increased  so  much  that  we  were  very  appre- 
hensive for  our  safety,  and  made  many  vows  of  pil- 
grimage and  the  performance  of  other  ceremonies 
usual  with  mariners  in  such  weather.' 

We  ran  five  days,  making  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues,  and  continually  approaching  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  finding  the  air  more  mild  and 
the  sea  less  boisterous  ;  till  at  last  it  pleased  God  to 
deliver  us  from  this  our  great  danger.  It  was  our 
intention  to  go  and  reconnoitre  the  coast  of  Ethiopia, 


•  The  custom  of  making  vows 
of  pilgrimage,  in  case  of  delivery 
from  stormy  weather,  was  ve 
common  among  the  sailors  of  ' 
day.  The  Church  of  St.  Mary 
of  Guadaloupc  was  the  favourite 
resort  of  the  Spanish  and  Portu- 


guese sailors.  "  This  day,"  writes 
Lojjez,  "many  vows  were  made 
and  lots  were  cast,  to  see  who 
should  go  end  visit  the  Holy 
Church  of  St.  Mary  of  Guada- 
loupe." — Ramusio,  torn.  i.  p.  145, 
C. 


AMERICUS  VGSPUCIUS. 


283 


which  was  thirteen  hundred  leagues  distant  from  chapter 

us,  through  the  great  Atlantic  Sea,  and  by  the  grace '■ — 

of  God  we  arrived  at  it,  touching  at  a  southern  port 
called  Sierra  Leone,  where  we  staid  fifteen  days, 
obtaining  refreshments. 

From  this  place  we  steered  for  the  Azore  Islands,  Arrival  at 
about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant,  lUeVthof 
where  we  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  and  iwa. 
staid  another  fifteen  days,  taking  some  recreation. 
Then  we  departed  for  Lisbon,  three  hundred  leagues 
distant,  and  situated  farther  west,  which  port  we 
entered  on  the  seventh  of  September,  1502,  in  good 
preservation  (lor  which  the  All  Powerful  be  thank- 
ed), with  only  two  ships,  having  burned  the  other  in 
Sierra  Leone,  because  it  was  no  longer  seaworthy. 
In  this  voyage  we  were  absent  about  fifteen  montliN, 
and  sailed  nearlj  eleven  of  them  without  seeing  the 
north  star,  or  eidier  of  the  constellations  Ursa  Ma- 
jor and  Minor,  which  are  called  the  horn,  steering 
meanwhile  by  the  star  of  the  other  pole.  The 
above  is  what  I  saw  in  this  my  third  voyage,  made 
for  his  Serene  Highness  the  King  of  Portugal. 

30 


J 


i 


^ 


v»it. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Reception  ot  Lisbon. — Honours  in  thot  City  and  Florence. — High 
Reputation  of  Amerious. — His  Aatroiutmical  Discoveries. — His 
Meth(Kl  of  (leterinining  Lonjritude. — The  Southern  Cross. — A  New 
Expedition  prepurcd. — (lon/.iilo  Coelho. — Suiis  from  Lisbon  with 
six  Ships  on  tlio  10th  of  May,  1503. — F(x)litth  Vanity  ond  Obsti- 
nacy of  the  Commander  Coelho. — Loss  of  Part  of  the  Fleet. — Great 
Inconvenience  occasioned  therel)y. — Americus  pursues  his  Voyage. 
— Discovers  an  Island. — Very  tumo  Birds  thereon. — Arrives  at  tho 
Continent. — Biy  of  All  Saints. — Builds  a  Fort  there. — Leaves  a 
Garrison. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Lisbon,  June  18th,  1504. — 
Commends  his  Family  to  the  Notice  of  Soderini. — Concluding  Re- 
marks. 


^ 


CHAPTER 
XV. 


I 


\ 


The  return  of  Americus  from  his  third  voyage 
occasioned  great  joy  in  Lisbon.  He  was  received 
with  high  honours  by  King  Emmanuel,  who  cele- 
brated liis  safe  arrival  with  much  magnificence. 
His  ship,  which  had  become  unseaworthy,  was 
broken  up,  and  portions  of  it  were  carried  in 
solemn  procession  to  a  church,  where  they  were 
suspended  as  valuable  relics.  Nor  were  the 
rejoicings  and  celebrations  confined  to  Portugal. 
His  own  countrymen  received  the  accounts  of  his 
discoveries  with  exultation.  Public  ceremonies 
were  ordered,  and  honours  were  bestowed  upon 
those  members  of  his  family  who  were  then  in 
Florence.  ii» 

Americus  acquired  as  much,  if  not  more  reputa- 


r 


'^■ 


»    y 


<■* 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


236 


tion,  in  consequence  of  his  astronomical  and  geo-  chapte* 

metrical  discoveries  in  his  two  last  voyages,  as  in '■ — 

consequence  of  his  exploration  of  new  countries. 
He  was  generally  admittid  to  be  vastly  in  advance 
of  all  tiie  navigators  of  the  age  in  his  knowledge 
of  these  sciences;  anu  though  his  calculations  are 
undoubtedly  defective  in  many  points,  yet  they 
are  far  more  accurate  than  those  of  any  preceding 
or  cotemporary  mariner. 

"Astronomy,"  says  the  Justificatory  Disserta- 
tion, "had  in  ancient  times  comparatively  very 
little  influence  in  nautical  aflairs.  The  wisest 
pilot,  in  his  studies  of  the  planets  and  stars,  was 
limited  to  observations  of  tlie  phases  of  the  moon, 
in  order  to  foresee  the  tides — to  a  calculation,  in 
the  daytime  Of  the  meridian  altitude  of  the  sun, 
and  in  the  night-time,  to  the  steering  of  his  vessel 
by  the  constellations  of  Ursa  Major  and  Minor.  . 
Longitude  was  calculated  by  an  inexact  and  pre- 
carious method,  and  no  navigator  considered  it 
necessary  to  know  much  of  the  movements  of 
the  moon  or  the  planets."* 

The  method  of  ascertaining  longitude  at  sea.  Method  of 
by  observing  the  conjunction  of  the  moon  with  a  bnpuK^ 
planet,  was  one  of  his  most  important  discoveries. 
The  fact  that  these  conjunctions  were  observed 
to  take  place,  at  different  hours  in  different  pla- 
ces, had  long  been  known.     The  astronomer  and 
cosmographer,  Ptolomey,  the  highest  authority  in  . 
those  days,  reporting,  among  other  things,  a  con- 

'  Diss.  6iu8.  No.  88. 


* 


986 


LIFE  AND  VOYAaEB  OP 


, 


I     V 


OMAPTKR  junction  of  the  moon  with  Spip;n,  j^ave  notice  thai 

'• —  the  phenomenon,  which  was  observed  in  Home  at 

five  o'clock,  appeared  in  AU>xundriu  at  (5.20' ;  but 
neither  he,  nor  the  niany^piiilosopherM  who,  after 
him,  meditated  upon  the  subject,  thought  of  ren- 
dering Nuci)  a  conjunction  available  lor  the  fixing 
of  longitude  at  sea.* 

To  Americus,  therefore,  belongs  the  honour  of 
applying  this  method  for  the  first  time ; ,  and  it 
is  by  no  means  im{)robable  that,  by  his  writings, 
as  well  as  by  those  of  the  astronomer  of  Alextin- 
dria,  Galileo*  may  have  been  led  to  apply,  to  the 
same  purpose,  the  frequent  eclipses  of  the  small 
planets  which  he  discovered  revolving  round  Ju- 
piter. 
Obiervft-       The  obscrvations  and  enumeration  of  the  stars 

Uoniofthe        ,  .    , 

^»vedy  which  Americus  made,  added  greatly  to  his  fame, 
.fouthem   and  were  of  infinite  service  to  future  mariners. 

oroai. 

The  voyagers  of  that  day  to  the  South  were  great- 
ly alarmed  at  not  finding  in  the  southern  heavens 
a  guide  like  the  polar  star  of  the  North.  Vicente 
Pinzon,  who  navigated  in  the  same  direction,  and 
at  about  the  same  time  with  Americus,  expected  to 
find  one,  and  in  his  dismay  at  its  absence,  attributed 
it  to  some  swelling  of  the  earth's  surface,  which  hid 
it  from  his  view.  Nothing  was  then  known  of  the 
beautiful  constellation,  which  supplies  its  place,  to 
mariners  in  the  Antarctic  seas.  The  "  many  sleep- 
less nights"  which  Americus  devoted  to  the  exami- 
nation of  the  Southern  Cross,  and  other  heavenly 

>  Inss.  Gias.  No.  92.    Almag.  L.  vii.  c.  3. 


ti 


AMERICUS   VR8PUCIU8. 


237 


XV. 


bodies  of  tlie  same  heiitispliere,  the  iiuiiiy  laborious  ouAmt 
calculatiuns  wiiich  he  entered  into,  when,  iu  tlie  - 
words  of  his  favourite  poet, 

Each  star  of  the  other  |M>le,  night  now  bchcM 
And  our*  so  low,  that  from  the  ocean  Hour 
It  rcNMi  nut  i — ' 

must  have  been  well  re[)aid  by  tiie  convictions 
he  arrived  at,  and  the  fame  which  he  acciuired  as 
AW  accurate  astronomer.  It  is  evident  from  tiis 
writings  that  he  was  not  insensible  to  liie  natural 
feelings  of  honourable  ambition,  and  considered  not 
only  the  benefits  he  was  conicrring  upon  mankind, 
but  looked  forward  to  acquiring  a  reputation  which 
might  be  the  comfort  and  consolation  of  his  old  age. 
.  Actuated  by  the  belief  that  Americus  would  have 
succeeded  in  reaching  India  by  the  way  of  the 
southwest,  had  not  his  last  voyage  been  interrupted 
by  the  severe  storms  which  he  encountered,  King 
Emmanuel  lost  no  time  in  preparing  another  expe- 
dition. Americus  is  as  silent  as  usual  respecting 
the  commander  of  the  new  fleet;  but  though  he 
does  not  mention  his  name,  it  is  a  well-ascertained 
fact  that  Gronzalo  Coelho  held  the  chief  command 
of  the  six  vessels  which  composed  the  armament, 
and  that  only  one  of  them  was  commanded  by  him- 
self This  fleet  was  ready  for  sea  early  in  the 
spring  of  1503,  and  the  principal  object  of  the  voy- 
age was  to  discover  the  island  Malacca,  then  sup- 
posed to  be  the  centre  of  commerce  in  the  East  In- 

'  Carey's  Dante,  Purgatory,  Canto  xxvi. 


Ui 


938 


MFF  AND  VOYAOES  OP 


OHAPTKR  dies.     Tlio  narratitui  of  iIiIh  voyanjo  occupli'H  the 

'■ —  closing  |H)rti(>ii  <»rtli('  Ifttor  of  Amrritus  toSoilrrini. 

Disgusted  witli  the  foolish  ohstiriacy  of  his  roiii- 
iimiider,  and  disciMira^cd  hy  thi>  cfTcH'tH  of  iiis  wil- 
fidiicsN,  he  eviiU'iitly  wishes  to  escape  from  so  din- 
agreeable   a    Nuhject,   and   18   more   than   usually 

CO[lci8C. 


CONCLUSION 


i 


OF  TIIK   LErrKa  to  I'lKHO  SODERINI,  OIVINO  AN  ACCOUNT 
OK  THE  FOURTH   VOYAOK  OF  AMEHICUS. 

It  remains  for  me  to  relate  the  things  which 
were  seen  by  mc,  in  my  F'ourth  Voyage ;  and  by 
reason  that  I  liave  now  become  wearied,  and  also 
because  this  voyage  did  not  result  according  to  my 
wishes  (in  consequence  of  a  misfortune  which  hap- 
pened in  the  Atlantic  Sea,  as  your  Excellency  will 
shortly  understand),  I  shall  endeavour  to  be  brief. 
Departure       We  sct  Sail  from  this  port  of  Lisbon,  six  ships  in 

from IJvbon,  />         xi  p  ^  •  ^' 

■ixihipHin  company,  for  the  purj)ose  of  makmg  discoveries 
with  regard  to  an  island  in  the  East,  called  Malac- 
ca, which  is  reported  to  be  very  rich.'  It  is,  as  it 
were,  the  warehouse  of  all  the  ships  which  come 

*  '•  All  this  period,"  says  Cano-  tor,  are  there  read  thirty-three, 
vai,  "is  strnngcly  ilisfij^ured  ill  the  Frotn  this  may  in  iiifernil  the 
edition  of  Vaiori.  Instead  of  East,  credit  to  which  this  edition  is  en- 
West  is  written;  the  Arctic  pole  titled,  if  there  was  a  shadow  of 
is  changed  to  the  Antarctic,  und  criticism  in  those  who  regard  it  aa 
the  three  degrees  by  which  Ma-  infallible." — Canovai,  tona.  ii.  p 
lacca  is  separated  from  the  cqua-  26. 


ABIBIUCU8  VEMPUCIUS. 


239 


fmm  the  Srn  of  Ctjiiiffrs  and  tUo  Tiidiim  Orrnn,  nn  niwrtnu 

Ciuli/  ifi  llu'  !*lori'lnui.s«'  for  all   tlir  ships  that  paM — 

fnmi  I'iUst  to  VVi'st  ami  from  VVi'st  lo  ICast,  hy  the 
way  of  ('ah'iitta.  This  Malacca  is  farthrr  oast, 
and  iiiiirh  farther  south,  than  (Jalciitta,  hiM-aiisc>  we 
know  thai  it  is  sitiiatrd  at  the  parallel  «)f  three  de- 
grees north  latitude.  We  set  (Hit  on  flie  tenth  day 
j)f  May,  150;^,  and  ,saile<l  direct  for  the  ('ajie  Verd 
Islaiuls,  where  we  made  t.^t  o  i'  car^o,  taking  in 
every  kind  of  refreshment.  Alter  remaining  here 
three  davs,  we  departed  on  our  voyage,  sailing  in 
a  southerly  direction. 

Our  Superior  Captain  was  a  presumptuous  and  of-tinacy 
*  •  '  '  III  iim  coin- 

very  ohstinate  num  ;  he  would  insist  upon  going  to  ",3'7  •'"' 

rdconuoitre  Sierra  Leone,  u  southern  country  of  of ''»«''«««• 
Ethiopia,  without  there  heing  any  necessity  lor  it, 
unless  to  exiiibit  iiimself  as  the  captain  of  six  ves- 
sels. He  acted  contrary  to  the  wish  of  all  our 
other  captains  in  pursuing  this  course.  Sailing  in 
this  direction,  when  we  arrived  off  the  coast  of  this 
country,  we  had  such  bad  weather,  that  though  we 
remained  in  sight  of  the  coast  four  days,  it  did  not 
permit  us  to  attempt  a  landing.  We  were  com- 
pelled at  length  to  leave  the  country,  sailing  from 
tliere  to  the  south,  and  bearing  southwest. 

When  we  had  sailed  three  hundred  leagues 
through  the  Great  Sea,  being  then  three  degrees 
south  of  the  equinoctial  line,  land  was  discovered, 
which  might  have  been  about  twenty-two  leagues 
distant  from  us,  and  which  w^e  found  to  be  an  island 
in  the  midst  of  the  sea.     We  were  filled  with  won- 


mo 


l.l»'K   AND  VOYAflKN  0»' 


tMAnm  (liTut  l)rli()l(liii^it,roiiMi(i(>riiii(  it  u  iiiitunil  ciirimit/, 
'  ■  iiH  it  was  vrry  liiuli,  aiid  iiof  mori'  (liaii  two  IfUKUv* 

ill  Ifii^tli  anil  oiii>  ill  wiiUli.  TliiN  ifilaiid  wan  no 
iiilialiitcd  liy  any  |)<*o|ilc,  and  waw  an  evil  island  for 
the  wliulc  llci't ;  litM'aii.sf,  hm  your  ICxcfllrncy  will 
learn,  by  the  evil  coiiiim'I  aiitl  Imd  inana^i'iiicnt  of 
(iiir  Siipcrior  Captain,  li«>  lo.st  liiN  Hlii|i  Imti'.  ilu 
ran  lirr  upon  a  rork,  and  she  split  open  and  went 
to  the  bottom,  on  tlic  iii;;lit  of  St.  Lonii/o,  wliirli  '\h 
the  triitli  of  Aii^MiMt,  and  notliin^  was  navi'd  from 
lu'r  «'X«'t'pt  till'  cn'w,  Slii«  wjih  a  Nliip  of  three 
linndrcd  tons,  and  carried  every  tiling  of  iiumt  im- 
portance in  tlie  licet. 

An  the  whole  lleet  was  coiii|H>lled  to  labour  for 
the  coniinon  benefit,  the  Captain  ordered  nie  to  j^o 
with  my  Nhip  to  the  aforesaid  islaiul,  and  ItMtk  lor  a 
good  harbour,  wlu>re  all  the  shipH  nii^ht  anchor. 
Ah  my  boat,  filled  with  nine  of  my  inarinern, 
WUN  of  Nervice,  and  helped  to  keep  up  a  communi- 
cation between  the  Hhips,  be  di<i  n(»t  wish  me  to 
take  it,  telling  me  they  would  bring  it  to  me  at  the 
island.  Ho  1  left  the  fleet,  as  he  ordered  me,  with- 
out a  boat,  and  with  less  than  half  my  men,  luid 
went  to  the  said  island,  about  four  leagues  distant. 
There  I  found  a  very  good  harbour,  where  all  the 
ships  might  have  anchored  in  perfed  safety.  I 
waited  for  the  captain  and  the  fleet  full  eight  days, 
but  they  never  came ;  so  that  we  were  very  much 
dissatisfied,  and  the  people  who  remained  with  me 
in  the  ship  were  in  such  great  fear,  that  I  could  not 
console  them.    On  the  eighth  day  we  saw  a  ship 


^ 


AMRRircM   VKMPUCIUI. 


Ml 


aiming  ofT  iit  nvn,  iiiid  for  ft^nr  tlioM*  nii  boiinl  tniglit  ^n^m% 

not  svv  u«,  \\v  rainnl  amliur  uml  wi'iil  towanU  it, 

tliiiikiiig  llicy  iiiiglit  bring  int'  niy  Inrnt  iukI  men. 
Wlii'ti  \v(>  iirrivcd  ulongNidr,  iiftiT  tin*  ii.siiul  Nulutii-  «v> 
tiiMiM,  tlicy  titid  UM  llitil  tlir  (laplaiti  liad  goni>  to  the 
tNttloni,  that  the  crrw  had  hirn  Navi'd,  and  that  my 
lN>at  anti  m<*n  remained  uith  the  Heet,  which  had 
gone  furthi'r  t«»  wea.  Thin  waH  a  very  wrioun  griev- 
ance to  us,  aN  your  ICxct'Uency  nuiy  well  think.  It 
was  no  (ril1t>  to  liud  ourselves  a  hundred  lra<^MU>N 
distant  trout  Lisbon,  in  mid-oceau,  with  s(»  few  uumi. 

However,  we  bore  up  untler  adverse  fortune,  and 
returning  to  the  island,  Nupplied  ourselves  with 
wood  and  water  with  the  boat  of  my  consort.  'riiiN 
island  we  found  uninhabited.  It  had  plenty  of 
fresh  water,  and  an  abundance  of  trees  fdl(>d  with 
countless  nundiers  of  land  and  marine  birds,  which 
wore  so  sitn[)le,  that  they  NufTered  themselves  to  be 
taken  with  the  hand.  We  took  ho  many  of  them 
that  we  loaded  a  boat  with  them.  Wc  Haw  no 
other  animals,  except  some  very  large  rata,  and  liz- 
ards with  two  tails,  and  some  snakes. 

Having  taken  in  our  supplies,  we  departed  for  A"J;^«« 
the  southwest,  as  we  liad  an  order  from  the  king,  aii 
that  if  any  ves.sel  of  the  fleet,  or  its  captain,  should 
be  lost,  I  should  make  for  the  land  of  my  last  voy- 
age. We  discovered  a  harbour  which  we  called  the 
Bay  of  All  Saints,  and  it  pleased  God  to  give  us 
such  good  weather,  that  in  seventeen  days  wc  ar- 
rived at  it.'     It  was  distant  three  hundred  leagues 

>  This  bay  still  retaitu  the  name  given  to  it  by  Americas. 

31 


thf  llav  of 


243 


LIFE  AND   VOYAGES   OF 


Build  a  fnr- 
trOBH  oil  tlui 
nuuii  IkiiiJ. 


CHAPTER  from  the  island  we  had  left,  and  we  found  neither 

XV. 

our  captaui  nor  any  other  >ihip  of  the  fleet  in  the 

course  of  the  voyage.  We  waited  full  two  month? 
and  four  days  in  this  harbour,  and  seeing  that  no 
orders  came  for  us,  we  agreed,  my  consort  and  my- 
self, to  run  along  the  coast. 

We  sailed  two  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  further, 
and  arrived  at  a  harbour  where  we  determined  to 
build  a  fortress.  This  we  accomplished,  and  left  in 
it  the  twenty-four  men  that  my  consort  had  received 
from  the  captain's  ship  which  was  lost. 

In  this  port  wc  staid  five  months,  building  the 
fortress  and  loading  our  ships  with  dye-wood.  We 
could  not  proceed  farther  for  want  of  men,  and  be- 
sides, I  was  destitute  of  many  equipments.  Thus, 
having  finished  our  labours,  we  determined  to  re- 
turn to  Portugal,  leaving  the  twenty-four  men  in  the 
fortress,  with  provisions  for  six  months,  with  twelve 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  many  other  arms.  We  made 
peace  with  all  the  people  of  the  country,  who  have 
not  been  mentioned  in  this  voyage,  but  not  because 
we  did  not  see  and  treat  with  a  great  number  of 
them.  As  many  as  thirty  men  of  us  went  forty 
leagues  inland,  where  we  saw  so  many  things,  that 
I  omit  to  relate  them,  reserving  them  for  my  "  Four 
Journeys.'' 
Return  lo  This  couutry  is  situated  eighteen  degrees  south 
18th,"  504.^  of  the  equinoctial  line,  and  fifty-seven  degrees  far- 
ther west  than  Lisbon,  as  our  instruments  showed 
us.  All  this  being  performed,  we  bid  farewell  to 
the  Christians  we  loft  behind  us,  and  to  the  coun- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


243 


try,  and  commenced  our  navigation  on  a  north-north-  chapter 

east  course,  with  tlie  intention  of  sailing  directly  to '■ — 

this  city  of  Lisbon.  In  seventy-seven  days,  after 
many  toils  and  dangers,  we  entered  this  port  on  the 
eighteenth  day  of  June,  1504,  for  which  God  be 
praised.  We  were  well  received,  although  alto- 
gether unexpected,  as  the  whole  city  had  given  us 
up  for  lost.  All  the  other  ships  of  the  fleet  had 
been  lost  through  the  pride  and  folly  of  our  com- 
mander, and  thus  it  is  that  God  rewards  haughti- 
ness and  vanity. 

At  present  I  find  myself  here  in  Lisbon  again,  and 
I  do  not  know  wiiat  the  king  will  wisli  me  to  do, 
but  I  am  very  desirous  of  obtaining  repose.  The 
bearer  of  this,  who  is  Benvenuto  di  Domenico  Ben- 
venuti,  will  tell  your  Excellency  of  my  condition, 
and  of  any  other  things  which  have  been  omitted  to 
avoid  prolixity,  but  which  I  have  seen  and  expe- 
rienced. I  have  abbreviated  the  letter  as  much  as 
I  could,  and  omitted  to  say  many  things  very  natu- 
ral to  be  tokl,  that  I  might  not  be  tedious.  Your 
Excellency  will  pardon  me,  as  I  beg  you  will  con- 
sider me  of  the  number  of  your  servants.  Allow 
me  to  commend  to  you  Sr.  Antonio  Vespucci,  my 
brother,  and  all  my  family.  I  remain,  praying  God 
that  he  may  prolong  your  life,  and  prosper  that  ex- 
alted republic  of  Florence,  and  the  honour  of  your 
Excellency,     . 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 

Dated  in  ZAsbon,  tJw  4:th  of  September,  1504. 


j 


1'   i- 


844 

URAFTER 
XV. 


1      » 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Thus  ended  the  last  voyage  of  Americus.  Desi- 
rous of  repose,  and  perh:;ps  somewhat  disheartened 
by  its  unfortunate  result,  he  abandoned,  for  the  pres- 
ent, all  ideas  of  again  proceeding  to  sea,  and  devo- 
ted himself  to  the  task  of  writing  full  accouQts  of 
his  discoveries.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that 
the  works  to  which  he  makes  allusion,  have  not 
been  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  the  world,  for  it  is 
evident,  by  the  way  in  which  he  speaks  of  them, 
that  they  contained  more  ample  accounts  than  the 
letters.  The  spirit  of  research  may  yet  lead  some 
industrious  antiquarian  to  the  discovery  of  those 
documents,  the  loss  of  which  are  most  to  be  de- 
plored, his  manuscript  journals.  There  are  yet  un- 
explored, large  quantities  of  documents,  and  records 
relating  to  the  discovery  of  America,  and  each  day 
brings  to  light  some  new  fact  to  illustrate  the  his- 
w)ry  of  that  great  event.     , 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


XVI. 


Return  of  Americus  to  Spain,  1504. — At  Court,  F'ebruary,  1505. — 
Columbus. — 111  Treatment  of  him. — Death  of  Queen  Isabella. — Ef- 
fect on  the  Fortunes  of  Americus. — Royal  Grants  to  him. — New 
Expedition. — Vicente  Yanes  Pinzon. — The  Name  of  America. — 
False  Assertion  and  Deducti(jn. — Reasons  why  the  Name  was  first 
given. — Uacomilo's  Cosmograpliy. — First  Use  of  the  Name. — Ex- 
tracts from  an  able  Article  in  the  N.  A.  Review. — Canovai's  Opinion. 

Americus  remained  in  Portugal  but  a  short  <^"^fy"* 
time  after  his  unexpected  return  from  his  fourth 
voyage.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1504,  he 
returned  to  Seville,  and  in  February,  1505,  he  left 
that  city,  on  his  way  to  the  court,  which  was 
then  held  at  Segovia,  bearing  the  letter  from  Co- 
lumbus to  his  son,  which  appears  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  Admiral  had  arrived  from  his  last 
voyage,  only  a  few  months  previously.  Worn 
down  by  neglect  and  the  infirmities  of  age,  it  was 
difficult  to  imagine  him  the  same  man,  who  was 
once  treated  with  such  higli  honour  by  monarchs 
and  nobles.  He  afforded  a  melancholy  proof  of 
the  ingratitude  of  kings,  and  was  then  pleading 
for  rights,  of  which  he  had  been  iniquitously 
deprived,  like  a  criminal  before  his  judge — his 
claims  treated  with  indifference — while  the  in- 
trigues of  his  foes  led  every  day  to  fresh  inju- 
ries. 


246 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


,* 


■*■■    f 


CHAPTER      The   death   of   his    ever-kind   protectress,   the 
'■ —  Queen   IsabeUa,   which    took    place   a  few   days 

Death  of       „^         ,  .  .       ,  '^  ,  ,  , 

Queen  ha-  altcF  his  ()»'ii  aiTival,  was  a  severe  blow  to  the 

bella. 

Adiniral,  and  completed  the  long  list  of  disasters 
which  had  befallen  him  in  his  old  age.  While 
she  lived,  some  hope  of  obtaining  justice  seemed 
left  to  him;  but  his  cause,  which  had  languish- 
ed during  her  illness,  became  hopeless  when 
she  was  no  more.  Still  Americus,  animated  by 
warm  feelings  of  respect  and  admiration  for  the 
great  discoverer,  zealously  offered  to  render  him 
all  the  assistance  in  his  power  at  court,  and  the 
proposal  was  as  frankly  accepted  as  it  was  freely 
madc.^ 
hfluence  of     Whether  the  death  cJf  the  queen  had  any  effect 

the  queen  s  '■  •' 

'fortun"s'^"  upon  the  fortunes  of  Americus,  there  are  no  means 
AmericuB.  ^f  determining.  It  would  appear  that  it  had  a 
favourable  influence,  if  the  opinion  of  his  Italian 
biographers  is  followed,  who  hold  to  the  suppo- 
sition that  Americus  was  more  of  a  favourite  with 
the  king,  than  with  his  consort.  His  return,  so 
closely  succeeding  the  death  of  Isabella,  lends  a 
•  semblance  of  plausibility  to  their  view^s ;  and  the 
favour  w^hicli  was  shown  him  at  court  is  another 
circumstance  tending  to  corroborate  thcm.*^ 

Navarrete  inclines  to  the  opinion,  that  Americus 
was  sent  for  by  King  Ferdinand,  in  order  that  he 
might  obtain  information  from  him  of  the  plans 
and  projects  of  the  Portuguese  government,  as 
well  in  relation  to  their  expeditions  to  the  shores 

'  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  856,  857.  *  Canovai,  torn.  ii.  p.  48-50. 


iiizua. 


AMEKICUS  VESPUCIUS.  g|y 

of  the.  New  World,  as  to  the  progress  they  were  chapter 

XVI 

making  in  their  voyages  and  establishments  in  the '■ — 

East  Indies.'  So  far  from  noticing  with  displeasure 
his  clandestine  departure  from  Spain,  on  the  11th 
day  of  April,  1505,  the  king  made  him  a  grant  of 
12,000  maravedis;  and  on  the  24th  of  the  same 
month,  letters  of  naturalization  in  his  behalf  were 
issued,  in  consideration,  as  they  recite,  of  his  fideli- 
ty and  many  valuable  services  to  the  crown.'' 

Being  thus  qualified  to  serve  the  king  in  the  Prepara- 
capacity  of  a  commander,  preparations  were  com-  uew'expdl 
menced,  by  the  orders  of  government,  for  a  new  Americiui 
expedition.  Americus  and  Vicente  Ya  ez  Pin- 
zon  were  named  the  commanders.  The  spirit 
of  discovery  was  aroused  again  in  the  mind  of 
Americus,  and  he  set  out  for  the  ports  of  Palos  and 
Moguer,  where  he  remained  through  the  month  of 
May,  to  see  and  consult  with  his  colleague,  in 
relation  to  the  necessary  wants  of  the  expedition. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  representations  of 
Americus  alone  led  to  this  new  enterprise,  and 
Pinzon  was  the  most  proper  person  to  associate 
with  him  in  the  undertaking ;  for  he  had  already 
been  upon  the  coast  of  Brazil,  which  was  the 
destination  of  the  fleet.^  In  fact,  all  the .  claims 
of  Spain  to  any  part  of  that  region  rested  upon  a 
previous  voyage  of  Pinzon,  who,  in  1500,  had 
taken  possession  of  the  more  northern  part,  in 
the  name  of  tb    '^  panish  sovereigns. 

'  Navarr^te,  torn.  iii.  p.  320.         merits.    Translation  of  Documenta 
•  See  Illustrations  and  Docu-    from  Navarr6te. 
'  Navarr6te,  tom.  iii.  p.  321. 


i 


!    I 


hi 


t'l 


% 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQES  OF 


CHAPTER 
XVI. 


and 


It  was  about  this  time  that  the  name  of  America 
began  to  Jbe  first  used,  and  was  applied  to  the 

The  name  of  •  •  •    i 

Araerica   couutries  which  Amencus  visited  in  his  last  vov- 

tnd  ibi  on-  -^ 

gin  ages.  The  assertion  has  been  made,  that  soon 
aller  his  return  to  Spain  he  prepared  a  chart, 
in  which  the  coast  of  Brazil  was  delineated  and 
called  by  the  name  of  America ;  but  it  is  unsup- 
ported by  any  verifying  evidence  or  authority.  If 
!i(  had  done  this,  however,  it  would  be  no  suf- 
ficient reason  to  justify  his  calunmiator;,  in  their 
charges  against  him  of  dishonourable  treatment 
of  Columbus.  It  was  a  custom  then,  and  has 
continued  a  custom  ever  since,  for  discoverers  to 
call  after  themselves  some  j/rominent  place,  river, 
or  mountain,  fallen  in  with  in  the  course  of  their 
explorations.  Americus  never  could  have  im- 
agined the  extended  signification  which  the  name 
was  allerwards  destined  to  attain,  and  the  in- 
justice of  those  who,  as  has  been  remarked  in 
a  previous  chapter,  attribute  to  him  the  crime  of. 
falsifying  thf  date  of  his  first  voyage,  with  this 
end  in  virvv,  is  apparent  to  any  one  who  is  not 
ignorant  of  the  limited  application  cf  the  name  in 
the  first  instance.' 

"  Wo  may  conjecture,"  says  the  writer  of  an 
able  critical  articL  in  the  North  American  Re- 
view for  April.  1821,  which  h^is  aiTorded  great 
assistance  in  the  preparation  of  this  work,  by 
its  valuable  suggestions  and  references,  "  we  may 
conjecture,  with  a  great  degree  of  certainty,  that 

>  N  A.  Review,  Ai)ril,  1821,  p.  339. 


AMERICUS  VESPUriUS. 


349 


on  Vespucci's  return  from   his  last  voyage,  th*^  ciiArrBt 

coast  whicli  he  had  visited  began  to  pass  by  his '■ — 

name.  Two  reasons  may  be  given  wliy  this  hon- 
our should  have  been  conferred  on  him,  rather 
than  on  his  superior  officers.  One  reason  is,  that, 
althoi.gh  he  was  not  first  in  command,  yet  his  pre- 
eminence in  nautical  and  geographical  knowledge 
gave  him  that  control  over  the  proceedings  of  the 
rest,  which  men  of  strong  unnds  inevitably  ac- 
quire in  moments  of  difficulty  and  dimger.  In- 
deed, we  find  that  he  came  back  from  his  fourth 
voyage,  when  Coelho,  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
squadron,  had  perished,  and  when  he  himself  was 
no  longer  expected ;  in  which  circumstances  it 
would  be  perfectly  natural  for  the  Portuguese  to 
attribute  to  him  the  sole  merit  of  the  discovery 
of  Brazil.  The  second,  reason  is,  that,  as  Vespuc(ji 
was  highly  skilled  in  the  construction  of  charts, 
and  as  those  which  he  made  were  lield  in  great 
esteem,  he  may,  in  depicting  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
have  given  it  the  name  of  America."* 

The  first  suggestion  of  the  name  which  appears  Pintrog- 

,  geation  of 

in  print  was  probably  contained  in  the  Latin  work  the  name  of 

*  i  ^  America. 

on  Cosmography,  by  Ilacomilo,  being  the  edition  of 
Gruniger,  printed  in  Strasburg  in  1509,  from  which 
Navarrete  makes  his  translation  of  the  letter  to  So- 
derini.    Navarrete  says,  that  "  in  the  ninth  chapter 


'  "  P.  Martyr  informs  as  he  had  Ocean.  Decad.  p.  199.     See  like- 
seen  a  Portuguese  chart  of  parts  wise    Memorias    de    Litteratura 
of  the  New  World  in  the  construe-  Portugueza,  torn.  iii.  p.  339. 
tion  of  which  Vespucci  assisted." — 

32 


tso 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


If 


OHAPTBR  of  tins  work,  tlie  nutiior,  uflcr  des(Ti!)inir  the  situa- 

XVI.  .  ,    . 

'■ —  tioii  of  tliM  (lifliTt'nt  portions  of  tlie  worlil,  pluceii 

first  the  three  wliirh  were  known  to  I'toloniey,  and 
proceeds  with  the  following  su«;j;esti(»n,  alluding  to 
the  voyages  printed  as  a  continuation  of  his  (;oh- 
tnography.  "  Nunc  vero  et  hae  partes  sunt  latins 
lustrata^,  et  alia  quarta  pars,  per  Aniericuin  Vespu- 
tium,  ut  in  sequentihus  audietur,  invcnta  est ;  cpiam 
non  video  cur  (piis  jure  vetet  ab  Auierico  inventore, 

^  sagacis  ingenii  viro,  Anicrigein  quasi  Anierici  ter- 

rain sive  Ainericain  dicendani,  cum  et  Europa  et 
Asia  a  niulieribus  sua  sortito;  sint  noniina." 

This  passage  is  not  the  only  one  in  the  work 
which  suggests  the  same  thing.  In  the  seventh 
chapter,  which  treats  of  the  different  climates  of  the 
world,  the  author  speaks  of  "  the  fourth  part  of  the 
world,  which  may  be  called  Amerige  or  America, 
because  discovered  by  Americus.'" 

The  article  above  quoted  says  that  "  the  eiirliest 
mention  which  the  industry  of  authors  has  been  able 
to  detect,  of  the  word  America,  is  about  the  year 
1514,  in  a  letter  written  by  Joachim  Vadianus,  a 
Swiss  scholar,  known  by  his  Commentary  on  I'om- 
ponius  Mela.  His  words  are,  *  Si  American!,  a  Vcs- 
puccio  repertam,  et  eum  Eoae  Terrce  partem,  qujB 
terra;  Ptolomaeo  cognita)  adjecta  est,  ad  longitudinis 
habitatoB  rationem  referriraus,  longe  ultra  hemispha;- 
rium  habitari  terram  constat.'  "^ 


Y  V. 


<  Navarr6te,  torn.  iii.  p.  184.         ponii  Mela)  dc  situ  orbia,  cd.  fol. 
a  •'  Joachim.  Vadian.  Epist.  ad    1530.   Latet   Parisiorum,   in  the 
Rudol.  Agricolam,  ad  calce^  Pom-    Boston  Atheneum." 


AMERICUS  VP.flPUCIUS. 

The  name  ddos  not  sevm  to  liave  cotne  into  jj;on' 
crul  use  until  after  the  niiihlle  of  iht;  .sixteentli  (cn- 
tury ;  hut  it  In  occasionally  met  with  hi'lore  (hat 
time  ;  and  Canovai  cites  a  treatise  on  the  eh'meiiLs 
of  (ieo;,'ra|)liy,  printed  at  Venice  in  lOIif),  in  vviiicli 
it  is  douhted  wiiether  the  word  America  siiould  be 
employed,  or  not  rather  Amende}  But  what  de- 
serves to  he  particularly  noticed  is  the  remarkable 
fact,  that  the  name  was  not  originally  ap()lied  to 
the  whole  continent,  but  only  to  that  part  of  it 
which  is  now  denominated  lirazil.  This  can  be 
made  to  appear  by  the  most  ample  testimony.  We 
pass  over  the  authority  of  Spaniards  who  once  pro- 
posed to  call  this  c(mutry  Fer-Isabellica,  fVom  the 
sovereigns  under  whose  auspices  it  was  discovered, 
and  who,  to  this  day,  entertain  a  sort  of  horror  of 
the  word  America,  almost  invariably  speaking  of 
the  New  World  or  the  Indies.''  Looking  therefore 
into  Cademo.sto,  P.  Martyr,  Benzoni,  and  (iriiuuus, 
we  find  that  each  of  them  uses  the  term  Novus  Or- 
bis,  where  we  should  use  America.  In  most  of  the 
maps  j)ublished  between  1510  and  1570  America 
is  aj)pliod  in  the  limited  sense  we  have  stated. 
Thus  Munster,  whose  Cosmographia,  printed  in 
1550,  was  long  a  text-book  in  Geography,  has  a 
map  of  the  world,  in  which,  towards  the  west  of 
Europe,  appear  Terra  Florida,  then,  a  little  below, 


>  Canovai,  Diss.  Gius.  No.  51.  as  a  compliment  to  the  Emperor 

a  "Pizami,  Varones  lUustrcsdel  Charles  V." — Sec  Solorzano,  Po- 

NuevoINIuiuli),  J).  51.  Others  have  litica  Indiana,  L.  i.  C.  ii.  S.  18. 

proposed  to  cull  it  Orbis  Carolinus, 


261 


CIIAPTRB 
XVI. 


'iij 


I 


Mia 


863 


LIFE  AND   VOYAGES  Or 


*  ft 


CHAPTER  Cuba,  then  Hisnanioln,  and  a  little  Nouth  of  the 

XVI. 

■"  line,  America}  vel  Brasillii  Insula.    In  another  map 

of  Mun«ter'«,  which  \h  entitled  Novus  Orhis,  are 
found  j(n)U|)ed  together  Terra  Florida,  Cuba,  llis- 
puniola,  Jamaica,  Parias,  and  lastly,  Insula  Atlan- 
tica,  quern  vocant  Urasilii  et  Americam.' 

In  a  map  of  the  world,  prefixed  to  the  Grinieut 
of  1555,  the  western  part  is  occupied  with  a  lunn- 
ber  of  islands,  which,  beginning  with  that  farthest 
north,  are  named  Terra  C'ortesia,  Terra  de  Cuba, 
Isabella,  Spa^nolla,  Insulie  Anti^lia^,  Zipangru, 
and  then  America,  an  island  considerably  larger 
than  cither  of  the  others,  on  the  northern  extremi- 
ty of  which  is  printed  Farias,  on  the  western,  Can- 
nibali,  and  on  the  southern,  Prisilia.  If  the  last 
word,  Prisilia,  refers  to  Brazil,  it  would  seem  that 
some  geographers  had  begun  to  distinguish  it  as  a 
part  of  America.  The  same  edition  of  Grina^us 
contains  a  brief  i. Production  to  geography,  in  which 
occurs  the  following  sentence :  Insulas  occidentales, 
nempe  Ilispanam,  Joannam,  Spagnollam,  Cubam, 
Isabcllam,  Antiglias,  Cannibalorum  Terram,  Amer- 
icam,  et  reliquas  incognitas  terras  primi  mortalium 
adinvenerunt  Christophorus  Columbus  et  Alberi- 
cus  Vesputius* 

Similar  quotations  can  easily  be  multiplied. 
Thus  Comes  Natcalis,  who  flourished  about  1680, 

■  Canovai,  Diss.  Gius.  n.  76.  one  made  u.se  ot  is  the  edition  of 

»  Novus  orbis  Regionurn  ac  In-  1555,  printed  at  Basle  by  Herva- 

snlarum  veterribus  incognitarum,  gius.     A  copy  is  to  be  found  io 

fol.    The  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  .Library  of  the   New  York 

printed  in  1532,  is  very  rare.    The  Historical  Society. 


AMBRIOUS  VRflPUCiUS. 


'M3 


npcnking  of  the  faiiiouN  uxpcMlitioii  of  the  Hiigiic-  nurm 
nots  iiruh'f  Villogagijon,  HiiyM,  timt  the  FnMich  cull-  -  — 
C(l  Hrit/it  Aiiioru'.a,  hecause  it  waH  (liscovert'd  hy 
Amerigo  VcNpucci.'  Jean  do  LtTy,  a  lliiKuenot 
iniitiHti'r,  wiio  viMited  Vilh>gaKnoii'N  NettU'iiiciit  in 
1550,  and  twenty  years  afterwanln  pnhllNhed  u 
very  aniiisiiig  account  of  hin  v«)ya^e,  entitlen  it  a 
history  of  a  voyage  to  Brazil,  which  in  also  called 
America." 

The  pp'sent  use  of  the  te  'eniH  to  have  heen     P"ri.«i 

I  wli«n  tlM 

dstahlished  soon  after  this  tirni  :  lor  Orteliiis,  in  his    '""""  "f 
Theartuin  Orhis  Terraruni,  applies  the  words  Ariier-  „7rTftu 
ica  and  Bresilia  as  we  do  now,  and  delineates  the  'l'lii"IJu^'f* 
geography  of  this  continent  with  tolerable  accura- 
cy.'    But  the  original  signitication  was  not  imme- 
diately forgotten,  as  we  perceive?  in  (iaspar  Ensl's 
History  of  the  West  Indies,  where  he  says  that  the 
name  of  America  was  originally  given  to  the  coun- 
tries explored  by  Vespucius,  altiiough  afterwards, 
on  account  of  the  dye-wood  found  there,  common 
usage  superadded  the  name  of  Brazil.*     We  will 
only  add  to  these  citations  the  authority  of  Rocha 
Pitta  and  Barbosa,  who,  in  noticing  Pedro  Alvarez 
Cabral,   remark  that  the  name  of  Santa   Cruz, 


>   "Comos   Natalis.     Hist.   S. 
Temp.  p.  139,  as  ((uoted  by  Can-" 
ovai,  Diss.  Gius.  n.  75.     Seo  also 
Southey's  Brazil,  vol.  i.  p.  272, 
note." 

'  "  Historia  navigationis  in  Bra- 
eiliam,  quna  et  America  dicitur 
de  a  Joanno  Lerio,  Burgundo, 
Gallice  Scripta,  nunc  vera  primom 


Latinitate    dimata,"    ice.    1668, 
12mo. 

*  "  Theatrum  orbis  terrarum,  fol. 
AntucrpiiB  l.'jHl.  Apud  Cbristo- 
phor.  Plautinum." 

*  "  Gasj)ar  Ensl,  India  Occiden- 
talis  Historia,  Colonia  1612, 12mo. 
p.  130." 


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254 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


CHAPTER  which  Cabral  gave  the  country  he  accidentally  dis- 

— ^ —  coyeicdj  was  afterwards  changed  into  America,  on 

*  account  of  the  charts  of  it  delineated  by  Vespucci, 
and  finally  into  Brazil,  from  its  producing  the  Bra- 
zil wood.'" 
"^e, option  Cauovai  is  of  opinion,  that  the  name  originated 
inoorreot.  from  the  royal  letters-patent  which  were  issued 
by  the  king  when  Americus  was  appointed  to  the 
office  of  chief  pilot,  through  which  it  came  into 
general  use  in  Europe,  as  it  were  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  royal  authority.  That  the  appointment  of 
Americus  to  this  office  aided  in  fixing  the  name 
permanently  upon  Brazil,  may  have  been  the 
case ;  but  it  is  apparent,  from  the  statements 
above,  that  the  Italian  biographer  is  partially  jn 
error  in  his  idea,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the 
Spanish  king  to  confer  the  name  as  a  mark  of 
honour,  and  that  the  world  acquiesced  in  the  de- 
cision, considering  it  a  just  reward  of  the  ser- 
vices of  the  discoverer."  In  his  desire  to  defend 
his  countryman  from  the  attacks  of  those  who 
accuse  him  of  artifice  and  fraud,  in  endeavouring 
to  secure  an  eternal  remembrance  of  his  name,  by 


'  » '  Para  etemo  monumento  da 
sua  piedade,  intitulou  Pedro  Al- 
varez a  nova  terra  com  a  religi- 
osa  antonomasia  de  S.  Cruz,  que 
depois  se  mudou  em  America, 
por  ter  demarcado  as  terras  e  cos- 
tas  maritimas  della  Amerigo  Ves- 
pucci, insigne  cosmographo,  e  ul- 
timamente  Brazil,pela  producaO  da 
Madeira,  que  tern  cor  de  brazas. 
—Barhoaa,  Bibliotheca  Lusitana, 


torn.  iii.  p.  554.  Rocha  Pitta  is 
no  less  explicit:  'Esic  Coy,' says 
he,  'a  primierodcscobrimento, este 
o  primiero  nome  d(;8ta  regiO,  quo 
depois  osqueciJn  do  titulo  tad  su- 
perior, se  chamou,  Americii,  por 
Americo  Vespucio,  e  ultimainijiite 
Brazil,  pelo  j)ao  vermtlho,  ou  cor 
de  bra/as,  que  produz. — /i^s^'  da 
America  Portugueza,  p.  6." 
«  D'ss.  Gius.  No.  78. 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


265 


making  it  the  distinctive  appellation  of  the  New  chapter 


World.  Canovai  here  goes  to  the  opposite  ex-  ■ 
treme.  "  If  Vespucci's  priority,  in  discovering  the 
southern  continent,"  says  the  article  above  quoted, 
"  was  a  valid  reason  for  naming  it  America,  there 
is  equal  reason,  as  Purchas  observes,  for  denomina- 
ting the  northern  Sebastiana,*or  Cabotia ;  since  it  is 
notorious  that  the  Gabots  explored  the  coast  from 
Labrador  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a  fu.!  year  before 
any  portion  of  the  continent  was  ever  seen  by 
Columbus.  But  the  hand  of  chance  has  an  influ- 
ence so  predominant  in  jthe  assignment  of  honours 
by  the  world,  that  we  can  hardly  feel  surprised  at 
the  neglect  of  Columbus  and  the  Cabots,  to  the 
exclusive  distinction  of  Vespucci.  The  fortune  of 
the  name  of  America  itself  is  not  a  little  singular, 
as  an  instance  of  the  mutations  of  human  affairs ; 
which,  having  been  first  given  to  a  single  province, 
next  spread  over  the  whole  southern  continent, 
then  passed  on  to  the  northern,  and  now,  from 
being  the  appellation  of  the  whole  New  World,  it 
seems  about  to  be  confined  by  foreign  nations  at 
least  to  our  own  youthful  and  aspiring  republic' 

>  N.  A.  Review,  April,  1821,  p  339,  340. 


m 


.,1 


'I 


f^ 


r 


Z 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


Difficulties  of  the  New  Expedition. — Perplexity  of  the  Offirials  of  the 
Board  of  Trade. — Accession  of  Philip  and  Joanna. — Disagreements 
between  Philip  and  Ferdinand. — The  Board  of  Trade  send  Anner- 
icus  to  Court. — Their  Instructions  to  hina. — Death  of  King  Philip. 
— Complaints  of  the  Portuguese  Court. — The  Voyage  given  up. — 
Ultimate  Fate  of  the  Vessels  conyrasing  this  Fleet. — Great  Expense 
occasioned  by  it. — A  bsence  of  King  Ferdinand,  ond  his  Return. — 
Americus  ordered  to  Court. — His  Occupation  there. — Appointed 
Chief  Pilot — His  Dea  h,  February  22d,  1612. 


CHAPTER 
XVII. 


f 


The  new  expedition  which  was  in  preparation 
for  Americus  and  Pinion  was  the  occasion  of 
fiSwiir^n  ™"^^  perplexity  to  the  oflScers  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  and  for  this  reason :  by  the  last  testament 
of  Queen  Isabella,  her  consort,  King  Ferdinand,  was 
appointed  Regent  of  Castile  during  the  minority  of 
her  grandson  Charles,  in  case  of  the  absence  or  in- 
capacity of  her  daughter  Joanna,  who  had  given  oc- 
casional evidence  of  insanity,  during  the  lifetime  of 
her  mother.  This  princess  was,  at  the  time  of  the 
death  of  the  queen,  with  her  husband,  the  Arch- 
duke Philip,  in  Flanders.  King  Ferdinand  at  once 
proclaimed  his  daughter  queen,  and  assumed  the 
regency,  but  from  the  outset  was  unpopular  with 
the  nobles  and  people,  and  at  length,  on  the  arrival 
of  Philip  and  Joanna  in  Spain,  was  compelled  to 


r 


M. 


.;■    .    ^^'l^'-y--^-i':M^{... 


^ 

i^ 


n 


1' 


i^ 


o 
as 

o 

W 
fe^ 

o 

w 

l-H 

b 

o 

w 
p> 

y^ 


i^  ', 


* 


i^^^^jtoIkW 


i 


.     UFB  AND  VOYAOBS  OS*  AMBRIOUS  VBSPUCIU8. 

resign  his  power  in  Gastile  and  retire  to  his  own 
kingdom  of  Arragou. 

From  the  moment  of  tlie  accession  of  Philip  to 
the  throne,  as  the  consort  of  Joanna,  an  entire 
change  took  place  in  all  the  departments  of  govern- 
ment. Almost  all  the  old  officers  of  state  were  dis- 
missed, and  new  men  appointed  in  their  places. 
The  disagreement  between  the  two  kings  placed 
those  of  the  old  administration,  who  still  retained 
their  posts,  among  whom  were  the  offices  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  in  a  very  disagreeable  position. 
They  did  not  know  how  to  conduct  themselves, 
and,  fearful  of  ofiending  either  monarch,  hesitated 
whether  to  proceed  with  the  preparations  for  the 
armament,  or  to  give  it  up  altogether.* 

In  this  dilemma  they  wrote,  on  the  15th  of  %p- 
tember,  1506,  about  six  weeks  after  the  accession 
of  King  Philip,  to  his  secretary,  Caspar  de  Gricio, 
that  they  had  despatched  Americus  to  give  every 
information  to  the  king  respecting  the  state  of  the 
expedition  which  King  Ferdinand  had  ordered  to 
be  prepared.  They  also  informed  the  secretary, 
that  it  would  not  be  ready  to  sail  before  the  month 
of  February,  in  the  ensuing  year.  Americus  ac- 
cordingly left  Seville  for  the  court,  which  was  then 
held  at  Burgos.  He  was  charged  with  three  letters 
by  the  Board  of  Trade :  one  for  the  king  himself, 
another  for  M.  de  Vila,  his  grand  chamberlain,  to 
whom  he  had  entrusted  the  despatch  of  aU  business 
connected  with  the  Indies,  and  a  third  to  the  Secre- 

>  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  iii. 
33 


OHAfTtt 
XVO. 


AecaatMof 
PhUipu4 
Jouinalo 

tha  Spukh 
thrant. 


InitraotioM 

of  the  Board 

of  Trade  (o 

AmericH. 


1 


2.15 


MFR  AND  VfeYAORS  OF 


i 
I 

( 
i 


i 


oHArruR  tary  Oricio,  to  whom  they  had  previounly  written. 

■  Besides  these  letters,  other  docuiiieiitH  were?  placed 

in  his  hands.  Tiiese  were  five  ntenioriids,  treating 
of  afluirs  of  tiie  Now  World,  prepared  in  order  that 
he  might  not  want  material  at  haiul,  to  bring  about 
a  prompt  and  favourable  course  of  action  in  the 
matter.  The  Board  of  Trade  also  furnished  Amer- 
icus  with  written  in.««tructions  as  to  his  mode  of 
procedure,  which  show  the  unenviable  state  of  per- 
plexity in  which  they  found  themselves.  "  You 
will  take,"  say  they,  "three  letters  for  the  king, 
M.  de  Vila,  and  the  Secretary  Gricio,  and  five 
memorials,  one  upon  the  despatch  of  the  armament, 
two  others  received  from  Hispaniola  concerning  the 
tower  which  King  Ferdinand  commanded  to  be  built 
on  |he  Pearl  Coast,  and  the  remaining  two  upon  the 
caravels  which  are  on  service  in  Hispaniola,  and 
concerning  what  things  are  necessary  for  the  for- 
tress which  is  building  there.*  If  Gricio  is  at  court, 
and  attends  to  the  uflairs  of  the  Indies,  give  him  the 
letter,  show  him  the  memorials,  and  he  will  guide 
you  to  the  ear  of  the  king,  and  obtain  for  you  good 
despatch.  We  are  informed  that  the  king  has  en- 
trusted the  business  of  the  Indies  to  M.  de  Vila,  his 
grand  chamberlain.  If  that  is  the  case,  go  directly 
"  ,  to  him.  What  we  principally  desire,  is  a  full  un- 
derstanding of  the  agreement  which  has  been  en- 
tered into  between  the  king, 'our  lord,  (King  Philip), 
and  the  King  Ferdinand,  in  order  that  we  may  be 
able  to  give  to  each  prince  that  which  is  his."^ 

'  Navarr^te,  torn.  ii. 


f 


\'£m'Ati: 


I' 


AMBRICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


209 


The  perplexities  of  the  officialM  were  not,  liow- 
cver,  (leNtiiied  to  end  uh  himui  (ih  they  ho)MHi.  JiiNt 
ten  (hiys  after  the  date  of  their  U>tter,  Kinfif  Philip 
Huddeniy  died  ut  Burgos,  liavin^  enjoyed  hin  |Mj\ver 
only  for  two  NJiort  niontliH.  King  Ferdinand  woh 
ahsent,  on  a  visit  to  his  Neupolitaiy  doininionN,  and 
tht;  Queen  Joanna  remained  in  a  state  of  partial 
insanity,  which  rendered  her  incapable  of  attend- 
ing to  public  afl'ttirs.  The  kingdom  was  thus 
trend)! ing  on  the  verge  of  anarchy,  and  for  a  time, 
moHt  public  undertakings  were  suspehded.  '  In 
addition  to  this  unexpected  death  of  the  king,  the 
distrust  and  complaints  of  the  King  of  Portugal, 
respecting  the  object  and  destination  of  the  expe- 
dition, greatly  retarded  the  preparations  for  it,  and 
finally  were  the  nrteans  of  breaking  it  up  altogether. 
Unwilling,  probably,  to  embroil  the  country  in  a 
quarrel  with  a  foreign  court,  while  in  such  a  dis- 
tracted condition  at  home,  the  provisional  regency 
ordered  the  preparations  to  be  suspended,  and  that 
every  thing  which  had  been  bought  for  the  expe- 
dition shori  i  be  sold.  1  / 

The  ultin'  te  fate  of  the  ships  which  were  in- 
tended for  this  fleet  is  recorded  by  Navarr6te. 
It  was  composed  of  three  ships,  which  had  been 
brought  from  Biscay  for  the  purpose.  The  largest 
was  called  La  Magdelena,  and  was  to  have  been 
under  the  command  of  Pinzon ;  the  second  was  a 
vessel  of  somewhat  less  dimensions,  of  which 
Americus  was  to  have  had  the  control;  and  the 
third,  a  caravel,  was  to  have  served  as  a  tender  to 


niArru 

XVII. 

l)««lhof 

I'lilllpui4 

(illllculllM 

Willi  l'»rt»' 


Fate  of  the 
fleet,  when 
the  expedi- 
tion WM 
given  ufk 


Ljj.Jsl^»-l.i;,w  »-k.  . 


860 


UrK  AND   VOYAUKU  Of 


OMAPTBR  the  other  two,  liciiig  (»f  iiiiich  Minullcr  itiisc.    The 


IVIl 


'I. 


4' 


i 


« 


) 


two  (irHt  of  tlicMc  voMNt'lH  were  dcNptitched  with 
corgoeN  to  lliNpaniolu.  Tiie  Magdeleim  went 
under  the  coiniitund  of  Diego  KodrigueN  de  (tro- 
gcda,  who  purchnsed  her  on  liitt  return.  Tiie  one 
Kvhich  waM  to  have  heen  under  the  conunand  of 
AinericuH  carried  Juan  de  Subano  an  captain. 
AmcricuM,  notwitliHtanding,  appeurH  to  have  had 
the  management  of  the  concerns  of  this  vessel,  as 
he  had  previously  attended  to  its  fitting  out.  The 
caravel  went  to  the  Canary  Islands,  and,  returning 
to  Seville  in  April,  ir)07,  was  employed  in  the 
voyage  of  discovery  which  Pinzon  and  Diaz  de 
Solis  subsequently  undertook. 
The  preparations  for  the  expedition,  which  was 

tioii*''''  '^'"'*  **'^'^'<^*'*'^  "P>  occasioned  a  very  considerable 
outlay  of  capital.  Besides  the  large  amount  of 
upwards  of  five  millions  of  maravedis,  which  the 
setllemcnt  of  the  accounts,  towards  the  close  of 
the  year  1507,  showed,  as  the  sum  of  the  expen- 
ses, Americus,  with  his  title  of  captain,  received 
a  salary  of  thirty  thousand  maravedis  per  annum. 
It  appears,  from  the  documents  which  Navarrfite 
has  extracted  from  the  archives  of  Seville,  that  his 
time  was  principally  passed,  until  the  close  of  thai, 
year,  in  making  all  the  purchases  of  provisions 
and  equipment  necessary  for  so  extensive  a  voy- 
age as  that  in  contemplation,  and  his  disappoint- 
ment must  have  been  great  indeed,  when  the  order 
arrived  at  Seville  countermanding  the  expedition.* 
'  Navarr^tei  torn.  iii.  p.  323. 


iMgtat 

•MM  of 

boipt 
lion. 


■m-. 


AMRRinUS  VRflPCClUfl. 


201 


During  the  abHcnce  of  King  Feniinnnd,  on  IUh 
viMit  to  U'lH  IVeupolitun  doniinionit,  tlicru  wiin  u 
inanif(<8t  Nlackciiing  of  the  Bpirit  of  diwcovcry. 
The  Htirring  nature  of  the  eventH  which  were 
taking  place  at  home,. and  the  prospect  o.'  change, 
if  not  of  anarchy  and  civil  war,  gave  occupation 
to,  or  attracted  the  attention  of,  inoHt  of  the  ad< 
venturers  and  reMtle^x  HpirilM  of  tlie  day.  But  aH 
aoon  as  the  king  found  liinmelf  again  finnly  fixed 
in  power  in  Castile,  and  rulitig  there  in  the  name 
of  fiis  daughter,  with  an  authority  mmli  more 
extensive  than  he  had  ever  enjoyed  during  the  life- 
time of  Isabella,  he  reconnnenced  his  pnyects  of 
discovery  and  acquisition  in  tlie  New  World.  He 
enjoyed,  in  virtue  of  the  testament  of  Isabella,  a 
moiety  of  the  revenues  arising  from  the  countries 
already  occupied  in  the  West  Indies,  and  was 
ftiUy  aroused  to  their  importance.  But  that  he 
was  not  actuated  solely  by  his  pecuniary  interest 
in  them,  is  evident  from  the  measures  he  took  to 
promote  further  discoveries,  and  the  colonization 
of  territories  already  acquired.' 

On  the  2()th  of  November,  1507,  about  three 
months  after  the  return  of  Ferdinand  to  Castile, 
he  issued  an  order,  commanding  Americus  and 
Juan  de  la  Cosa  to  proceed  immediately  to  court. 
Thither,  accordingly,  both  repaired,  and  were  soon 
engaged  in  active  consultation  with  the  king  and 
his  ministers,  respecting  the  nautical  affairs  of  the 
kingdom.      In  the  beginning  of  February  of  the 

>  Prescott'a  Ferdinand  and  laabella,  vol.  iii. 


an 
kvii. 

Ahaanr*  M 

Ktnf  far* 

iltwuid. 


Americm 

ordered  lo 

repair  to 

court. 


■h 


-   1*  "V 


'*]  I 


■»  _^»;_.. 


UVK  AND  vnvAnRji  or 


I 


oNArrcB  iM'xt  yviiv,  AiiicricuM,  in  cotiurxiiHi  with   Vic«»nU» 

SVII. 

— — —  YuiVm  IMiisr.oii  and  Jimii  Diax  ilr  SoIih,  wa» 
cliargfd  witli  (ho  Nufe  coiuluct  to  tin*  trcuNury  of 
tilt*  kiiiK  of  nix  tliouNUiid  diicatM  of  gold,  wliiili 
liud  juMt  tluMi  arrived  iVoiii  tlio  liidicN,  tiitd  on  the 
I'Uh  of  March,  ITiOH,  lu>  rcct'ivfd  \>y  royal  order  a 
payiiKMii  of  Mix  thouMiud  inuruvediti,  in  cuuMidcra- 
tion  of  this  m'rvi"v.' 

Th(>  dislruNt  which  the  Spanish  court  felt  ut 
that  time  tovvanlM  the  rival  court  of  Portugal,  in- 
duced them  to  make  ready  two  caraveiN,  which 
were  placed  under  the  conunand  of  Juan  (h>  la 
CoNa,  to  ^uard  and  give  convoy  to  the  Hhips  w  hich 
were  coming  and  going,  from  time  to  time,  l>e- 
tween  Spain  and  their  new  dominiouN.  AmericuM 
war)  charged  with  the  provisioning  and  support  of 
these  vessels,  while  his  friend  Finxon  provided 
their  armament  and  warlike  stores.  ^  Americus 
attended  to  this  husiness  at  ahuut  the  time  men- 
tioned ahove. 

Ajiwriruii       Shortly  after  this  date,  on  the  22d  of  March, 

apn>lni<>(l  •'  '  ^     ' 

Wibl^'*  ^^^^t  ^'fril'»ii'»*l  appointed  Americus  to  the  oflice 
of  chief  pilot,  with  an  annual  salary  rtf  seventy-five 
thousand  maravedis.  It  would  seem,  from  the 
decree  whicii  was  issued  on  the  6th  of  August  of 
the  same  year,  that  this  place  was  by  no  means  u 
sinecure.  That  document  was  intended  to  define 
the  duties  of  the  new  olfice,  and  it  clearlv  -appears, 
that  if  they  were  performed  by  Americu.  with  the 
fidelity  which  characterized  all   the  other  tranfr* 

>  Navarr^te,  torn.  iii.  p.  323* 


^^-.    l«t;-.:i.  ,*i.J.i^,:;;   l_%.;:'!i_  r..A£;_;»^,.I».,',-l-jf      .1.      i     ^ 


AMRRKTim  VEMPtrciua. 


nctioiiN  (if  his  tifiv  liiit  little  IcMNure  could  linv(>  lN*rti  <ha 

XVII 

lt>n  Ui  liiiii.  Thin  high  and  n'N|NHiHihlr  |><Nit  wan 
hfid  by  AiiieriiHiii  during  tlio  nMiiiiiiider  of  liiii  lift*, 
and  liiM  n|>|N)iiitiiit>iit  to  it  by  Fi>rdiiuind  wan  the  i 
hi^licNt  priNif  (,;  tlir  cNtiiimtioii  in  which  hu  wan 
held  by  that  iiio.narch  that  c.ouKI  hnvo  been  bo- 
Ntowcd  u|N>ii  him. 

In  order  fully  to  nppn'clnle  the  welj^hty  rrjiponul-  flr»*i«i- 
bllity  which  rented  urwui  him,  tlie  irn^ut  excitement  •*i«|".<m3 
which  exintetl  in  relation  to  the  newly-diwoveretl  •■*«'»"^' 
continent  muNt  be  duly  CMtimnted.  Never  iN'fon* 
iD  Spain  had  the  fur<»r  for  navigation  and  nautical 
enterpriMe  lM*cn  ho  extended.  Day  after  day  fortu- 
nate adventurerH  returned  from  the  IndieN  with  im- 
nieoNe  wealth  Nuddi*nly  acquired  by  thi;  diMcovery 
of  hidden  lioanls  of  noiiic  of  the  unreNiNting  natives, 
and  rouHed  the  cupidity  of  their  (ViendN  and  neigh- 
lourN,  by  glowing  accounts  of  riches  which  their 
own  success  seemed  to  prove  substantial.  The 
fever  of  emigration  was  hourly  increasing,  and  rose 
at  last  to  such  an  extent,  that  in  Seville,  where 
Americus  established  his  permanent  residence,  it 
was  said  thuf  few  persons  were  to  be  seen,  save 
women  and  young  children.  On  the  countermand- 
ing of  an  expedition,  which  the  king  had  proposed 
to  send  to  Italy  in  the  year  1512,  about  three  thou- 
sand of  the  cavaliers,  who  were  to  have  accompa- 
nied it,  proceeded  to  Seville  and  made  eager  appli- 
cation for  service  in  a  fleet  then  preparing  for 
America,  although  the  fu) '  complement  of  men  to 


T' 


164 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  3F  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


oHArrER  be  employed  in  it  was  only  about  half  the  number 


ZVII 


of  the  applicants.' 


Dftath  of 
Americui, 


Nothing  now  remains  but  to  record  the  death  of 
j^»j»jj'  him  whose  life  and  writings  have  occupied  the  fore- 
going pages.  This  event  took  place  at  Seville  on 
the  22d  day  of  February,  in  the  year  1512.'  No 
account  of  his  last  sickness  has  been  preserved. 
The  date  and  the  place  of  his  decease  have,  until 
recently,  been  subjects  of  discussion,  and  these 
have  been  determined  only  from  the  nmsty  files  of 
receipts  in  the  Spanish  archives,  and  from  the  war- 
jant  of  the  crown  appointing  his  successor.  The 
place  of  his  burial  is  not  certainly  known.  Vague 
accounts  are  current  in  his  native  country,  that  his 
remains  were  ,transported  to  Italy,  and  now  rest  in 
the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  in  the  church  of  Ogni 
Santi  in  Florence,  but  they  do  not  carry  with 
them  the  stamp  of  authenticity. 

After  his  appointment  to  the  office  of  chief  pilot 
he  made  a  siiort  visit  to  Florence,  and  the  portrait 
of  him  by  Bronzino,  taken  unquestionably  towards 
the  end  of  his  life,  is  said  to  have  been  painted  in 
that  city.  It  has  always  been  preserved  as  a  sa- 
cred relic  by  the  Vespucci  family,  and  its  authen- 
ticity seems  never  to  have  been  called  in  question. 

1  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  chap.  xxiv.  >  Navarr^te,  torn.  iii.  p.  324. 


; 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


1 


CHARACTER  AND  WRITINGS  OP  AMERICUS. 

In  perusing  the  writings  and  following  the  his-  chaptbb 

XVIII 

tory  of  AmericiiS,  one  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with '-^ 

the  modest  simplicity  and  truthfulness  of  his  char-     ciS? 
acter.    It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  any  one  can " 
read  his  letters,  and  rise  from  the  reading  with  any 
other  conviction,  than  that  the  writer  was  actuated  \_ 

by  a  sincere  desire  to  instruct  his  correspondents, 
and  furnish  them  with  accurate  information.  Rarely 
alluding  to  his  own  position  of  danger  and  suffer- 
ing, or  of  honourable  lenown,  the  reader  has  cause 
for  regret  in  the  very  modesty  which  ]ftstrain:j  his 
pen.  He  seldom  separates  himself  from  his  com- 
panions, and  when  enterprise  and  courageous  bear- 
ing is  his  theme,  freely  admits  all  to  a  share  of  the 
credit.  When  occasion  offers  he  particularizes,  and  ^ 
brings  out  in  bold  relief  the  virtues  and  bravery  of 
others,  but  never  his  own.  If  an  idea  occurs  to  hi's  His  jmaoa 
mind  which  emanated  from  the  brain  of  another, 
he  never  fails  to  give  due  reference.  It  has  been 
seen  that  no  petty  feelings  of  jealousy  restrained 
him  from  acknowledging  what  is  owing  to  Colum- 
bus, for  he  speaks  of  his  previous  discoveries  with- 
out reserve.    He  excuses  hi9  own  deficiency,  and 

34 


'^ 


mmm 


266 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


Repoaeof 
oharactor. 


Patience 

■nd  forbear* 

ance. 


OHAPTEB  deprecates  a  harsh  judgment  of  his  writings,  rec- 

'—  ommending  that  they  be  read  in  "  more  leisure 

hours,"  and  as  a  pastime,  rather  than  for  improve- 
ment. 

In  Americus,  the  historian  does  not  find  any  of 
those  brilliant  combinations  of  good  and  bad>qual-> 
ities,  which  so  ollen  dazzle  the  mind,  and  produce 
a  false  estimate  of  character.  He  was  not  an  en- 
thusiast, and  never  allowed  himself  to  be  carried 
beyond  the  bounds  which  reason  indicated.  He 
•  was  rather  inclined  to  a  philosophical  scepticism, 
ever  seeking  to  detect  fallacies  with  the  view  of 
firmly  establishing  truth. 

The  patience  and  forbearance  of  his  character  are 
no  less  observable  than  his  simplicity  and  modesty. 
"  But  one  word,"  says  Canovai,  "  did  he  allow  to 
enter  his  letters,  wherein,  though  without  any  indi- 
cation of  resentment  or  bitterness,  he  complains  of 
discourteom  behaviour  towards  him."^  No  hasty 
ebullitions  of  temper  marked  the  occurrence  of  dis- 
appointment or  reverse.  He  was  always  calm  and 
persevering. 

He  was  ambitious,  but  with  a  proper  ambition.  To 
acquire  an  honourable  name,  which  should  be  the 
comfort  and  solace  of  his  old  age,  was  his  great  aim. 
It  has  already  been  shown,  that  he  could  not  have 
endeavoured  to  perpetuate  his  fame  by  the  fraudu- 
lent method  of  giving  his  name  to  the  New  World, 
nor  did  he  seek  to  do  so  by  undervaluing  his  asso- 
ciates.   His  was  an  ambition  which  did  not  lead 

• 

i  Canovai,  vol.  ii.  p.  110. 


A  propel 

■BUUtlOIl 


tion. 


m,: 


AMERICUS  VCSPUGIU8. 

men  to  fear  or  oppose  him,  and  his  quiet  and  un- 
obtrusive manners  made  him  friends  even  among 
his  rivals. 

He  was  enterprising,  but  that  was  a  quality  of 
the  age  in  which  he  lived.  There  is  this  difference, 
however,  in  the  enterprise  of  Americus  and  that 
of  most  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 
These  laboured  for  their  own  good,  to  recruit  their 
own  broken  fortunes,  or  to  increase  wealth  already 
acquired ;  he,  for  advancement  of  knowledge  and 
science,  for  the  good  of  the  whole  human  race. 
He  was  conscientious.  The  rights  of  all  were  re- 
spected by  him,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  His  scrupulous  regard  of  the 
property  of  the  helpless  and  unprotected  Indians  is 
manifest  in  his  writings.  It  is  true  that  the  vessels 
of  his  expeditions  brought  home  slave-prisoners, 
•  but  they  w^re  taken  in  fight,  and  after  some  atro- 
cious treachery  ;  and  conformably  to  the  doctrines 
then  in  vogue,  the  right  to  do  this  was  undoubted, 
for  all  who  did  not  believe  in  the  Christian  religion 
were  held  to  be  destitute  of  natural  rights,  and  the 
enslaving  of  the  Indians  was  openly  countenanced 
by  the  government. 

He  was  a  warm  admirer  of  nature.  The  beauty 
of  the  foliage  in  the  new  lands  which  he  visited, 
and  the  melody  of  the  numerous  birds  which  sang 
among  the  branches,  never  failed  to  attract  his  at- 
tention and  elicit  expressions  of  admiration. 

He  was  full  of  affectionate  feelings  for  his  family, 
as  his  care  and  attention  to  the  education  and  ad- 


267 


OHAPTEB 
XVUI. 


nu  loftf 

enterpriNi 


J 


268 


uIPF-  AND  VOVAQES  OP 


oHAmsR  vancement  of  his  nephew,  and  his  memory  of  his 

XVIII. 

relatives  in  Florence,  from  whom  he  had  been  so 

long  absent,  amply  testify.  " 

Hinwii-  Lastly,  he  was  deeply  imbued  with  reliijious  sen- 
mentaand  timent  of  the  truest  and  most  lastmc;  character. 
Never  did  he  permit  himself  to  forget  the  Supreme 
Being  who  guarded  him  in  his  wanderings,  or  fail 
to  give  thanks  for  the  great  mercies  received  at  his 
hands.  Possessed  of  too  philosophical  a  mind  to 
adopt  as  truth  all  that  the  visionary  fanaticism  of 
the  age  incorporated  in  the  belief  of  the  Christian, 
yet  he  never  ceased  to  acknowledge  the  immediate 
supervision  of  Almighty  Power  •  and  though  pass- 
ing over,  in  his  accounts,  with  comparative  neglect, 
the  useless  vows  of  pilgrimages  and  other  ceremo- 
nies which  the  superstitious  sailors  of  his  fleet  were 
accustomed  to  make  and  perform,  on  the  occur- 
rence of  a  tempest,  he  enlarges  upon  his  gratitude  * 
to  the  true  source  of  deliverance  from  danger. 

It  is  a  comparatively  easy  task  to  place  the  por- 
traiture of  the  character  of  a  celebrated  man  in 
such  a  light,  that  only  the  brightest  portion  may  be 
visible,  while  all  the  darker  points  are  concealed. 
The  effect  of  this  would  be  to  show  a  fair  but  de- 
ceptive picture,  and  such  may  seem  to  be  the  pre- 
sent effort.  For  although  disposed  to  admit  that 
many  faults  might  have  existed  in  the  character  of 
Americus  (what  mortal  is  without  them  ?),  yet  the 
records  of  history  mention  them  not,  and  to  the 
present  age  they  are  or  should  be  as  if  they  were 
not. 


AMBRICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


969 


It  would  be  almost  as  unfair  to  subject  the  wri- 
tings  of  Aniericus  to  the  critical  tests  of  the  pres- 
ent day  as  to  judge  of  his  character  by  the  partial 
and  disingenuous  accounts  of  prejudiced  historians. 
Few,  besides  his  own  countrymen,  have  read  his 
letters  with  unbiased  minds,  and  some  of  those 
who  condemn  him  most  loudly,  have  probably  never 
read  them  at  all.  He  who  peruses  them  in  the  ex- 
pectation of  finding  passages  of  elegant  diction,  or 
a  blood-stirring  narrative  of  danger  and  adventure, 
will  meet  with  total  disappointment.  They  are 
quiet  and  unassuming  descriptions  of  what  ap- 
peared new  and  llrange  to  him,  in  simple  lan- 
guage, though  at  times  quaint  and  forcible.  Plain 
and  unvarnished  statements  throughout,  they  were 
evidently  written  by  one  who,  knowing  his  own 
integrity,  felt  confident  of  due  credence  from 
others. 

Like  all  men  who  live  in  times  of  general  agita- 
tion, when  society  is  passing  through  radical 
changes,  the  great  navigator  experienced  liis  share 
of  disappointments  and  reverses.  Those  men  who 
are  chosen  by  Providence  to  bring  about  important 
events,  and  lead  nations  on  to  brilliant  achieve- 
ments, generally  become  familiar  with  trouble — for 
those  names  that  must  live  always  in  the  regards 
and  recollections  of  ijiankind,  are  not  easily  won. 
But  Americus  may  justly  be  considered  a  fortunate 
man,  whatever  may  have  been  his  reverses.  No 
conqueror,  however  celebrated,  no  philosopher,  how- 


OHAPnU 
XVIIL 

Ukworkfc 


V 


■'% 


|M>4<' 


aro 


LIFE  AND  VOTAaES  OF  AMERIGUS  VESPUCIU8. 


oHAPTBs  ever  wise,  has  yet  received,  or  ever  will  receive,  to 

XVIII.  '  J  }  » 

■ bright  a  reward.    No  shade  obscures  his  character, 

no  accident  can  effect  his  fame — his  name  is  borne 
by  a  great  continent,  and  will  be  transmitted  to  the 
last  moment  of  time. 


I 


KND  OP  PART  L 


.  i 


;"i.  ■:  Jj..-''.W.-;-j;. 


■ 


J 


PART  II. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


i 


mmm'W"  tm         m      i 


/ 


M**' 


EULOOIUH 


Of 


AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS. 

WHICH  OBTAINID  THI  PKIMIOH 

rROH  THE  NOBLE  ETRUSCAN  ACADEMY  OP  CORTONA, 
ON  TUB  UOl  or  001t)BEft,  IN  THI  YBAB  178S. 

LETTER 

Of  the  Etnucan  Academy  of  Gortons,  to  Count  John  Louii  of  Durfort,  thaa 

Ifiniater  Plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  Royal  Court  of  Tuacany, 

accompanying  the  Premium  Euiofy. 

After  the  respected  judgment  of  six  censors,  no  LErraB 
less  impartial  than  enlightened,  here  at  last  is  that 
eulogy  of  Americus  Vespuciuis,  which  your  Excel- 
lency perhaps  contemplated,  when,  with  an  incom- 
parable proof  of  intelligence  and  generosity,  you  con- 
descended to  remit  to  the  Academy  your  interesting 
proposal  for  it,  and  the  noble  premium.  The 
author,  who  appears  to  have  chosen  for  his  model 
the  celebrated  Isocrates,  knew  so  well  how  to  con- 
vert to  his  advantage,  and  combine  intimately  in 
his  theme,  the  various  questions  proposed  to  the 
candidates,  that  the  Grecian  orator  would  perhaps 
be  astonished  to  see  himself  imitated,  even  in  the 
skilful  digression  where  he  passes  with  so  much 

36 


f   1 


i, 


ff4  I.KTTKR  OV  TIIK  KTIHrHCAN   ArADKMY. 

Lwna.  fpracc  fnun  tin*  priiisfn  of  I'ivujroras  (o  the  lUtviU  of 
the  Allu'iiiaii  t'onoii.  'I'lic  iiropoMition  of  your 
Kxiu'lU'iiry  will  \tv,  tlicn-lnrc,  a  iiu'morahlc  circum- 
Mtiuu'o  ill  (lio  I'xliihitiotis  of  llic  I'UnHcaii  A«-aili>my, 
and  ini^lit  aUo  licconu*  »  ^lorioiiM  ('jmx'Ii  in  Tijn- 
catiy,  if  llic  fxaiiiplr,  m<»  now  and  no  i'lili^litcntHl, 
NJiould  luroni(>  kiioyyn  in  all  (|iiarl('rN,  and  tnuke 
un  fvv\  that  llio  triir  lovf  of  li'ttors  is  a  ma^nani- 
inoiiH,  ardont,  and  cnicaciouM  love,  and  tliat  ndniira- 
tion  of  jTWAi  men  is  one  of  the  few  means  of  even- 
^'lally  a('(|uirinj{  greatnesH.  France  alone,  that  go- 
iiiul  realm,  fruitful  alike  in  characterN  worthy  of 
eulogium,  and  in  literary  men  eapabU;  of  appre- 
ciating them,  has  renewed  in  her  academies,  in  our 
day,  the  ancient  custom  of  euh)gi/iing  her  heroes, 
ivith  a  sid>limity  etpial  to  their  merits.  Though 
the  renowned  Linguet,  perhaps  too  great  a  friend 
of  paradoxes,  imagined  that  there  was  sometlung 
intrinsically  and  essentially  vitiated  in  this  kind  of 
eUMjuence,  his  wise  compatriots  have  well  decided 
that  it  is  heUer  to  suffer  some  abuse  of  it,  than  to 
lose  its  manifest  advantages  by  a  heedless  proscrip- 
tion. While  therefore  Tuscan  writers  are  indebted 
to  your  Excellency  for  this  happy  opportunity  of 
exercising  their  powers  in  a  department  of  oratory 
so  dear  to  (he  ancients,  and  which  ought  not  to  be 
lost  to  our  literature,  we  shall  be  eJernally  grateful 
to  you,  that  we  were  selected  by  your  judgment 
for  the  Ibrtunatc  duty  of  searching  out  merit,  and 
nobly  rewarding  it. 


EULOOIUM. 


*"~~  agil  grate*,  |M<ri<|{riiik<i|u«  (mm-uU  Term 
Flgit,  •(  i|{not<Mi  iiioriti'*  aKro«i|un  inlutAt.  v 

Uvii>,  Mat,  Ui.  V.  M. 


It  lias  l)pen  said  In  ohU'ii  tiiiios,  that  no  culo^iuin 
•  cuiiUI  (M>ni[)an>  with  an  iUustrioiis  nanio,  and  that 
no  vvords  couhl  add  to  the  fatuo  and  glory  of  any 
one  whoso  nanio  alone  was  insuihcient.  But  (it 
must  he  conffssed)  that  these  pompous  dicta,  which 
eloquence  lavishes  so  freely,  are  of  no  suhstantial 
worth,  and  while  thus  attempting  to  express  with 
emphasis  an  appreciation  of  merit,  and  the  impo8- 
dibility  of  pr:\isini;  it  sufficiently,  would  cstahlish 
the  nothingness  and  inutility  of  all  praise.' 


'  Hero  we  have  in  view  the  in- 
iicriptions  on  tiie  inonutiientH  of 
two  cclohrotcd  •K(>(!rrturic8  of  ihf 
Florentine  R('|iulilic.  One  reuiis 
thus,  un(li;r  tlie  Imst  of  Murcrllus 
Virgilins:  "  Suprenm  norncn  hoc 
loco  tontum  voluntas  jusserntPoni 
■ed  hanc  Htatuuni  piin  crexit  hcros 
ncscius  famic  futuruiii  et  ^loriic. 
Aut  nomcn  aut  uiiiil  sutis."  The 
other  was  placed  n%  the  tomb  of 
Niccolo  Mnchiuvelli.  "  Tnnto  no- 
mini  nullum  par  culogium."  If 
there  coulil  be  no  culogium  pro- 
portionate to  the  merits  of  a  great 
man,  it  is  useless  to  make  any 


whutevt  r,  and  all  praise  will  bo 
resi-rved  for  mediocrity.  What 
nn  oljHurdity!  This  is  the  true 
cuIoj{y  inscribed  to  Machiuvelli. 

Tha  dcrilMi  of  Flnrnnco, 
Whnnn  aublln  wit  illachRrgfld  a  dublooa 

.   nhtifl, 
Ciillfd  liolh  the  friend  and  fun  of  klnglf 

crifl. 
Tho',  in  his  mazn  of  polltlci  iierplext, 
Orcnt  nuineii  have  dlflbrod  on  thai  doubt/tat 

text: 
Iloro,  rrnwnnd  with  praise,  ai  true  to  vtr- 

tiio's  sido, 
Thero,  vlnwi-d  with  horror,  ai  the  a-ssaa- 

sln's  guide : 
IIlKh  \n  n  piirnr  sphorn,  he  nhlnes  nfar, 
And  hist'ry  hnll«  him  as  her  niornlni  star. 
Uayttt,  Etiay  on  Hittorf,  EpUL  U.  v.  181 


ro 


UWK   AND   VOVAOM  09 


iititiirul 
l>y  tli« 


woUtomu  FortunntHy,  it  in  wril  known  that  orntmn  are 
prsiM.  ih«  nceuNtiuned  to  mhv  niicIi  iii>otlii>iiniM,  wliirli  riirr^ly 
iMitM  influrnct;  tlioMo  who  art>  Nr«>kin|(  iiltiT  fnith  What 
would  h(>('oin«'  of  thu  (inc  lUtN,  htcTiitiin*,  and  Nci- 
rnco,  it',  artinf^  on  thin  IUInc  principli',  |M»st(>rity 
■hoidd  nc^Urt  to  Im'nIow  cnconiiiiniM  u|)on  their 
diNtinKulMhcd  niltivatorM  I  Vrtunv  in  thi 
alftncnt  of  geniuM,  and  though  unhccdci 
mouhloring  aNhrs  of  hrriH'M,  at  U'tisl  (Micouraf^cM  the 
imitator  of  thtir  giori(»us  drcdM.  I.rt  it  he  rcnu'm- 
hewd  tiuit  the  great  nuui  doeH  not  (h'scend  wholly 
into  the  tondi ;  he  Noarw  inuii(»rtal  ufNUi  the  untiring 
wingN  of  r.inuv  lie  erects  for  hiinNelC  a  trophy  in 
hid  great  exph>itN,  which  neither  tin;  ravages  of  timu 
can  deface,  nor  the  niint  of  ohiivion  ohMcure.  iM 
UH  figure  to  ourwelveM  in  the  distance,  a  hundred  na- 
tionN  yet  utdN>rn,  rep(>ating  his  name  with  admira- 
tion, celebrating  his  discoveries  with  applause,  pon- 
MeMsing  themselves  of  what  is  giNxl  and  true  by  the 
infallible  guide  of  his  instructi«)ns.  Such  delight- 
ful hopes  not  oidy  wiped  the  tears  and  the  sweat 
of  labour  from  the  countenances  of  the  valiant 
Athletu;,  but  li)rcibly  counteracted  the  spells  of  all 
the  malignant  spirits  which  enhanced  the  diflicultieH 
of  their  enterprises.'  The  germs  of  greatness  are 
enveloped  in  the  minds  of  those  who  arc  wanned 
with  the  love  of  glory. 
There  is  a  manifest  connection# between  pub- 

I  CetcroA  ad  Rapientim  studiam  latione  incitati,  earandam  etiam 
laudibua  aliorum  proiMMitis  cxhor-  virtutum  desiderio  inflammentnr 
tamor,  at  earom  laudum  accumu-    — hocr.  Evag. 


. 


SI 


4Miuu<nm  vKJipuotUf. 


«n 


he  prniM  and  piihlir   happinmui.'     I'^ypt  knnw  wmonim 
thin;  (irt'vco  wuN  not  uiiiiiiiitirul  o{'  it;   all  Uummi 


natit 


^liicli  iN'Nt  iiiul(*rNt<HNt  tin 


o(  Um 


I'oiioiiiy 

liiiiiiaii  liourt,  trvcr  Inul  rortiiiuilc  (•x|N4iciu'e  of  it 
All  I  wlti-nrc  (oiiicM  it,  tiiiit  tlu*  iiolilf  rxuiiipio 
want.*«  oniuiiitorH  aiiioii^  iim,  tliiit  tlu*  Nliuii(*M  nj'  our 
iiioHt  noble  riti/onN  wundcr  alMiiit  without  |mms 
gyriNtN  tiiitl  without  culoKiutu  V  Ought  it  to  hnvu 
been  expected  that  a  K«>nenMiM  foreigner,  realising 
Uie  •uhlinu'  idea  of  perfect  putriotiMUi,'  wmild  romt) 
fVoni  the  ImnlcN  of  the  Seine,  to  awaken  our  indo- 
lent elo(|uen('e,  and  eonipaMHionately  arouMe  it  to 
revive  the  languishing  ineniory  of  AnierieuHl 
SeuNeleNN  SyracuMaiiM !  thus,  perchaniu^,  eanie  the 
great  Tully  from  the  Tiher  to  nIiow  you  the  tunib 
of  the  forgotten  Archiniides.* 

We  accept  an  invitation  whi(th  at  the  name  time 
honourN  and  condemnrt  um.  We  praise  the  intrepid 
navigator,  the  unwearied  discoverer  of  exteuMivc 
territoricH,  the  noble  TuHcan  who  wandered  through 


>  Hoc  genua  (orationiii)  tarn 
Qraci*  (|uatn  KomuiiiM  UMitutuiit 
fuit,  auiniita,  ut  opitior,  coimuotu- 
dine  ab  yKgyptitt.  Iluruin  tiiiiN 
fuit  ut  ft  btiin  rut  ritJN  (Id  rcpubli- 
ca  viriH  hotioni  luiidationuiii  all- 
qua  grutia  refcrretur,  vt  ailolo- 
conte*  cu|)i(litut()  IuuiJIh  iiuitati  ml 
virtutrin  accundertintur. —  Ift)//.  in 
Jtoer.  Evagt 

•  We  have,  under  the  name  «»f 
eulogy,  the  livoH  of  many  illustri- 
oua  TuRcanit,  but  the  eulogies 
hero  rcfeitcd  to  are  very  diflbront 

om  tbow  Uvea. 


>  Ln  Piitriotitmo  In  plua  parfait 
rot  criui  i|u'iin  pfMHi'tde  i|uand'on 
«!Ht  Ml  liiiii  rctn|ili  drit  droita  du 
Uenre  humuiri,  i|u'on  li!*  r(*a{><}c;ta 
vi«-;VviH  do  touM  icK  |i<)upi(!a  du 
nioridf. — Kncjjd,  art.  I'atriotiame. 

*  Cicero  himitcif  narratea  hia  fa- 
mous unti(|uariun  difM:overy,  and 
roncludea  thitn  -.  >•  Ita  nobiliMima 
Qrtocia  civitaa,  >|Uondam  voro 
etiam  doclisMiiiK',  nui  civia  uniua 
monuinuntumignoruMitetiniaiabho* 
mine  Arpinato  di'li:uMet." — TuK» 
(^atl.  1.  6.  c.  23. 


SJ7B 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


BULooiuM.  the  boundless  extent  of  the  otlier  hemisphere,  and 
left  his  name  impressed  upon  it  forever.  If  a  .vile 
jealousy  has  attempted  to  snatch  from  his  brow  the 
well-merited  crown  ;  if  a  partial  history  has  robbed 
him  of  the  credit  due  to  his  signal  enterprise  by 
its  malicious  silence ;  if  a  misguided  criticism  has 
unfortunately  depreciated  his  merits  and  defamed  his 
candour,  future  ages  will  see  his  character  in  clearer 
light,  and  bestowing  their  just  homage  of  ailmira- 
tiou  and  encomium,  will  free  him  from  the  combi- 
ned aspersions  of  his  enemies,  and  cover  his  cruel 
adversaries  with  detestation. 

To  deny  an  infancy  to  an  extraordinary  man, 
and  gravely  pronounce  that  he  was  a  wonder  from 
the  very  cradle,  would  be  to  fabricate,  in  imitation 
of  the  poets,  a  fabulous  Hercules.'  To  investigate 
the  little  anecdotes  of  this  infancy,  and  dwell  at 
length  upon  its  gradual  development,  would  be  but 
to  gratify  a  puerile  curiosity.  No,  you  do  not 
think  that  Americus  was  born  a  prodigy,  and  came 
thus  into  my  hands,  or  that  I  would  wish  to  follow 


The  youth 
•fAmericiu. 


*  Hercules,  while  yet  in  swad- 
dling clothes,  strangled,  according 
to  the  poets,  two  large  serpents 
which  Juno  had  sent  to  destroy 
him.  But  it  is  so  uncommon  or  un- 
necessary for  great  men  to  begin 
by  being  great  in  boyhcjod,  that 
the  infancy  of  the  greater  number 
of  them  has  remained  altogether  in 
obscurity.  I  only  remember,  at 
present,  having  read  something  of 
the  kind  respecting  Pascal,  and  the 
following  is  what  is  said  of  him. 

"At  the  age  of  twelve  years  he 


had,"  they  say,  "  by  the  force  of 
his  genius  alone,  and  without 
books,  mastered  the  thirty-second 
proposition  of  the  first  book  of  Eu- 
clid. The  reader  may  think  what 
he  pleases  of  it — for  my  j)art,  I  in- 
cline to  the  opinion  of  Baillet,  who 
was  reprimanded  l)y  some  parti- 
sans of  Pascal  for  having  doubted 
this  feature  of  his  life.  I  shall  not 
dissemble,  that  I  suspect  it  very 
much  of  being  exaggerated." — 
Hist,  de  Mathem.  t.  ii.  p.  53. 


AHERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  279 

the  feeble  footsteps  of  his  early  boyhood.  When  eulooium. 
the  energy  of  his  inind  called  from  chaos  an  entire 
half  of  tiie  globe,  and,  almost  as  if  by  magic  en- 
chantment, spread  .existence  over  the  vast  ocean, 
it  is  of  slight  importance  to  enquire  what  went  be- 
fore, or  whence  he  derived  his  power.  Conjecture, 
therefore,  if  you  please;  proportion  the  means  to 
the  result ;  unite  to  |the  most  fervid  imagination  the 
most  scrupulously  strict  reasoning,  the  possession 
of  subtle  theories  to  the  free  use  of  complicated 
instruments,  uninterrupted  study  of  the  planets  and 
stars  to  accurate  knowledge  of  continents  and  seas, 
the  valour  oi  the  soldier  to  the  prudence  of  the  mar- 
iner, the  bustling  life  of  the  voyager  to  the  solitude 
of  the  philosopher,  the  skill  of  the  merchant  to  the 
honour  of  the  citizen,  seuse  to  genius,  modesty  to 
elevation,  vigour  to  sensibility,  boldness  to  religion, 
and  then,  perchance,  you  will  then  have  a  sketch 
of  the  sublime  qualities  and  enviable  character  of 
Americus. 

With  such  vast  endowments  as  these  a  man 
becomes  as  it  were  omnipotent.  He  projects,  and 
nothing  is  impossible ;  he  wills,  and  all  is  done.  A 
thousand  secret  combinations  stand  ever  at  his  side, 
and  with  emulous  rivalry  offer  him  their  aid.  He 
manages  them  with  such  authority,  and  applies 
them  to  the  work  with  so  much  rapidity,  that  the 
effect  of  penetration  and  inconceivable  art  often 
appears  like  the  necessary  result  of  natural  causes. 
The  soul  from  its  unknow^n  seat,  the  sun  from  the 
centre  of  its  system,  produce  in  no  other  manner 


280 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


W  MVLoaiuu.  the  wonderful  niotions  of  the  human  machine,  and 
the  astonishing  order  of  the  universe. 
m»e  po.i-  But  where  shall  we  find  a  place  for  Vespucius, 
Anwriciw.  aud  wliat  positiou  shall  we  assign  to  hmi,  if  Spam, 
his  new  residence,  intoxicated  with  joy  by  rising 
hopes  of  immense  riches  and  power,  recognises  no 
other  genius,  and  commemorates  no  other  name, 
than  the  incomparable  genius  and  illustrious  name 
of  Columbus  7  We  leave  to  prostituted  pens  the 
vile  employment  of  insulting  the  great  with  false 
reproaches  or  false  praises.  I  shall  not  make  one 
of  these  two  the  victim  of  the  other.  I  should 
know  how  to  weave  a  eulogium  for  Newton,' 
without  injury  to  Leibnitz,  and  I  shall  speak  of 
Vespucius  without  detracting  from  the  fame  of  the 
Italian  Admiral.  He  has  already  burst  the  con- 
fines of  the  Old  World;  he  has  already  pushed  with 
a  noble  daring  among  the  virgin  waves  of  a  yet 
nameless  sea,^  and  St.  Lucia,  Antilla,  Cuba,  Jamaica, 
and  Hispaniola'  have  become  the  rewards  of  his 


t  i 


I  It  is  known  that  a  serious  de- 
bate arose  between  Newton  and 
Leibnitz,  about  the  first  inventor 
of  the  differential  and  integral  cal- 
culus, on  which  Montuda  thus 
pronounces  :  "  Newton  had  found 
the  principle  of  fluxions  before 
Leibnitz,  but  too  obscurely  to  de- 
prive the  latter  of  the  merit  of  the 
discovery." — Hist,  des  Math.  t.  H. 
p.  334.  Americus  discovered  the 
continent  before  Columbus,  and 
did  not  find  it  at  all  obscurely. 

*  Columbus  himself  caHed  this 
«ea  the  North  Sea,  though  not  veiy 


appropriately. — Hist,  de  VAcad. 
des  Scien.,  an  1753,  p.  119. 

9  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  Hispan- 
iola  are  confounded  by  some  ge- 
ographers with  the  Antilles,  which 
are  more  than  six  hundred  miles 
distant  from  them. — Ramus,  t. 
iii.  p.  71.  c.  This  confusion, 
however,  was  received  by  the 
modem  author  of  the  art.  '  Amer- 
ica," in  the  Encyclopedia,  a  cen- 
tury after  Columbus  and  Ves- 
pucius.— See  Dissertazione  Oiu$ 
iijicativa. 


AHERICV8  VESPUCIUS. 


281 


wonderful  expedition — vast  and  fruitful  islands,  bplooium 
where  the  greedy  European  trampled  for  the  first 
time  upon  gems  and  gold,  forgetting  tlie  famous 
countries  of  the  Ganges  and  Cathay.  The  shout 
of  important  conquests  ascends  from  the  Mexican 
Archipelago;  nations  and  kingdoms  of  long  stand- 
ing are  shaken;  commerce  joyously  contemplates 
her  reviving  youtli ;'  all  eyes  are  fixed  upon  the 
leader  of  the  exalted  enterprise  :  he  enters  Barcelo- 
na with  more  pomp  than  the  Roman  Capitol  wit- 
nessed in  other  ages  at  the  return  of  an  Emperor 
in  triumph.  At  this,  Vespucius  becomes  thoughtful, 
and  absorbed  in  burning  meditation.  The  trophies 
of  Miltiades^  disturb  the  dreams  of  Themistocles, 
and  tlie  repeated  announcement  of  his  father's  vie-  • 
tories  dissolves  in  sighs  the  magnanimous  heart  of 


•  A  few  days  before  the  third 
edition  of  this  eulogium  was  is- 
sued, I  read  the  work^  of  Genty, 
entitled  "  The  Influence  of  the 
Discovery  of  America  on  the  Hap- 
piness of  the  Human  Race."  He 
repeats  many  times  the  truth 
which  is  here  hinted  at ;  but  two 
quotations  must  suffice.  "  The 
rich  productions  of  the  mines  of 
Peru  must  multiiily  our  relations 
with  the  East,  and  of  necessity 
furnish  more  abundant  aliment 
for  the  foreign  commerce  of  Eu- 
rope (p.  209).  The  conquest  of 
the  New  World  started  commerce 
from  intanc}',  and  gave  it  wings 
to  soar  over  the  whole  universe" 
(p.  290).  I  agree,  therefore,  with 
the  illustrious  Genty,  not  only  in 
his  opinion,  but  also  in  the  flgures 


with  which  he  illustrates  it.  I 
shall  not  fail  to  quote  parallel 
passages  as  they  occur,  which 
will  show  the  unexpected  corres 
pondence  of  my  sentiments  with 
those  of  so  celebrated  an  author. 

*  It  is  said  that  Themistocles 
was  so  carried  away  with  a  love 
for  glory,  that,  at  the  time  the 
barbarians  were  concjuered  at 
Marathon,  and  when  the  glory 
of  Miltiades  was  every  where 
celebrated,  although  yet  a  youth, 
he  withdrew  by  himself,  and  in- 
dulged in  nocturnal  vigils;  and, 
on  being  asked  the  reason,  by 
those  who  wondered  at  his  con- 
duct, replied  that  the  trophies  of 
Miltia'des  deprived  him  of  sleep.— 
Plutarch.  Themistocles. 


1 

■  1 


36 


282 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


^ 


h 


* 


■oLooiuM.  Alexander.  Ah  !  tliere  are  no  more  countries  for 
niu  !'  this  terrible  despot  of  the  ocean  sees  and  rav- 
ishes all.  Though  I  niiglit  excel  him  in  daring,  yet 
liow  can  I  equal  him  in  fortune  and  glory  1 
ThaiPirit  Behold  the  transports  of  that  lively  emulation 
'"'ftcto.'^'^^  which  springs  from  the  indisputable  consciousn(\ss 
of  talents,  and  is  nourished  by  the  pure  and  delicate 
essence  of  virtue,  which  shines  uncontaminated  in 
every  footstep  of  the  hero !  It  seems  enmity,  but 
is  laudable  strife  ;  it  seems  envy,  but  is  a  generous 
ambition.  If  Columbus  had  found  enemies  and  ri- 
vals resembling  Americus,  I  should  not  see,  as  now, 
the  magnificent  scene  of  his  triumph  so  suddenly 
changed  into  mourning  and  horror,  the  gloomy  night 
of  ignominy  and  mockery  succeed  the  brief  light  of 
ephemeral  happiness,  and  that  invincible  leader 
who  redoubled  the  power  and  dominions  of  ungrate- 
ful Castile,  groaning  under  the  weight  of  infamous 
chains,  while  he  asks  for  nothing  but  liberty  to  car- 
ry her  arms  to  the  most  distant  shores  of  the  West. 
Go  now,  and  turning  away  your  eyes  from  the  atro- 
cious metamorphosis,  exclaim,  it  is  chance, — it  is 
fate, — arbitrary  sounds  and  sterile  syllables,  with 
which  no  distinct  idea  can  ever  be  associated. 
Alas !  are  not  there  imperceptible  threads  by  which 
a  regulating  hand  guides  us  through  a  crooked  lab- 
yrinth from  causes  to  effects,  and  prepares  in  silence 


'  Ofte  when  the  capture  of  a 
noble  citj  or  a  victory  in  a  mem- 
orable batilc,  by  Philip,  was  an- 
nounced, Alexander  did  not  seem 
much   rejoiced,  but    said  to  his 


playfellows,  "  My  father  is  con- 
quering every  thing,  so  that  there 
will  remain  no  great  and  brilliant 
exploits  for  me  to  accomplish."— 
Plutarch,  Alexander. 


AMERICUS   VESPUCIUS. 


288 


the  events  of  the  universe?  Prostrated  by  iinpla- euloqium. 
cable  vengeance,  and  despoiled  of  the  exclusive  right 
to  discoveries  and  honours/  Columbus  pines  in 
inaction,  but  no  new  columns  of  Hercules,''  beyond 
which  the  pilot  dares  not  pass,  stand  erect  before 
the  shores  of  Mexico.  Americus  reunites  the  web 
of  fortunate  events.    Americus  succeeds  C()luud)us. 

At  that  period  might  some  one  have  said  to  him,  The  «uio 
'  Pause,  illustrious  Vespucius,  and  before  two  worlds,  iu<h  an  ad. 

•    1       1  11  tlre»»  to 

astonished  at  each  other,  are  united  by  your  means,  Americia. 
penetrate  with  me,  for  a  few  moments,  the  shadows 
of  the  future,  and  observe  the  memorable  results  of 
the  union.  What  merchandise,  what  treasures  to 
Europe!  What  rare  industry  in  the  arts,  what 
new  sublimity  in  the  sciences !  The  uncertainty 
of  the  heavens,  the  strange  laws  of  the  sea,  the  un- 
known form  of  the  terrestrial  globe,  the  peculiar 
formation  of  mountains  and  rivers,  the  hidden  vir- 
tues of  minerals,  of  vegetables,  of  animals,  all  are 
determined,  all  are  turned  to  usefulness  or  pleasure 
in  life.  There  is  not  a  single  corner  where  the  for- 
tunate influence  of  your  discoveries  is   not  felt.' 

'  This  exclusive  right,  which  is  them,  so  as  to  introduce  the  ocean 
asserted  -by  various  historians  into  the  iVtediterranean.  Thcre- 
{Rob.  V.  i.  p.  95),  does  not  ap-,  fore,  the  two  heights  which  over- 
pear  in  the  contract  between  Co-  tlook  the  Strait  of  Gibrahar  are 
lumbus  and  the  Spanish  nionarchs.     called   the   Pillars    of    Hercules. 


It  is,  however,  reported  so  in  the 
Hist.  Gen.  des  Voyag.,  t.  xlv. 
p.  17,  and  by  Robertson  himself. 
Ih.  p.  155. 

«  The  tweli'th  labour  of  Hercu- 
les was,  according  to  Mytholo- 
gists,  to  go  to  the  two  mountains, 
Abila  and   Calpe,  and  separate 


It  was  said  that  he  dared  not  pass 
them,  and  that  they  were  to  serve 
forever  as  limits  to  all  navigators. 
It  is  known,  however,  that  the 
Tyrians,  Hanno,  the  Carthageni- 
an,  and  afterwards  many  others, 
passed  these  hmits. 
'  Genty  agrees  with  me.  "  The 


984 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


■puTQurM.  What  did  I  sayl  the  Mediterranean  and  the  North 
Sea  are  too  contracted  in  space  for  the  new  tribute 
which  pours  into  tiieni.  Tiie  immense  plenitude 
inundates  Africa  and  Asia.  Political  society  is 
raised  to  the  highest  point  of  elevation,  inid  the 
country  discovered  by  you,  furnishes  an  equilibrium 
to  the  boasted  power  of  the  otiier  hemisphere.  But, 
alas !  if  this  splendid  picture  is  so  seductive  with 
its  bright  prospects  of  benefit,  and  so  dazzling  to 
your  vision,  in  what  colours  shall  I  paint  to  you  the 
funereal  spectacle  of  innumerable  wrongs  1  You 
will  find  there  unknown  regions  of  gold ;  the  rocks 
are  rich  with  it ;  the  sands  glitter  with  it ;  nature 
xhibits  her  richest  stores.  Inauspicious  stores  of 
lamentation  and  desolation !  A  vast  multitude  of 
hungry  adventurers  hasten  from  all  quarters.  At- 
tracted by  the  glitter  of  the  dangerous  metal,  they 
abandon  their  ancient  seats.  Europe  sends  masters 
there ;  Africa,  slaves.  They  are  disputed  at  every 
step,  they  are  combated  on  every  shore.  Some 
are  the  prey  of  the  waves,  others  of  fire  and  sword; 
many,  of  a  foreign  climate  ruinous  to  health  ;  many 
of  an  unknown  pestilence  which  devours  them, 
and  without  peopling  the  continent  which  they  seek, 
that  which  they  leave  reipains  desolate  and  desert- 


conquest  of  the  New  World  ex- 
tended the  domain  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  furnishing  them  with 
materids  and  instruments,  evA 
opening  to  genius  s  career  more 
vast  and  more  brilliant.  It  con- 
tributed,   above    all,    to    perfect 


natural  history,  botany,  geogra- 
phy, navigation,  and  astronomy. 
It  brought  us  the  Quinquina;  it 
ii.ilod  us  to  siiaro  in  all  the  produc- 
tions of  nature,  and  procured  us 
more  nujnerous  and  more  varied 
enjoyments"  (p.  289,  290). 


AMKKICU8   VnspUCIUS.  f|| 

ed.'  This  may  be  the  puiiislirnent  of  their  covet-  buixxhpm. 
ousness  and  debauchery.  This  may  be  the  punish- 
ment of  those  wlio  lioped  to  find  a  peculiar  sky, 
where  Nature  spoke  not  with  her  accustomed  lan- 
guage, and  where  the  brutality  of  their  desires 
might  be  gratifipd  to  its  fullest  extent.  In  what 
have  those  unfortunate  beings  sinned,  those  free- 
men whom  they  bind  with  fetters  in  their  tranquil 
huts  V     Can  you  conviftoe  yourself  that  you  have 


•  Such  18  exactly  the  view  of 
Genty.  "  It  (the  corKjuest  of  the 
New  World)  should  have  softened 
the  manners  of  the  Europeans, 
and  inclined  them  to  beneficence ; 
but  it  rendered  them  more  cruel 
and  pitiless. 

It  should  have  exahed  the  dig- 
nity of  mun,  and  taught  him  the 
nobility  of  his  origin ;  it  only 
swelled  the  hearts  of  some  des- 
pots, and  furnished  them  with 
new  means  to  oppress  and  de- 
grade the  human  species.  It 
ought  to  have  enriched  Europe, 
and  it  covered  it  with  mourning, 
and  rendered  it,  so  to  speak,  de- 
serted and  miserable  (p.  289). 
The  Spaniards  made  deserts  in 
America,  and  rendered  their  own 
country  more  than  a  desert. — 
Montesq.  Lett. — Person.  Lett.  121. 
Since  the  devastation  of  America, 
the  Spaniards,  who  have  taken 
the  place  of  the  oncient  inhabi- 
tants, have  not  been  able  to  re- 
people  it;  on  the  contrary,  the 
destroyers  are  destroying  them- 
selves, and  are  being  consumed 
every  day." — Id. 

»  There  are  ten  titles,  according 
to  Solorzano  {de  Indiarum  Jure, 


t.  i.),  which  givn  to  Spain  the 
right  over  Ame rico.  The  gift  of 
Qod,  contirmcd  by  prophecies  and 
prodigies;  impulse  and  Divine 
inspiration;  discovery  and  occu- 
pation; the  barbarous  customs  of 
the  Indians ;  their  infidelity ;  their 
sins;  the  preaching  and  propa- 
gation of  Christiunity ;  the  ob- 
ligation of  listening  to  the  faith; 
the  power  of  the  Roman  Emperor 
to  overcome  the  infidels ;  and  the 
donation  of  the  pope.  Let  every 
one  judge  of  the  solidity  of  such 
titles  at  his  pleasure.  To  me, 
they  seem  more  evtravagant  than 
all  the  rights  seriously  proclaimed 
by  Gonzalo  d'Oviedo.  "  Now,  us 
Spain  and  Italy  took  their  names 
from  Hesperio  XII.,  King  of 
Spain,  so,  also,  should  these 
islands  take  it,  which  we  call  Hes- 
perides.  Hence,  without  doubt, 
it  may  be  considered,  that  in  that 
time  these  islands  were  under  the 
dominion  of  Spain,  and  under  the 
same  king,  which  was  (as  Beroso 
says)  1658  years  before  our  Sa 
viour  was  born,  and  because,  at 
present,  we  are  in  the  year  of 
grace,  1535,  it  follows  that  it  is 
now  3093  yean  since  Spain  and 


t 


986 


LIFE  AND  VOYAORfl  OP 


BuuwuTM.  iinnp;iniiry  rights  in  Atalarita  and  tho  Ilesporiiles, 
and  Willi  tlio  Maine  tliouglit  fancy  that  a  man  with- 
out clolliing  and  without  a  yoke,  merits  not  tlic 
name  of  man'/'  Oli  (Jod!  the  basest  sycophancy 
lias  fal)ricated  tliose  monstrous  pretensions,  in  htv 
half  of  powerful  injustice.'  Reason  blushes  at 
them  ;  humanity  shudders  at  them.'  The  thirst 
for  gold  awakens  the  thirst  for  blood.  Like  those 
cruel  persons,  who  kill  the  innocent  bee  in  order  to 
become  masters  of  its  sweet  treasure,  we  signalize 
our  violation  with  miu'der,  and  bearing  fire  and  the 
sword  in  our  hands,  more  cruel  than  wolves,  more 
barbarous  than  tigers,  mangle  a  terrified  and  un- 
armed herd,  that  we  may  reign  over  a  huge  mass 


* 


its  Hesperus  exercised  dominion 
over  tlii'si'  Iiiiiics  or  islands  of 
Hesperidcs.  On  account  of  this 
ancient  juriH<li(tion,  and  judging 
by  the  manner  in  which  it  has 
been  given,  wliich  will  be  stated 
hereafter,  God  htis  returned  this 
dominion  t(»  Spain  again,  after  no 
many  centuries ;  and  it  aftpears 
that  Divine  justice  wished  to  re- 
turn it  to  her,  that  who  iniplit  pos- 
sess it  perpetually,  throujih  the 
good  fortune  of  her  two  ha[)|)y  and 
Catholic  nionarchs. — Kamusio,  t. 
iii.  p.  65. 

•  Americus  relates,  that  the 
men  seen  by  him  all  were  na- 
ked, and  flint  thf;y  have  neither 
king  nor  lord ;  that  they  obeyed 
no  one,  and  could  neither  be 
called  Moors  nor  Jews. 

«  Listen  to  Genty,  who  thus 
begins  his  second  (juestion : 
"Must  this  too  celebrated  revo- 
Intion  be  described,  which  will 


make  all  future  generations  blush 
with  shame  and  indignation? 
Must  these  revolting  scenes  be 
painted,  these  numerous  massa- 
cres, where  all  that  was  most 
atrocious  in  barbarity,  ull  that 
was  most  hideous  in  avarice  and 
cowardice,  was  put  in  operation 
against  timid  and  defenceless  na- 
tions? Must  the  long  chain  of 
crimes,  perHdy,  and  oppression  be 
retraced,  which  blotted  out  whole 
nations  from  the  face  of  the 
earth  ?"  p.  33. 

^  The  reply  of  Cortex  to  the 
ministers  of  Montezuma,  who 
boasted  of  the  treasures  and  the 
power  of  their  country,  is  reported 
by  Raynul,  t.  vi.  p.  ()4.  "  Be- 
hold exactly  what  we  are  seek- 
ing after — great  dangers  and  great 
riches."  Perhaps  the  Spanish 
general  had  learned  this  language 
from  the  pirates  of  Tunis  or  Al- 
giers. 


:i  ? 


I. 


»MiiaialHm^i-<''<*-' 


:,:     t 


I*' 


AMERICU8   VR8PUCIU8. 


987 


of  i\oi\{\  IkhIjos  uriu  ^ohl.  Tlio  IjiccrntiMl  remnants  r.iTi,oaiim. 
of  tlic  horrid  c'lriiii^r  howl  with  luouriil'iil  (liiinoiir, 
fly  aiiioii^  the  iiiountuiii  precipices,  conceal  them- 
8clvoN  in  inaccessihle  forests,  ami  their  country, 
covered  with  hlood  and  tears,  olTcrs  nothing  to  its 
unhap|)y  chihlren,  hut  a  sacrile^nous  altar  with 
thirty  millions  of  men  wickedly  iiiiinolated  to  the 
idol  of  avarice,' 

Whoever,  at  that  juncture,   had  pourlrayed  to  Ti.Hjoubi. 

•UT  -ii'iii  •  /.  ■■  mill  iliM'inion 

Vcspucuis  this  double  series  of  events,  woiihl,  per- of Americu* 
chance,  have  induced  him  to  chaui^e  his  determina- 
tion. His  heart,  so  prone  to  emotion,  his  spirit  so 
penetrating  and  so  just,  his  noble  disinterestedness, 
his  scrupulous  delicacy,  would  have  united  to  dis- 
suade him  from  a  voyaj^e,  the  manifest  ambiguity 
of  the  event  of  which  mi^dd  destroy  so  lar^e  a  por- 
tion of  its  glory.  But  very  dilVerent  thoughts  were 
revolving  in  his  mind.  Anxious  to  make  known 
to  the  world  the  superiority  of  the  science  and  nau- 
tical skill  which  had  been  his  for  a  long  time,  he 
listens  only  to  the  voice  of  honour,  which  calls  him, 
and  directing  his  course  to  the  West,  leaves  to  the 
enlightened  philosopher  the  task  of  determining  the 
character  of  his  labours.  Dilficult  judgment !  which 
seems  tacitly  to  constrain  to  the  intricate  ex- 
amination of  primitive  causes,  and  to  odious  coni- 

i    Thomas,    EUipic   dc    Dugay-  Americans,  liosidcs  fourteen  him- 

Trou'n.    "  Taking  the  calculation  dred  of  his  own  nation,  with  his 

of    the    furious    Carvajal,    1500  own  hand." — Raynal,  torn.  vii.  p. 

Spaniards  worn  surtk'ient  to  slatin;h-  .58,  with  whom  (Jotnara  docs  not 

ter  thirty  millions  of  men.     This  disujjrec,  except  in  the  words  "wish 

monster  boasted,  at  his  death,  of  his  own    hand." — Cap.   186,   p* 

having    killed    twenty    thousand  259.  # 


1  ; 


r  1 


^ 


i^ 


urn  AND   VUYAUE8  01' 

wuionm  pnrimni  liotwcpn  llie  privatt'  pr»)j«|>orlty  of  a  state, 
and  the  piihlic  iiitcrcNt  ol'  the  liuiiuiii  race.  Tell 
iiic,  iiidcni,  wlu'tlicr  navi|;alioii  is  an  almolulo  ad- 
vanta^«>,  or  fix,  al  irast,  tiio  relation  hrhvcrn  itN 
advantages  and  disadvanra^M's.  Tell  nio  it'  it  In 
|N»N.sil)le  to  liiid  any  universal  measure  of  jjjood,  or 
any  rules  hy  uliicli  (o  estimate  in  exact  proportion, 
and  by  a  conunon  crilerioii,  pliysit  al,  [lolitical,  and 
moral  henelits.  'IVll  me  wlietlier  all  men  belong 
to  tlio  sanu>  I'amily,  or  <leiiiie  to  uliicli  oi'  the  nniny 
families  of  men  a  preference  is  due,  and  I  uill  soon 
designate  to  you  the  |.»  )pi<r  estimate  of  the  mar- 
itime <lee(ls  of  AmericMs.  If,  in  the  absence  of 
proper  data,  I  declare  tliese  general  problems  insol- 
uble, do  not  be  astonished  that  a  (piestion  whicii  is 
connected  with  them  by  such  bonds,  and  is  of  such 
manifest  allinily,  should  remain  undecided.' 
Thfladvan-  It  Iwippei's  sometiiues,  however,  that  an  nggre- 
diiuivanta-  cate  of  lacts  and  peculiar  analogies  authorizes  a 
•Jjwovery  of  general  conclusion,  or  it  maybe  that  compassion, 
tender  and  beautiful  virtue,  inborn  with  man,  in- 
clines the  spirit  to  favour  the  oppressed,  and  the 
important  judgment  may  seem  to  you  already  pro- 
nounced. At  the  horrid  sight  of  the  carnage,  the 
pretended  advantages  sink  into  insignificance.  The 
warm  invectives  of  the  philosopher  are  united  with 

•  The  work  of  Genty  conHidors  vanfn|[;roiis  for  me  the  occonlniice 
tho  present  question  cxftctly,  and  of  my  o))ijii()ns  with  llmsc  of  Gen- 
has  an  exposition  of  it  mucli  liettrr  ty  may  lie,  it  will  he  en'^ily  seen, 
than  any  thing  that  ea.i  be  given  that  a  longer  discussion  of  the 
in  a  culogium.  It  ought  to  be  point  would  hove  been  quite  for* 
qjflien  of  here,  but  however  ad-  oign  to  rny  subject. 


■ii 


.mx-ihiity.  .-■;?.*» 


I    g. 


:^ 


t-^ 


« 


the  el(K|iiriit  U'lirN  of  tlit*  i)(noriiiit,  nml  (hat  fiital  wuwupn 
art  in  (l('pton><i,  which,  in  n\Mo  of  ti  viMihIr  pnihihi- 
tioii  of  I'ntviih'iicc,  fthnwiul  t\w  way  lo  (he  unlucky 
MhorcN  of  ilic  \(;w  Worhl.  I  woulil  nol  nitiNk  the 
truth,  in  ohUt  to  Nvcun^  t'tinu*  to  VcspuiiuN  Hin- 
ccrity  ol'  intcnlion,  and  tho  inipoNNibilily  of  fonv 
ti>llinK  the  (iitiirc,  juNlify  him  Miillicicntly  Hut  if 
ull  the  ii^rctil  I'h'incntMot  tlu>(|U(>:Hti(in  art' conHidcnul, 
how  Nhall  tht'  (ircision  he  ^ivcn  with  judgment  and 
equity  i  Han  the  culture  of  those  wihl  and  Nava^ 
riatiou.y  ever  heen  CNlinuited  7  IIun  the  price  of  re- 
ligion ever  heen  calculateii  /  Yet  theMe  lM>nelitt 
hold  a  rank  no  elevated,  and  oHfer  rewiirdN  no  cer- 
tain to  the  fcehle  nature  isi  man,  that  the  dubious 
light  of  every  other  go(Hl  iN  ohNcured  in  compari- 
son ;  they  are  conipet<  ut  even  to  Noften  anguish, 
calm  terror,  eidarge  tht;  mind,  and  Npread  oblivion 
over  the  harharity  of  concjuerors,  and  the  wicked- 
ness of  tyrants.  It 'is  a  crime,  I  do  not  deny  it,  it 
is  the  blackest  of  all  crimes,  to  change  the  institu- 
tions of  religion  into  sanguinary  instruments  of 
death,  and  reduce  a  desperate  people  to  execrate 
those  revelations  and  that  (»od,  to  whom  they 
ought  to  give  themselves  up  with  gratitude  and 
transport.  But  these  revelations  are  adopted,  and 
that  God  is  worshipped  now  in  America.'     Forget 


'  It  has  been  snid  that  this  in-  op«di     Thesn  ideas  arn  presented 

telligence  is  prcMliicing  its  ofTiTts.  by   Oenty :  "  Nature,"   he   sayi, 

But  it  will  be  bocii  in  the  coiirso  "  and  j)hil<)«)|ihy  will  unite  their 

of  thift  euli)giuni,  that  it  could  not  voices   to   a[i|)laud   theMc    happy 

t>e  throughout  America,  ond  iiei-  changes,  to  prepare  them,  and  un- 

thcr  80  scx>n  nur  so  cosily  devul-  derstand  their  ctlbcta.     Religion 

37 


990 


I.IPE  AND  VOVAQES  OP 


■uLoGiuM.  all  evils  in  the  presence  of  one  j:^ooil  so  incompara- 
ble;' and  since  these  were  the  pure  designs  ol*  the 
eager  Voyager,^  in  whom  neither  covelousness  nor 
fanaticism  ever  fostered  the  crni^ty  of  a  Cortez,' 
a  Pizarro,  or  an  Almagro,  let  him  disembark  tran- 
quilly upon  the  shores  of  tiuit  strange  land,  and 
greet  in  peace  their  unknown  mountains  and  un- 
trodden fields.* 


n    j 


will  continue  to  invite  the  savages 
to  a  participation  in  its  mysteries. 
It  will  conciurr  them  by  its  temlijr 
exhortatiims,  it  will  tiol'ten  their 
hearts  by  its  [jromiscs  niul  its  eon- 
8olin<;  dogmiis — it  will  make  men 
of  them."— P.  3'Jl. 

'  Thus  is  the  first  ([uestion  tle- 
cideil — The  ailviintages  and  dis- 
advantages of  tlie  diseovery  of 
Amerieai  as  proposed  in  the  pro- 
gramme of  the  Etrusean  Acade- 
my. It  was  raised,  not  with  re- 
gard to  Europe  only,  but  without 
any  limitation,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary, therefore,  to  reply  to  it  in  full. 

*  Not  only  was  Amcricus  eager 
to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of  the 
savages  religion  and  morality,  but 
he  was  also  so  happy  as  to  suc- 
ceed in  it.  "In  this  country  (in 
Paria,  that  is),  we  established  bap- 
tismal fonts,  and  a  great  number 
of  people  were  baptized.  They 
called  us  in  their  language,  Cnrabi, 
which  means  men  of  great  wis- 
dom. Wc  endeavoured  many 
times  to  draw  them  into  our  opin- 
ions, and  admonished  them  often, 
that  they  might  finally  be  willing 
to  abandon  such  an  infamous  cus- 
tom as  an  abomination,  ond  they 
promised  us  many  times  to  abstain 
from  such  cruelty." 


'  The  moderation  which  Amer- 
icus  observed  towards  the  savages 
was  (juite  remarkable.  "  We  t(X)k 
fnnn  them  (from  the  traitors  who 
had  assaulted  him)  many  things  of 
little  value,  and  we  would  not  bum 
their  houses,  as  it  was  n  matter  of 
conscicnco  with  us."  "Wo  re- 
solved not  to  touch  or  take  away 
any  of  their  things,  in  order  tho 
bett(;r  to  assure  them,  and  wo  lefo 
many  of  our  things  for  tJiem  in  the 
houses."  "  It  was  determined  that 
since  this  people  wished  to  bo  at 
enmity  with  us,  we  would  have  a 
conference  with  them,  and  do  eve- 
ry thing  to  make  them  friends." 
'•  We  discharged  two  gims  at  them 
(at  those  who  had  followed  him 
shooting  arrows),  more  to  frighten 
than  to  do  them  injury,"  Ameri- 
cus  was  not,  therefore,  inferior  to 
Cook,  in  an  age  which  was  not 
like  the  a^o  of  Cook  ;  and  though 
he  was  obliged  to  fight  many 
times,  it  was  to  defend  those  sava- 
ges who  were  his  friends,  or  in  his 
own  defence. 

*  '   '  Agit  grnt03,  perocrlnie  que  ogcnla 
TerriE 
Figit,  lU  ignolns  tnontcs  ngrosquo  salu- 
tat   •    • 

Thus  speaks  Ovid  of  Cadmus, 
who  brought  letters  into  Europe, 


■« 


113 


UIW. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  .  99| 

Tlic  (liiririfl:  Columbus  should  first  have  landed  Euuxjiuit 
here,  had  he  intended  to  deprive  others  of  the  hope  ('..miMirison 
of  surpassiii<!:  him.     I^^very  ellort  is  now  vam,  and  "feMimibiw 

I  '^  J  uiul  Amor- 

\vh(»ever  rei^ards  liie  discovery  of  the  continent  as 
a  poor  a|)[)en(la^e  to  (he  discovery  of  the  islands, 
militates  \vith  the  truth,  thouj:;h  he  cannot  wound 
the  invulnerable  glory  of  Americus ;  because  the 
acute  Archimides,  because  Wallis  and  Brouncker 
and  Fermat  approached  closely  the  new  analyses, 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  divine  geometrician  who 
courageously  opened  the  formidable  gates  of  infinity, 
and  trod  those  perilous  regions  with  a  sure  foot, 
has  not  ecdipsed  them.  Newton  found  assistance 
in  the  labours  of  many  great  men.  But  there  was 
nothing  in  common  between  the  two  navigators. 
Neither  the  line  of  the  voyage,  the  conduct,  nor 
the  termination  were  similar.     What  an  uncertain 

• 

and  tortuous  circuit  was  that  of  Columbus,  who 
from  the  Canaries  returned  to  the  soutli  so  far  that 
he  saw  in  the  tropics  the  neighbouring  heights  of 
Cape  Verd,  and  turning  thence  to  the  west  and  to 
the  north,  arrived  at  Guanahani !  He  roved  nearly 
three  years  from  island  to  island,  and  from  coast  to 


and  perhaps  religion  iilso,  as  Amer- 
icus iiitroduwl  icllfjion  and  the 
first  secd.s  of  iiioiul  culture  into 
America.  The;  custom  of  render- 
ing thanks  to  God  at  the  sight  of 
land  was  then  general  among  nav- 
igators. "  They  set  iheir  feet  on 
terrafirma,"  writesBoccacio,  "and 
saluted  the  neighbouring  moun- 
tains," &c.  Robertson  also  inti- 
mat38  it.    "  The  crew  of  the  Pin- 


ta  sang  the  Te  Deum,  and  those 
in  the  other  vessels  responded  to 
it".  .  .  ."  The  Spaniards  who  fol- 
lowed Columbus,  fell  on  their 
knees  and  kissed  the  earth  which 
tlicy  had  so  long  desired  to  sec." 
—Hist,  de VAm.  t.i.  p.  17G,  177. 
Hear  Ameticus himself:  "Having 
seen  the  land,  we  gave  thanks  tu 
God." 


* 


^ 


S92 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


mavooivu.  coast,  and  attracted  by  an  invisible  magnetism 
within  the  narrow  circumference  of  past  discove- 
ries, never  saw  the  boundless  country  which  was 
laid  temptingly  before  his  face,  and  seemed  to  open 
its  bosom,  and  invite  him  to  repose  upon  it.*  Amer- 
icus,  on  tlie  contrary,  avoids  the  seas  already  known, 
shuns  the  islands  already  discovered,**  does  not  pro- 
pose to  return  to  Europe  by  tiie  way  of  Japan  and 
China,  and  impelled  by  intelligence  and  genius, 
runs  in  thirty-seven  days  from  the  Fortunate  Islands 
to  the  Oronoko.  The  spacious  plains  of  Terra 
Firma,  the  curious  little  island  of  Venezuela,  the 
pleasant  forests  of  Paria,'  present  an  inexhausti- 


I  Jamaica,  Cuba,  Hispaniola, 
and  the  other  islands  adjacent  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  having  been 
discovered,  it  might  have  been 
80'  '  that  the  gates  of  the  New 
World  were  thrown  wide  open, 
and  that  nothing  further  remained 
to  be  done  by  the  voyagers  who 
followed  Columbus,  but  to  enter 
them.  But  I  would  ask,  why 
did  not  Columbus  enter  Mexico 
through  those  gates  which  he  him- 
self had  thrown  wide  open  ? 

"  It  wn?  only  in  his  second  voy- 
app  that  Americus  went  to  the 
islands  of  Antilla  and  Hispaniola, 
already  discovered  jy  Columbus. 

*  The  land  discovered  by  Ves- 
pncius  in  his  second  voyage  was, 
according  to  his  own  account,  con- 
tinuous or  contiguous  to  the  land 
discovered  in  his  first;  therefore, 
if  that  of  the  second  lies  a  little 
beyond  the  equator,  in  the  south- 
ern hemisphere,  it  is  reasonable 
to  conclude  that  of  the  first  tu  be 


near  the  line  in  the  northern  hem- 
isphere :  hence  his  "  Lariab"  is 
certainly  "  Paria,"  as  in  the  Geog- 
raphy and  Cosmography,  Munster 
.accurately  translates  it. — {Geog. 
Tab.  Nov.  Ins.  Cosmog.  p.  110».) 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  understand 
how  Lariab  or  Paria  is  located  by 
Americus  under  the  Tropic  of 
Cancer,  where  New  Galicia  and 
Panuco  are  situated.  From  ob- 
serving that  Martiniere  (V.  Paria) 
does  not  recognize  any  province  of 
this  name  further  East  in  America, 
and  that  De  I'Isle  took  it  entirely 
from  his  charts,  I  suspected  that 
in  the  first  period  of  the  discovery, 
this  might  have  been  the  general 
denomination  of  America  as  then 
known ;  neither  do  I  think  I  have 
been  deceived,  since  Geraldini, 
Bishop  of  St.  Domingo,  wrote  to 
Leo  X.,  cjncerning  that  island 
which  the  unlearned  call  the  con- 
tinent of  Asia,  and  others  denom- 
inate America  or  Paria. — {Ccuk- 


AMBRICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


293 


ble  harvest  for  his  meditations,  and  give  repose  to  ^jy>o}^ 
the  cosmographer  to  employ  the  philosopher.  Nei- 
ther is  he  satisfied  with  a  passing  and  fugitive 
glance,  but  having  measured  once  more  the  fourth 
part  of  the  terrestrial  perimeter,*  sees  again  the 
shores  with  which  he  is  enamoured,  again  explores 
vast  and  almost  boundless  tracts  of  territory,  visits 
the  northern  shores,''  where  men  of  gigantic  stature 
are  found,'  certain  of  bearing,  as  a  tribute  to  covetous 


cell.  Diss.  Sopra  Crist.  Colomb. 
p.  224.)  It  is  certain  that  one 
map,  as  late  as  1535,  printed  in 
Basle,  places  Paria  in  24  or  25  de- 
grees of  south  latitude  {Margar. 
Philos.  p.  1434)  ;  in  the  maps  of 
Apianus,  Grinneus  and  Munster, 
Paria  is  located  in  the  environs  of 
the  equator ;  and  in  that  of  Villa- 
novano,  published  in  1541.  Paria 
is  placed  at  45  degrees  of  north 
latitude.  Seventy  degrees  of  lat- 
itude being  thus  included  by  dif- 
ferent geographers,  it  is  fair  to 
conclude  that  all  America  was  Pa- 
ria ;  and  perhaps  for  this  reason 
Martyr  says,  "  in  the  immense 
tracts  of  Paritt"  (Dec.  ii.,  L.  ix.  p. 
39.),  and  called  the  "  Sea  of  Pa- 
ria" the  ocean  which  bathed  the 
New  World  (Majol.  Dies.  Canic. 
p.  509).  In  fact,  Vespucius  him- 
self testifies,  that  after  having 
moved  ten  degrees  from  the  equi- 
noctial line,  he  continued  to  sail 
towards  the  north,  and  passed  into 
a  gulf  which  is  called  the  Gulf  of 
Paria.  This  is  certain  proof  that 
Paria  extended  much  beyond  eight 
or  nine  degrees  north  latitude,  to 
which,  with  evident  error,  others 
have  been  disposed  to  limit  it,  not 


knowing  that  New  Castile  and 
New  Andalusia  were  two  provin- 
ces of  Paria,  and  that  the  six  hun- 
dred leagues  of  coost,  traversed  by 
Pinf  on,  omounted  to  more  than  36 
degrees  (Ram,  t.  iii.  p.  13.  B.  p. 
23.  B). 

'  Americus  was  more  than  52 
degrees  distant  from  Cadiz ;  hence 
he  had  passed  over  nearly  the 
fourth  part  of  the  terrestrial  cir- 
cuit. 

2  "We  resolved  to  turn  our 
course  to  the  northwest,"  says 
Americus.  "We  determined  to 
sail  to  the  northern  parts;  we 
changed  our  navigation  towards 
the  north."  In  fact,.  Venezuela, 
which  Americus  arrived  at,  is 
changed  to  Tramontana,  and  from 
the  particular  position  of  the  ocean 
in  that  place,  Columbus  took  the 
occasion  to  call  it  the  North  Sea, 
as  I  hlPs  said  in  another  place. 

3  Various  writers  think  these 
giants  were  Patagonians,  which 
would  carry  Americus  j  -wards  the 
land  of  Magellan,  at  the  south, 
while  in  fact  he  went  to  the  north. 
It  oppears  that  similar  gigantic 
persons  inhabited  Yucatan,  as 
Solorzano  observed,  on  the  aa- 


2U4 


I.IKK   AND   VOYAdKS  OK 


ik 


ii 


r 


IH 


KiiuMiitiM.  Spain,  iUrvv  (lioiisiiiul  iiiilcs  «>('  coiitiiuMit.  Ilia 
coiiipaiiioiis  utM'c  asloiMMlud,  aiitl  willi  nivciioiiH 
ryt's  vir\vr«l  (In*  rich  car  ring's  aiiul  jr>>cllc(l  iirck- 
laccNoi'dic  iiakcii  liuliaiis.'  ll(>  adiiiircd  liicir  pro- 
portions,  shidicd  (luir  laii|*;iiag(',  coiisidcrcd  llicir 
cus(«»ms,  and  si»l(ciu"tl  by  llio  toiiiplaiiils  and  griev- 
ances i»i'  (lu'sc  Iriciidly  liosts,  turned  liis  sword 
airainst  the  dea<lly  cannihals,  vvlio  lore  tlieni  in 
pieces  to  satiate  their  hunfj;er. 
('.»nm>-         IMeanuhih*,  ahandoned  cosnu><i[raphy  recalls  him, 

■niiiliu'iil  I.I-  •  I       4  •  1  I  • 

vNliuiatfuH  and  at  her  nnperious  nod,   Aniericiis  retraces  Ins 

of  Amorit'iiH.  .   I     I   •  I  •        «ipi  t  n 

t(»otsteps,  and  reasons  wdli  hiniselt.  W  lu>re  am  1  f 
in  what  part  of  the  glohe  I  at.  w  hat  tlistance  IVom 
Caipe  I  I'hvsical  wonders  are  reilonl)led  I'very 
nunnent.  The  pole  that  was  elevated  so  lucidly 
above  the  la)ri'/on,  is  now  smdc  in  the  ahyss  of  the 
ocean.  That  /.t>iie  which  inexperienced  phih)so- 
piiers  tleclared  fatal  to  respiration  ainl  to  life, 
contains  within  its  hcatitilul  boundaries  an  innu- 
merable nudlitude  of  inha!)itants.  Perhaps  I  am 
now  at  the  antipode  <»f  the  Tartar  or  tiie  C'hinese. 
Will  my  slory  be  credited  in  Europe,  if  the  new 
Eden  through  which  I  wamlei-^  should  be  lost,  like 

thurity  of  lli'mra.  -   />(■  liul.  Jiir.  iiKvnys  lvt'j)t  liis  oyc.4  Jixod  on  the 

1.    i.   c.    10,    II.    ;">l.     'I'htsf    anil  jjolilcii  puvi'miMit. —  Rui/nal,  t.  vi. 

nmiiy    similar    uitMiint^^)!"    t\\v  ji.  70.     AiiH'riciis  very  cautiously 

early  navigators  Ikivc   i)n>\t'(l  to  oi)scrves,    " 'I'lif   iiavinatioii    1ms 

be  exa^m'ialiiin-i.  —  Truiis.  been  very  i)rorualile,  which  is  now 

'  The    ypanianU,    ureeiiy   for  a   matter    of  hiijh   consiileration, 

riehes,  were  ne\er  sen^ilile  of  the  iinil  imrticularly  in  this  kin;L;iloin, 

beauties  ami  charms  of  the  lovely  where  inordiimteeovetousness  pre- 

climates  i>f  America.       lake  the  vails." 

Mammon  of  MiltiMi,  who.  forget-        *  The  idea  of  ImvinR  found  in 

ting   every   delight    iu    ilcavcn,  America   a    icrrestriul    iJurudise, 


AMKIUCIIN    Vi:.SPU(>IUH. 


ao6 


tho  oM,  ill  tin'  iimiu'iisily  of  H\r,U'v  I  Miiiiy  tiim-s  KifMKiiuii. 
tlu!  s(>((iii;>;  sun  Icll  iiiiii  poiMlcriii;^  upon  (licst^  ^rave 
('oiisiilci'iitious,  and  many  linios  NUi'iniscd  hint  deeply 
absorhed  in  lliein  vviieu  it  ros<;.  To  disnjver  in 
tlie  An(ai'(ti('.  lieavtMiH  a  niolioidess  star,  lo  f^uide 
llie  pilot  tlirouf;li  llie  regions  of  I lu^  S(Hitli,and  from 
the  various  intersectionH  of  tin;  niendinnH  with  the 
e(piatoi'/  to  determine  hoth  the  position  <»!'  the 
eountry,  and  the  extent  ol'  the  voyage — this  wiw 
the  double  knot,  to  uiwavel  whieh,  AmeriruH  de- 
vottrd  the  silent  lu^ht.  It  was  more  a  matter  pcr- 
tainiujj;  to  his  ^lory,  Ihan  a  thin;;  absolutely  essen- 
tial to  designate  in  the  lirmanient  the  opposite  poie; 
but  to  secure  the  honour  of  having  trodden  un- 
known eountries  lor  the  first  time,  it  was  indispen- 
Nable  to  be  able  to  show  the  way  to^liem  again. 
Meanwhile,  an  exact  di^termination  ol"  the  geograph- 
ical longitudes,  may  contend  in  point  «)('  diihculty 
with  the  discovery  of  a  continent.  What  did  not 
the  old  philosopiiers  do,  what  had  not  more  re- 
cent ones  attempted,  to  solve  the  contumacious 
problem  1      Despairing  ol'   solving   it   by  the   too 

wns   common  to  (^olumbuH   niid  '  Iiniiginin/j;  every  point  of  the 

Am(?r'u'UH;    but  while   CoIiinibuH  {"lobo    cut    l>y   u    meridian,    und 

spoke  of  it  with  f^mss  I'luiHliiiHrri,  tiikiii^    for    tlie    first    uny    point 

{Hist.   Gen.  dcs   young;  t-  xlv.  wimlevc^r,    iis  timt  of  Piiris,  tho 

p.    lili)),   Americiis    Iri'iiled    \\\v.  distuticB    of    tiiis    from    olherH, 

idcu  with  n  sobriety  und  II  dclicucy  counted    uj)(m    the    ('quator,    is 

which  do  honour  to  his  good  sense.  <!nlled  longitude.     Tiius  the  me- 

"Tho  trees  are  so  beautiful  and  ridiau  of  Florence  cuts  the  cqua- 

so  odorlf(!rous,  that  we  seem  to  be  tor  at  8  degrees,  ."iO  minutes,  59 

in   a   terrestrial   paradise."     "If  seconds  east;  that  of  London,  at 

there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on  2  degrees,  5  minutes,  9  seconds 

earth,  doubtless  it  cannot  be  far  west;  and  this  dillt-rencc  of  tho 

from  these  regions."  two   meridians,   in  crossing  the 


LIFE  AND  VOYAOES  OP 


WJLooiuM.  feeble  aid  of  latitude  and  the  rh()iid)i/  ♦'  "y  brought 
to  bear  upon  it  the  boldest  computations,  they  in- 
vested it  with  tiie  most  formidable  analyses,  and 
redu'  ed  it  almost  to  a  surrender  by  their  experi- 
ments with  a  hundred  orreries.'  What  then  7 
Their  fruitless  exertions  left  them  tinuily  to  learn 
from  Vespucius  tiie  art  of  subduing  tiie  rebel. 
His  inventive  genius  pursues  the  question  through 
tlie  two  tropics ;'  he  watches ;  he  meditates ;  he 
reasons.  It  may  be  said,  that  abstruse  formulas 
and  imj)orfect  instrunients  were  impediments  to  his 
career.  !  le  notes  the  moment  of  an  astronomical 
conjunction,  proceeds  at  once  to  the  determination 
of  the  longitude,  and  either  the  tables  to  which  he 
recurs,  or  the  instruments  he  employs,  lie.  But  he 
is  the  possessor  of  the  secret ;  his  method  is  cer- 
tain ;  no  one  knew  it  before  Americus,  no  one  has 
abandoned  it  since.*  Well  may  all  the  discourteous 
forgetfulnesa  of  men  vanish,  because  this  original 
method  which  the  ingenious  European  brought 
Ibrth  for  the  first  time  under  a  savage  sky,  and  em- 
ployed for  the  first  time  in  fixing  its  geographical 
character,  does  not  appear  in  the  first  place  in  the 
JlSoreTe  American  memorials  of  Astronomy — the  inestima- 
qiience''o'f  blc  anticipated  fruit  of  the  civilized  hemisphere. 
IriesT       Fortunate  Florence  rejoiced  at  the  proclamation 

Aiuericus. 


equator,  determines  the  longitude 
of  Florence  and  London. 

'  Encycl.,  art.  Longitude. 

a  Bailly,  Hist,  de  I'Astr.  Mod. 
p.  Ill,  &c. 

'  All  the  instruments  of  Ameri- 
cas, in  thia  very  difficult  research, 


were  a  quadrant  and  an  astrolabe  ■, 
all  his  books,  the  almanack  of 
Monteregio  and  the  tables  of  Al- 
phonso.  Genius  is  like  nature- 
it  is  contented  with  little. 
*  Diss.  Qius.,  No.  79. 


i\ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUfl. 


207 


of  tfiese  discoveries.  The  noble  emporium  of  lit-  wunomu, 
ernture  and  coiiunerce,  foresi-eiiig  their  remote  con- 
§equences,  with  joyful  illuminations,  hastened  to 
render  to  her  son  a  portion  of  the  honour  by  which 
he  has  made  her  so  illustrious  and  so  renowned.' 
With  joyful  illuminations !  Ah !  deplore  the 
wretched  reward,  if  the  follies  of  a  devastating 
luxury,  and  tnagnilieont  spectacles  giving  evidence 
of  corruption  and  slavery,  have  abolished  in  you 
the  august  traces  of  republican  simplicity."  If  you 
still  nourish  any  feeble  sparks  of  ancient  virtue, 
confess  that  Athens  and  Rome,  while  erecting 
statues  to  Miltiades,  or  crowning  the  brow  of  Pos- 
tuniius  with  a  wreath  of  myrtle,  exhibit  a  far  su- 
perior greatness,  than  while  decreeing  three  hun- 
dred statues  to  Valerian,  or  while  erecting  arches 
and  temples  to  Antony.'    Americus  received  at  the 


'  Bund.  Vit.  d'Am.  Veap.  p. 
xlv.  Tliough  such  festivities  are 
narratud  by  Handini  to  have  ta- 
ken place  befuro  the  voyages  of 
Vespucius,  in  the  service  of  Por- 
tugal, it.  would  seem  that  they 
followed  the  voyogc  of  1501  to 
Brazil.  The  reason  is,  because 
the  relation  to  Sodcrini  did  not 
arrive  in  Florenco  till  after  the 
year  1504,  and  that  alone,  as  a 
public  document,  might  have 
given  rise  to  the  festivities. 

'  The  most  enlightened  sov- 
ereigns, fathers  of  their  sub- 
jects, have  always  abhorred  use- 
less pomp.  For  example,  Adrian, 
Marcus  Aurelius,  and  Alexander 
Severus.  The  truly  philasophic 
character  of  Leojiold,  Grand  Duke 


of  Tuscany,  and  his  noble  refusal 
when  the  gratitude  of  the  people 
otiered  him  an  e(|ue8trian  statue, 
may  be  cited  us  another  example. 
9  Cujus  victoriin  non  alienum 
videtur  ([ualc  praemium  Miltiadi 
sit  tributum  doccre.  Ut  populi 
nwtri  honores  quondam  fucrunt 
rari  et  tenues,  ob  eam(]ue  causam 
gloriosi — sic  olim  apud  Atheniensea 
fuisse  rcperrimus.  Namque  huic 
Miltiadi — talis  honos  tributus  est 
in  Porticu  qua  Poecile  vacatur — 
ut  in  decern  Pr.xtorum  numero 
prima  ejus  imago  ponerctur — Idem 
ille  populus  postctt  quam  corruptus 
est,  trecentas  statuas  Demetrio 
Phalerio  decrevit. — Cor.  Nepo$. 
Miltiades. 


38 


2UH 


LIFE  ANDVOVAOES  OP 


nuuKiiiiM.  hands  of  liis  iiativi*  coimtry  iIm^  illiiMtrioiiN  rcwardi 
of  a  n's|H'(li'(l  citi/cn,  wliilc  Spain,  Ibr^otliil  of  tlie 
fori'i^n(*r  wlio  hoaslcd  no  titles  bnl  tliost;  of  courage 
and  ^renins,  irwardcd  liiin  oidy  with  tliu  usual  sti- 
pend of  a  failliful  sid)jc(t.'  (irt'at  nu-n  aro  a-rfainly 
groat  phenomena  in  nature ;  rare  aiuong  a  niulti- 
*  tude  of  ordinary  proihutions,  and  uiuuoved  by  the 
conhned  'powers  of  vuljj;ar  syst«Mns,  they  excite 
ideas  of  the  adinirahh',  and  present  to  tlie  curiouM 
phih>sopher  an  inuuensi'  perspective  of  new  combi- 
nations. It  is  a  stran^-e  misfortune  that  such  great 
simihuity  t»f  endowment  is  couph'd  witli  so  dilTer- 
ent  a  fate,  and  that  a  great  plienomenon  may  be 
great  witii  impunity,  wiiiU'  a  great  nuui  cannot. 

'  Evcrytliiiig  conviiiccM  nic,  ihiit  Hnildoiily  chan^'cd.  In  npito  of 
in  1500,  u  cubul  wus  in  Dporution  tliu  odtin'm  of  \hv  W\np,  tlio  inedi- 
to  ruin  Anuiicin  witli  ihv,  cnurt  tntcd  viiyiijjsi  vuiiinln'N,  Anu-ricus 
of  Spain,  iililimi^li,  I'oiiscidiiH  nf  icuvi-x  Srviilo  sfcntly,  and,  in  the 
)ii4  rectitude,  and  tlio  brntnolt'ncc  month  of  May  of  thu  following 
of  tho  killer.  III"  scrrnt'd  not  lo  yt'ar,  1501,  we  find  him  tipon  the 
have  ft-ari'd  it.  It  is  (■ciliiiii.  that  sliips  of  l'oitu;:al.  This  thange 
returning,'  from  his  stronrl  voya^i',  "f  circmnstanci's,  wliich  would  be 
ho  wuH  vi  ry  ill-ticntcd  at  thi<  in  vain  atlributt'd  to  tht;  caprice 
Antillas  by  the  cninpanions  of  or  itieoViMtancy  of  Ainericus,  can- 
Columbus.  "  1  think  throu;-]!  not  bo  explained,  without  sup- 
envy,"  ht3  says  himself.  Who  jMisinji;  some  interference  of  his 
can  bo  j)ersuuded  thai  this  envy  enemies.  Here  is  something  con- 
cndcd  in  the  .Vntillas,  and  ilid  not  fninatory  of  this  view.  "  The 
follow  him  to  Kuropu  ?  lie  had  Spaniords  havin<i;  shown  very  lit- 
scari-'cly  arrived  in  court,  when  tie  g.atitudo  to  him  (to  Vespu- 
the  kinji;,  move<l  by  the  ;;reatiiess  cius)  for  all  his  discoveries,  their 
of  his  (^erviees,  cn!;afj;es  him,  in  the  ini;ratituile  mortified  him  keenly. 
Hame  year,  l.'iOO,  for  a  third  voy-  Ennnuimel,  King  of  Portugal, 
age,  with  the  rank  of  eommaiider  jealous  of  tlio  su'  ."ess  of  the 
of  three  vessels.  "  They  are  lit-  Catholic  kinas,  inf,)rined  of  the 
ting  '/Ut-  three  shijis  for  me  here,  dissatisfaction  of  Vespucius,  en- 
and  I  think  they  will  be  ready  by  ticcd  him  into  his  kingdom." — 
the  middle  of  September."  But  Nnuv.  Vict.  Hist.  Art.  AmerU. 
behold  the  whole  face  of  things  Vcspiue. 


AMERIGUS   VEfll'UCIUS. 


Uuth  confront  prcjudiccH  and  prostrate  tlieni ;  botli  tuuMivu, 
contond  willi  i);norant  pride,  and  coni'oinid  it.  '  But 
that  iMK'ouitter,  and  that  contest,  which  render  a 
great  phenomenon  more  famous,  expose  the  ^'real 
man  to  tlie  fatal  action  of  inexorahU*  eiriunistances, 
and  although  sometimes  lie  is  triumphant,  he  is 
often  lell  without  a  single  mark  of  his  triumph. 
Implacable  envy  resists  him  ;  dark  calumny  lace- 
rates him  ;  he  who  was  yesterday  the  W(»nder  of 
his  a^e,  to-day  is  deserted  ;  an<l  at  the  sound  of  his 
ruin,  rewards  and  honours  desert  him.  This  is 
the  reason  why  history,  so  fertile  and  dilVuse  iir  the 
catalogue  of  celebrated  pei.;ona<^es,  seems  so  limited 
and  barren  in  her  description  of  their  rewards.' 
Every  age  boasts  some  transcendent  sjnrits,  but 
not  in  every  age  are  found  generous  and  feeling 
hearts. 

This  cruel  truth  has  often  led  to  the  very  bor- 
ders of  absurdity.  Superior  talents  seemed  an  un- 
fortunate gift  of  Heaven,  and  in  order  to  hide  them 
from  the  jealousy  of  tyrants,  they  have  often  lan- 
guished in  degradation  and  stupid  inaction.''    As  if 


'  The  largo  dictionary  of  Moreri 
is  in  four  largo  volumes,  and  might 
bo  augmciitod.  Wo  grant  three 
quartors  of  the  work  to  the  names 
and  matters  which  arc  foreign  to 
our  subj'ct;  the  names  of  truly 
great  men  would  occupy  but  one 
volume  folio.  Tho  work  of  Du- 
Tillet,  "  An  Essay  upon  the  hon- 
ours and  monuments  granted  to 
illustrious  scholars,"  is  a  little 
volume  in  12mo. 


'  Descartes  and  Newton,  by  con- 
cealing themselves,  u»  it  were,  are 
u  proof  of  it.  Tho  former  was  so 
disturbed  by  "iho  imprisonment  of 
Oulileo,  that  he  was  on  tho  point 
of  burning  all  his  writings — Tho- 
mas Elog.  de  Descnr. — the  latter 
sujjpressed  his  "  Method  of  Flux- 
ions," discouraged  by  the  silly  ob- 
jections with  which  his  discoveries 
were  assailed. — Muntucla,  t.  ii.  p. 
312. 


aoo 


UPE  AND  VOYAflES  OP 


I 


miiotuvu.  the  iikmmi  nIiou1(1  rciimnu'i^  licr  usual  M>ur.«(o  to  ap- 
pease the  barkings  ol'tlie  capricious  niastitr;  or  thu 
Nun  cease  to  dispcnsi;  liis  rays,  hecause  tiie  seuse- 
h'ss  Mlhiop,  I'nuu  the  sullry  atmosphere  t>f  a  liery 
zone,  tlirows  javelins  ami  reproaches  at  it.'  Aiuer- 
icus  did  not  lollow  such  counsels. «  The  star  which 
ia  never  darkened,  leaves  the  misty  hori/on  in- 
volved in  its  clouds,  and  sheds  its  light  elsewhere. 
See  him  upon  the  ships  of  Portugal,  making  the 
winds  and  the  ocean  show  hun  the  new  Ime  of  the 
Vatican.' 

[The  progranune  of  the  academy  required  the  in- 
troduction of  some  eul(»gistic  remarks  respecting  the 
King  of  France  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
which  the  writer  ingeniou.sly  brought  in,  at  this 
place.  Being  foreign  to  the  subject,  they  are 
omitted. —  Trans. "] 
Thevoyngci     But  was  Heavcu  '..earied  with  favouring  his  de- 

of  Anivrii'iii 

intheicr.  signs  ?     A  thick  mist  suddenly  darkens  the  scren- 

vice  of  I'or-      "  •' 

»'«^-     ity  of  the  day,  with  the  whispering  of  the  exaspe- 

t  Solcm    oricntom   occidetitem-        '  Alexander    VI.,   in  the   year 

que  dira  impnirationo  contuciitur  1493,  issuvaI  a  bull  in  which  (ta- 

(iEthiopea)     ut     exitralem     i|»sis  king    100     Icngues    beyond    the 

agrisquc. — Plin.  I.  5.  c.  8.     Per-  Azores,   an   ideal  meridinn,  as    u 

haps  Job  alludes  to  this  custom  lir.o  of  drmarcation)  he  conccdc^d 

when  he  sjieaks  of  tliose  who  curse  to  S|)aln  all  dimcoveries  to  bo  iiiude 


the  day.  On  llie  reverse  of  a  med- 
al prepared  in  honour  of  the  im- 
mortal poetess,  Corilla  Olimpica, 
the  8un  is  seen  pierced  with  ar- 
rows by  some  Ethiojjians,  with  the 


legend  taken   from  Job, 
curse  the  day." 


towards  the  West,  in  the  extent  of 
180  degrees,  and  to  Portugal  all 
those  which  should  be  made  to- 
word.s  the  East  in  the  remaining 
180  degrees.     The  limit  was  af- 


Who    terwards  changed. 


AMKAICUH    VKMIUM'IUS.  f|| 

rated  wiiul.<i  iiiin^lcs  the  wild  hurst  ol  tliundcr  and  kuumioti. 
tilt*  lurid  ^liiro  of  (lie  li^liliiiii^.  'l\w  Atlantic  rullH 
a  thousand  whirlpools  ht'ucath  the  trctuhlin^  fleet. 
HIm  ('uni|)anir>ns  los(>  all  hope,  and  without  knowing 
throuf^h  what  region  they  are  wandering,  (»r  where 
*the  mad  encounter  oC  the  waves  may  drive  them, 
feel  otdy  that  they  are  running  helplessly  to  nIu))- 
wreck  and  death.  Then  appeared  the  valour  of 
tho8e  Nkilful  conimanderN,'  to  whom,  in  order  U) 
undervalue  Americus,  the  merit  of  the  discovericH 
iM  attrihuted.  Abomiiuihle  ignorance  and  pride ! 
Contemptible  band  of  greedy  trallickiTs  !^  In  vaiti 
would  ye  have  invoked  with  your  <lyiiig  exclama- 
tions, the  impotent  richcH  with  which  ye  had 
equipped  your  fleet,  had  not  Americus  come  to 
your  succour.  To  abandon  the  command,  to  grasp 
the  iielm,  to  consult  the  faithful  instruments  of  his 
beloved  science,  and  restore  calmncMs  and  safety  to 
the  disheartened  mariners,  was  the  work  of  an  in- 


'  Seo  Tirab.  p.  189 ;  Dins.  Gi- 
Qstif.  No.  3t. 

«  Although  history  scnms  to  jus- 
tify the  idea  that  Americus  sailed 
at  the  expense  of  the  sovereigns  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  it  is  very 
probable  that  ofter  the  first  voy- 
age of  Columbus,  another  usage 
was  introduced  into  the  two  king- 
doms. "  The  forcon  of  Cortcz 
were  not  8up{)<)rted  by  th()  gov- 
ernment, which,  in  the  attempts 
which  were  made  to  discover  new 
countries,  and  in  forming  now  es- 
tablishments, gave  only  the  aid  of 
ita  name.  All  was  executed  at 
the  expenjso  of  individualsi  who,  if 


fortune  had  abandoned  them,  would 
certainly  have  been  ruined.  But 
their  enterprises  always  extcniled 
the  dominions  of  the  mother  coun- 
try. After  the  first  expeditions, 
she  never  formed  a  plan,  never 
opriied  her  trea.'^ury,  never  re- 
cruited any  troops. — Raynal,  t. 
vi.  p.  63.  Thus  navigated  Ojedu, 
Pin/on,  tec— Robert.  D.  i.  p.  294. 
Americus  himself  does  not  leave 
u&  in  doubt  about  this,  when  ho 
reliues  what  share  he  had  in  the 
sale  of  200  slaves,  which,  but  for 
that,  would  have  belonged  to  the 
crown. 


h\    ■ 


^na  i'lKB    AND   VOVAdUfl  Of 

wvnawM  Mtaiit.  'riiiH  wuM  liitltv  lit*  rctiiniH  not  U*  Ni^ritia, 
from  wliii'li  Ii(>  hail  ilc|i{irlc(l,  he  liiriiN  not  to  noiiid 
known  counlry,  wIkto  \u)  may  rrnt  M'ciircly,  but 
not  liarinu;  tlio  ahscncr  of  (lie  Mnn,*at  lli(>  limr 
tt'iidini;  to  tin*  Niimmcr  holsiicc,  ami  (Id'yini;  tlir 
most  tcrriltli'  il;iiiu;«'rs,  lu»  IoIIown  lor  two  ([loiisand* 
miles  lilt' i-lr«'l<' of  the  n(iiiiio\i>r< ;  and,  victitr  ovrr 
tho  Ktorms  ami  (he  winl«T,  disroviTs  iIm*  rirli  roun- 
try  of  Hra/il,  and  prrsrnts  it  in  liomagi;  at  thu  I'lKit 
ol"  tlu'  llirom?  of  Porhijjal.' 

importam it       It  was  III  Itra'/il  lliat  AmiTJcns  sliowcil  tlu*  i;rt>at 

ofUlollN. 

oojpry.if  talents  of  a  'riieuplirastiis  and  a  IMinv.  A  passion- 
ate  admirer  of  nature,  full  of  lively  desire  to  search 
into  its  divim*  beauties,  and  endowed  with  the 
finest  sensibility  to  feel  and  describt*  them,  see  him 
wandering;  with  ecstacy  tlirou;;h  the  woods  and 
over  the  mountains;  arrested  at  the  si^ht  «»f  a  tree, 
a  bird,  or  a  stone;  ^;atlieriii^  the  beautiful  fruits, 
the  pure  frniuH  iiiid  balsams;  contemplating  with 
transport  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  temperature 
of  the  climate,  the  ^reat  (]uantity  of  nutritious 
roots,  the  |)ow<*r  of  meiliciiial  juices,  the  health,  the 
vigour,  the  lon<i;  life  of  the  inhabitants,  and  cour- 
ageously defying  the  nattiralist  of  the  Old  Worhi, 
to  find  in  1*iUro|)e  or  Asia  so  much  to  interest  the 
student,  as  IJra/il  aloiu;  olTers  at  every  step  to  t^he 
observation  of  the  stranger.     Night  does  not  snatch 


\ 


•  Brazil  was  di^covrrod  liy  Vc»-  for  various  rrnsons.     It  wns  then 

puciiis  whili>  li"  wiH  twiviyiitinn  for  carrfully  vixiicd,  iind  iilinost  dis- 

Ferdinatid   (Diss.   Giux.  %},  71),  coveriid  anew,  liy  him,  while  in 

bat  Spain  made  nu  account  uf  it,  tho  service  of  Portu^jul. 


AMRRIOUII  VR«l»Ui!IUII. 


:u)3 


(Viini  liini  tlir  |MMii|ioiiH  M|M'(iu«lc  <>r  llio  rnrth,  tint  r.iM.iMiit;M 
varit'M  Imn  ilrliKlii  » illi  her  cliaiiKiiiu;  inrlcorM  iiimI  licr 
Uiii-Ii.itiy;iii';  liulitf^or  lilt*  liriiiuiiiciit.  lit*  will  Irll  you 
tlic  iiiii'^niliiili'  (tf  (JKMii,  lluir  plurcM,  tlinr  orilcr,  iiiul ' 
tli(>ir  iiiolioliN ;'  In*  \>ill  ciiiiiim  rair  lluiii;  li<>  will 
draw  ciirioiiM  li^iircH  nl'  llu'iii ;  llial  the  Soiilli  may 
m»t  «<iivy  itii*  North  its  ail\aiitatj;i>!H  ami  il^  lanu',  lit; 
will  unricli  with  Soiitlin-ii  coiistcllaliniiN'  ilu>  iii- 
UTr>liiij{  catahtmir  of  lht«  lixi-d  stars.  Ah!  wlu-ri! 
in  that  prccioiiM  \oIihih*  to  which  V^'f<|»iuii.i?<  «'<)n- 
Nif^iinl  MUt'h  vast  treasures  of  natural  sciriu't!  and 
UNtroiKirnical  rnnlitioii!  What  unworthy  |)lot,  or 
what  srcrt't  disaster,  caii.srtl  it  to  |H'ri>li  niiscrahly 
ill  the  hands  of  u  sovereign,  who,  lor  the  fortune 
and  u;l«>ry  of  l*ortui<;al,  should  havo  jealously  ^ruard- 
cd  iff  Lot  him  wim  douhls  this  ^rcat  loss,  who 
prctiMids  that  tluN  im|N)rtaMl  work  still  lies  huricd 
umoiiir  dusty  archives,  turn  to  Hra/il,  and  cxphiin, 
at  h'ast,  how  this  happy  land  is  NU(hh>iily  trans< 
foriiu'd  into  an  ul)ominahle  aiul  cursed  land,  int(»  an 


«  Tim  SoutliL'rn  (Jrimn   in  per-  gcthcr  ihii   tnont  lirilliant  r)f  the 

ha|M  tlio  iiioH  ri'li'brutcd  of  tho  circutri|)olur  cimstillutioim.      Tho 

flj{iirr'«t  or  nirKti'lliitiiitis  (iIi-^itvciI  lorctiiutt  Iiuh  C'lirly  (i'J  Jiijjrcr!*  of 

by  Vrt|)U(int.     Tlicy  un;  M|t()keii  upimniit  miiulicm  dfcliiiatiori,  nnil 

of  M  un  ailiiiiriilili;  onlor  of  iitarii,  c-oii4ci|iK-ritly  Ih  28  dff{rccii  dlMtant 

and   u    ii'iiiilili^   ciri'iittistniicr,    by  fniiii   llio    polo,     [^ct  tis  itiinginc 

Anrlit!iiCi>rK:ili  mid  (!iiir/.alod'Ovi-  llio  Hurpriso  of  Aincricuij  Vespu- 

edo. — /{<imui.  r.  i- p.  177,  I),  t.iii.  ciun,  wlion,  after   liuviiig   |)UMed 

p.  7.1,  K.     iMciiiiri  ulii»,  r<(l<'i;tinj{  llio   linn   (>  deforces,   ho  Huddonly 

U|M)ii  till!  i'liiiiiiiit  vrrH('»«  (»f  Daiile,  di.scDvi'ri-d  thoao  ftturs,  and  rccol- 

thuH  cxprcssfs  liiiiiHcIf :  "  Whut  a  liictcd  iij.nu'diulcly  tho  vcrict  of 

wondi'rfullhiii^!    Thunc  four  slurs  llio  port  (or  hIiuU   I  uny,  of  tho 

ar<!  I'lmnd  in  ihi!  jiliici!  indicutt-'il —  proplirt.')." — Tosmn.  Nouv.  Mem. 

three  of  iIk!  second  mid  oim  tif  the  de  Ihrliii,  tin.  17HI,  p.  515. 
third    mu;;iiitudc — lUcy   form  to-        *  Riccoli  Aim.Nov.  L.  6,  p.  410. 


304 


LIFfi'AND  VOYAGES  OK 


f 


ft 


I 
I 


KULooiuM.  opprobrious  prison  for  the  wicked,  an  infamous 
receptacle  for  the  dregs  of  a  kingdom.'  Ah!  if 
the  Portuguese,  no  less  greedy  than  the  Castilian, 
had  possessed  those  faithful  memorials  wherein 
Americus,  after  picturing  its  splendfd  climate, 
gives  magnificent  descriptions  of  pearls,'  diamonds, 
and  gold,  full  well  I  know  that  Brazil  would  not 
have  waited  two  centuries  to  become  the  delight 
and  the  treasury  of  Portugal.' •  •  f 

Thoughts  The  consideration  of  this  speaking  example  en- 
.M  civiiiza-  lightens  me.  How  can  we  hope  to  civilize  America,* 
Amorican  if^  despisiug  licr  wheu  she  is  poor,  and  running  to 
spoil  her  as  soon  as  she  proclaims  her  fiches,  we 
give  ample  intimation  that  we  would  willingly 
change  a  savage  into  gold,  but  are  little  disposed  to 
change  him  into  a  citizen  or  a  scholar.  There 
gleams,  I  know  it  well,  in  Northern  America,  a 
splendid  Aurora  of  pleasing  liopes,'  and  from  the 
union  of  friendship  and  peace  which  binds  flie 
shore-provinces  together,  I  have  a  right  to  augur  for 
the  West  more  fortunate  and  more  pleasing  days. 
Moral  culture  and  science  are  not  propagated  with 


'  Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

«  The  country  does  not  produce 
any  metal  except  gold,  of  which 
there  is  a  great  abundance.  They 
have  many  pearls  and  precious 
stones  (  Vesp. ).  "  What  negli- 
gence, what  unskilfulness  in  those 
commissaries  who,  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  assured  the  court  of  Lis- 
bon that  there  was  neither  gold 
nor  silver  to  be  found  there!" — 
Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

•  Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  115. 


*  In  the  programme  of  the  Etros* 
can  Academy,  it  is  also  desired 
that  in  the  Eulogy  of  Americus, 
some  notice  may  be  taken  of  the 
future  civihzntion  of  America,  and 
it  is  sketched  in  this  place. 

*  "  The  independence  of  the  An- 
glo-Americans is  the  most  propi- 
tious event  to  accoleniting  the 
revolution  which  is  to  reproduce 
happiness  upon  earth." — Oenly,  p 
317. 


AMERIGUS  VKSPUCIUS. 


806 


tlie  celerity  of  light.*    How  many  generations  will  BULooron. 
live  and  die,  how  many  ages  will  pass  away  ^)efo^e 
the  muses  find  a  kingdom  in  America,  witli  its 
academies  and  lyceums  equalling  the  number  of  the 
bulwarks  whicii  encircle  her  mines.    Pe  iiaps  the 
wandering  inhabitants  of  those  rich  forests  will  re- 
sist forever  tlie  social  yoke  of  which  they  feel  not 
the  necessity  f  perhaps  they  will  never  be  able  to 
extirpate  from  the  spirit  of  a  Patagonian  and  a  can- 
nibal those  ideas  that  arc  insuperably  opposed  to 
instruction,  and  close  every  avenue  to  images  of  the 
beautiful  and  the  true ;   perhaps,  being  contented 
with  merely  inspiring  their  limited  understandings 
with  a  religious  feeling,  and  then  leaving  them  in 
their  native  infancy,  will  have  a  less  evil  tendency 
than  bringing  them  to  that  indefinable  compound 
of  knowledge  and  vice,  which  constitutes,  in  fact, 
the  superiority  of  European  worship  over  that  of 
the  ignorant  native.    Who  can  say  whether  there 
will  ever  be  on  the  earth  generous  mortals  to  at- 
tempt the  laborious  enterprise,  and  who  will  have 
the   heart  and  the  head  to  succeed  in   it'?'    We 


>  It  must  not  be  expected  that 
every  thing  will  be  reduced  to  or- 
der in  a  few  years,  and  that  the 
present  generation  will  enjoy  the 
enchanting  spectacle  of  general  fe- 
licity.— (hnty,  p.  316.  While  I 
was  thinking  thus,  in  the  year 
1788,  the  greatest  men,  Borda, 
La  Grange,  La  Place,  Monge, 
and  Condorcet,  were  writing  siin- 
il:!i-  words  in  France. — Hist,  de 

Acad.  R.  des  Sci.  an.  1738, 
P  10- 


*  The  sentiment  is  from  Plato. 
"  For  when  they  asked  him  (the 
Cyrencans  asked  Plato)  to  write 
some  laws  for  them,  and  bring  the 
people  into  some  kind  of  order,  he 
said  it  was  a  ditBcult  thing  to 
introduce  laws  for  the  happy  Cy- 
rencans, for  that  nothing  must  be 
taken  away  from  men  without 
their  consent." — Plutarch,  Lucid' 
lus.  Raynal  makes  the  same  re- 
flection, t.  vii.  p.  65. 

>  He  (Tupia,  a  native  of  Tahiti) 

39 


rT 


\  mi^ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

•oLooiuM.  find  but  two  examples  through  the  long  course  of 
three  centuries,  Americus  and  Las  Casas,  who 
may  be  cited  as  the  possessors  of  such  qualities. 
But  Las  Casas,  with  superhuman  talent,  and  with 
the  celestial  fervour  which  animated  him,  wanted 
power  and  assistance ;  and  Americus,  now  bent 
with  the  weight  of  laurels  and  years,  could  only 
point  the  Europeans  to  the  blameless  path  which 
he  had  marked  out  for  their  guidance. 
The  name  Permit  uie  to  pass  over  in  silence  his  other  pas- 
hiMnvntd.'  sagc  across  the  line,  and  the  little  he  received  from 
repentant  Castile.  All  is  little,  all  is  common, 
after  what  I  have  told  you.  Let  it  suffice  '.L  '  the 
universe,  astonished  at  his  deeds,  regarded  I  ■  i 
the  confidant  of  the  stars,  as  the  father  of  c  ..-/g- 
raphy,  as  the  wonder  of  navigation,  and  having,  by 
the  unanimous  suffrages  of  all  nations,  abolished 
that  primitive  denomination,  the  New  World,  willed 
that  the  continent  should  derive  its  name  from 
Americus  alone,  and  with  sublime  gratitude  and 
justice,  secured  that  reward  to  him,  and  an  eternity 
of  fame.  But,  will  you  believe  it  1  Italy,  though  a 
participator  in  his  glory,  and  England,  though  en- 
lightened and  sagacious,  still  nourish  hearts  so  un- 
grateful and  minds  so  narrow,  that  they  have  not 


waa  in  fact  a  more  proper  person, 
perhaps,  than  any  European  what- 
ever, to  bring  them  to  a  civil  and 
cx:ial  state,  because  some  of  our 
people  knew  how  to  take  the  short- 
est and  most  efficacious  way  in  in- 
structing them,  not  seeing  exactly, 
in  the  progress  of  their  elementaiy 


ideas,  those  intermediate  links 
which  unite  the  weak  notions  of 
such  people  to  the  extended  sphere 
of  our  own  knowledge. — Cook,  b. 
V.  p.  2G3.  On  the  incapacity  of 
the  Europeans  for  converting  the 
Americans,  see  also  Robertson, 
Hist,  of  America. 


AMERICUS  VKSPUCIUS. 


3QT 


only  dishonoured  witli  satire  the  incomparable  kulomwh 
deeds  of  Vcspucius,  but,  expostulating  loudly 
against  tiie  unanimous  decree  of  tlie  nations,  have  • 
made  it  criminal  in  Americus  that  his  name  has 
been  thus  adopted,  and  have  depicted  him  in  the 
black  colours  of  an  ambitious  usurper.  O  shame ! 
O  blindness !  Should  not  Italy  remember  Mezio ; 
England,  Guerk ;  and  both,  the  renowned  Cononi 
The  artist  of  Holland  fabricated  that  admirable  tel- 
esc()j)e  whicli  is  called  Galilean ;'  the  consul  of 
Madijchurgli'^  invented  that  interesting  machine 
which  bears  the  name  of  Boyle ;  the  geometrician 
of  Samos  described  the  celebrated  curve  which  was 
afterwards  called  Archimedean ;  and  he  deserves  to 
give  his  name  to  a  country  who  first  had  the  in- 
trepidity to  penetrate  or  conquer  it,  rather  than  he 
who  is  satisfied  to  reconnoitre  it  at  a  distance.' 

No,  it  is  not  true  that  death  silences  envy.    After  De«tii  ami 

memury  of 

fifty  lustrums,  the  memory  and  the  ashes  of  Amer-  America, 
icus  are  insulted.    Oh !  if  his  native  country,  whose 
name  he  always  bore  engraved  on  his  aflectionate 
heart,  if  the  gentle  friends  among  whom  he  longed 
to  pass  his  last  days,  could  have  foreseen  his  un- 


>  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathera., 
torn.  ii.  p.  1G6. 

8  NcwtDn.  Opt.  L.  2,  part  3, 
prop.  8. 

8  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathem., 
t.  i.  p.  237,  wliore  he  concludes 
with  these  words,  which  are  lite- 
rally adapted  to  Americus  :  "  He 
who  penetrates  farthest  into  a 
country,  has  a  better  title  to  ^ive  it 


his  name,  than  he  who  only  recon- 
noitres it."  Americus  first  mode 
the  conquest  of  this  country,  not 
by  sacking  and  depopulating  it, 
but  by  discovering  it,  by  penetra- 
ting it,  by  observing  its  immenso 
riches,  and  by  giving  a  minute  ac- 
count of  it. — Letlera  al.  Sig.  P- 
Allegrini,  p.  11. 


306 


UFE  AND  VOYAOEB  OF 


;    i. 


f 


* 


wuvoaivu.  worthy  fate,  with  what  proofs,  with  what  authentic 
testimonies,  would  they  not  have  disarmed  the  ran- 
cour of  an  incredulous  posterity !  But,  placing  too 
much  confidence  in  the  rich  light  that  encircled  the 
citizen  and  the  friend,  they  wept  his  loss  with  bit- 
terness, though  they  neglected  to  establish  his  glo- 
ry. He  died.'  Seek  for  his  sepulchre  in  Terceira, 
in  the  bosom  of  the  ocean,  between  the  two  conti- 
nents which  are  indebted  to  him  for  power  and 
name.''  How  much  better  could  we  show  the 
stranger  his  monument  in  his  own  land!  in  the 
midst  of  us !  Look  at  the  urn  of  Galileo :  does  it 
not  seem  to  want  at  its  side  the  tomb  and  image  of 
Vespucius?  The  memory  of  the  two  divine  ge- 
niuses who  discovered  so  large  a  part  of  the  earth 
and  of  the  heavens,  would  arrest  the  steps  of  the 
traveller,  and  while  redoubling  his  encomiums  on 
the  famous  Florentine,  he  would  confess  with  trans- 
port, that  the  Athens  of  Italy  was  not  contented 
with  producing  great  men,  but-  knew  also  how  to 
value  the  honour  of  having  produced  them.' 


•  "  Americus  Vespucius  died  in 
Terceira,  one  of  the  Azore  Islands, 
and  it  is  the  conrnnon  opinion  that 
his  death  happened  in  1508.  Oth- 
ers think,  on  the  authority  of  the 
archives,  that  he  died  in  Seville 
in  1512,  but  the  archives  are  en- 
titled to  credit  only  when  they  can 
be  found  by  all."  Canovai  Was 
undoubtedly  in  error  as  to  the  place 
of  the  death  of  Americus. — Trans. 

*  Between  America  and  Spain 
lie  the  Azores,  nine  islands  which 
are  called  Flandrics,  firom  the  dis- 


coverer Flandro. — Chev.  Intr.  m 
Un.  Geogr.  p.  666.  The  Indians 
alone  can  be  ignorant  that  the  dis- 
covery of  America  has  produced 
the  power  of  Europe.  Thus  she 
has  known  how  to  profit  by  it ! — 
Genty,  p.  211,  &c. 

3  Averani  was  accustomed  tc 
say,  that  "  Galileo  and  Vespucius 
had  80  ordered  it,  that  we  could 
not  raise  our  eyes  to  heaven,  nor 
cast  them  down  to  the  earth,  with- 
out remembering  the  glory  of  the 
Florentine8."-ul{f aro(.  t.  iv.  p.  137* 


AMRRICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


309 
■uuMimt 


'     TRANSLATOR'S   REMARKS. 

The  foregoing  Eulogium  produced  a  great  sen- 
sation in  Italy.  It  was  one  of  the  first  fruits  of 
the  influence,  then  just  beginning  to  be  felt,  of  the 
vast  intellectual  activity  which  pervaded  France  at 
the  period  of  its  delivery.  The  strongest  French 
writers  of  the  Republican  Era,  whose  works  and 
speeches  upon  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  were 
then  electrifying  the  world,  found  nowhere  a  readier 
response  than  that  which  came  from  the  ardent 
hearts  of  the  Patriots  of  the  Italian  States.  The 
reader  cannot  have  failed  to  remark  the  warm  and 
enthusiastic  love  of  country  which  dictated  many 
of  the  sentences  of  the  Eulogist.  Immediately  fol- 
lowing its  delivery  and  publication  societies  and 
clubs  sprang  into  existence  in  every  part  of  the 
Peninsula,  whose  object  was  to  furnish  premiums 
for  similar  orations,  devoted  to  the  illustration  of 
the  lives  and  characters  of  the  many  scientific  and 
patriotic  men  who  had,  in  previous  ages,  shed  lus- 
tre on  the  annals  of  the  old  Republics,  foo  deeply 
fired  with  national  feeling  to  suit  the  idling  pow- 
ers, many  of  these  productions  never  saw  the  light ; 
but,  passing  from  hand  to  hand  in  manuscript,  they 
made  many  a  youthful  heart  glow  with  brighter 
hopes  for  his  country,  and  prepared  in  advance  a 
warm  welcome  for  the  French  armies  when  they 
came  victoriously  over  the  Alps. 


310 


LIFE  ANDVOYAQES  OF 


I 


■outciiuM.  Ill  onicr  fully  to  uppreciate  the  merit  of  the  Eu* 
logist,  iiis  work  should  be  read  in  the  language  in 
which  it  was  written.  Every  species  of  composi- 
tion loses  something  by  a  translation,  and  none  suf- 
fer more  than  works  of  this  nature.  There  is  a 
certain  wealth  and  fulness  of  expression  in  the 
Italian  tongue,  which,  tiiough  mellifluous  beyond 
expression  to  an  Italian  ear,  adds  much  to  the 
difficulty  of  a  translation.  This,  perhaps,  is  the 
reason  why  so  few  of  the  works  of  the  authors  of 
Italy,  compared  witli  those  of  other  countries,  have 
been  rendered  into  English.  There  are  mines  of 
wealth  yet  unattempted  in  her  literature,  and  open 
only  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  her  language. 

There  are  some  exaggerations  and  historical  in- 
accuracies in  the  Eulogium.  They  are,  liowever, 
of  trifling  importance,  and,  for  the  sake  of  a  faithful 
translation,  have  been  allowed  to  stand  unaltered. 
The  reader  has  either  perceived  and  corrected  them 
in  his  own  mind,  or  they  have  been  of  no  material 
disadvantage  to  him. 
MoUveHof  At  the  commencement  of  his  Justificatory  Dis- 
writing  the  sertatiou,  Canovai  gives  the  motives  which  led  him 

Eulo^ura.  " 

to  undertake  the  composition  of  the  Eulogium,  as 
well  as  the  dissertation  itself. 

"  Just  relieved,"  he  .says,  "  from  the  extraordinary 
occupations  in  connexion  with  astronomy,  which 
my  colleague  engaged  me  to  undertake,  in  the 
month  of  May,  in  the  year  1788, 1  turned  my  atten- 
tion to  Americus  Vespucius,  and  more  to  relieve 
my  mind  from  too  severe  application  than  from  any 


tAMERIOUS  VE8PUCIU8. 


311 


other  motive,  I  determined  to  write  a  eulogium  of  bulqqioh 
him.  I  confess  I  was  surprised  at  the  names  and 
number  of  tiie  enemies  of  this  immortal  man  ;  but 
the  History  of  Italian  Literature  by  Tiraboschi 
alarmed  me  more  than  any  other  book  which  I 
consulted.  I  there  found  collected  into  one  mass 
all  the  alleged  crini  of  the  Florentine  navigator. 
The  high  estimation  which  this  w  /iter  enjoyed  in 
Italy  made  me  almost  despair  of  Vespucius,  for 
Tiraboschi,  satisfied  with  merely  desiring  his  de- 
fence, had  refrained  from  undertaking  it. 

I  would  have  given  up  the  idea  of  praising  a 
man  so  little  worthy  of  praise,  if  the  programme 
of  the  learned.  Etruscan  Academy  had  not  revived 
my  cuurage.  Was  it  possible  that  so  famous  a 
body  of  literary  men  could  decree  a  eulogy  to  one 
who  merited  a  satire,  if  it  were  possible  to  sustain 
so  many  accusations  1  Having,  therefore,  in  the  ex- 
tremely limited  space  of  time  allowed  me,  combined 
in  the  best  manner  I  could,  a  defence  of  the  truth, 
of  which  I  felt  persuaded,  I  wrote  the  Eulogy,  ap- 
pended some  notes  to  it,  to  serve  as  a  foundation, 
and  at  the  time  appointed,  sent  it,  as  other  writers 
did,  to  its  destination.  From  that  moment  a,  lively 
desire  to  purify  completely  the  character  of  Ameri- 
cus  has  constantly  haunted  me.  IVJeaning  to  com- 
pose, at  one  time  or  another,  an  argumentative  dis- 
sertation on  this  subject,  to  present  to  the  Academy, 
I  gladly  consecrated  to  the  accumulation  of  materi- 
als all  the  few  leisure  hours  which  my  profession  al- 
lowed me  for  three  months.    I  never  imagined  that 


312 


LIPE  AND  V0YA0B8  OP  AMBRICU8  TKSPUCTOS. 


MiuwiuM.  an  occasioti,  or  rather  u  ncccsMity  for  putting  my 
deuign  into  execution,  would  ofler  so  soon.  The 
disHcrtution  sprung  up  under  my  pen  in  a  few  dayi, 
and  I  only  gave  it  to  the  Academy  and  the  public 
as  an  essay,  showing  what  might  be  said  in  favour 
of  the  accused  Vespucius,  since  the  weakness  of 
his  defenders  has  greatly  augmented  the  audacity 
of  his  enemies. 

m 

rtm  hiitory  The  convcuicnce  I  derived  from  findine  myself 
-  TSr-  furnbhea  by  Tirahoschi  alone  with  all  thaU.a/been 
invented  against  Americus,  made  me  prefer  the 
"  History  of  Italian  Literature"  to  all  other  works. 
I  have  quoted  it,  and  I  have  attacked  it  more  freely 
than  usual,  as  a  new  collection  of  observations,  of 
authorities,  of  information,  which  that  historian 
either  suppressed  or  did  not  value,  and  particularly 
as  the  frequent  complaint  of  various  writers,  have 
obliged  me  to  consider  its  criticism  and  its  apathy 
with  more  serious  attention." 


tk^l    I  1*»-\  '• 


f* 


B 


,".      r  »  'l      ' 


••).''v' 


A    NARRATIVE 


ADDRBMBD  TO 


LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRANCESCO  DE'  MEDICI; 

Giving  an  Account  of  thn  Voyage  and  Diicoverlei  of  Vaiico  da  Oama  • 

bayund  Uie  Cape  of  Good  Ilopn,  tho  Authonhip  of  wliioh,  haa 
been  attributed  to  Aroericua  Veipuciua. 

The  following  letter  is  given  by  Bandini,  in  one  voyaoi 
edition  of  his  "  Vita  e  Lettere,"  as  a  veritable  pro-  db  oama 
duction  of  Aincricus.  Canovai  rejects  it,  and  does 
not  publish  it  in  his  work.  In  his  preface,  he  writes 
respecting  it  as  follows :  "  To  him  who  asks  me 
why  I  do  not  publish  in  this  work  '  The  Relation  of 
the  Voyage  of  Garna,'  freely  attributed  to  Americus 
by  Bandini,  and  printed  with  the  direction  to  De' 
Medici,  among  his  other  letters,  I  would  reply  with- 
out hesitation,  that  I  cannot  believe  it  to  be  a  work 
of  Vespucius.  It  is  demonstrated  not  to  be  by  the 
assertion  of  Ramusio,  that '  the  Relation  was  writ- 
ten by  a  Florentine  gentleman,  who  happened  to 
be  in  Lisbon  at  the  return  of  said  fleet.'  Gama  re- 
turned to  Lisbon  while  Americus  was  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  as  far  as  w^e  know,  he  was  not  again 
in  Portugal  before  1501.  *  Re      or 

Leaving  as  a  matter  of  controversy  this  state- cmowi^ 
ment  of  Ramusio,  Bandini  adds  that  in  the  Riccar-  ^"^^ 

40 


314 


I.IFR   AND   VOYAOKJI  Or 


1 


vnvAi.K  Jiano  roconlN  "  (li(>  diction  and  the  characXtT  are 
oa  UAMA.  tlio.x'  of  V(-<^])uci(is."  This  is  a  most  rrnmooiiH  a»- 
Mt'rtioii  witli  rcjL^ard  to  the  (Uctioii,  Cor  it  is  ccrtuin 
that  the  sh^hti'st  cuniparisoii  of  tlic  hMtcr  t(»  Do' 
Medici  with  the  "  H»'hition  ol'  tlie  Voyage  of  (iama" 
(consecutive  piece^s  in  tlio^^e  recortis)  is  suiHcient 
t4)  (U)nvince  one  at  a  ghiiice  tliat  tlie  two  writings, 
thoii^rh  perhaps  in  tlie  same  character,  cannot  bo 
the  production  of  tlie  Name  author.  The  letter 
speaks  of  latitudes,  lon<;i( tides,  astromMiiical  meth- 
ods, American  languages,  t&c,  and  speaks  of  them 
in  a  certain  peculiar  style,  and  with  words  and 
phrases  no  purely  Spanish,  that  it  displays  dis- 
tinctly the  genius  o(  him  who  wrote  it,  and  par- 
ticularly the  mingh'd  idiom  which  he  used  in  wri- 
ting. Now  there  is  none  of  this  in  the  Narrative. 
We  find  there,  in  the  most  simple  Tuscan  language, 
a  de.scription  of  the  popular  customs  of  Calicut, 
the  merchandise,  the  prices  of  the  most  valuable 
commodities,  the  money  current  in  trade,  the  traffic 
which  might  he  carried  on  there  with  European 
productions,  the  time  necessary  to  transport  them 
from  Lisbon  ;  yet  with  all  his  various  accounts  of 
gems,  spices,  and  dye-wood,  the  latitude  of  the 
country  is  never  mentioned.  Is  it  possible  that 
Americus  would  have  treated  the  subject  so  stu- 
pidly 1 

But  the  most  decisive  reason  against  Bandini,  is 
an  inscription  in  the  same  character  as  that  of  the 
Narrative,  which  appears  on  the  manuscript,  "  Copy 
of  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Portugal."    The  Ric- 


AMRRICUM   VRNPUCIUII. 


316 


oardiuiio  Narrtitivt^  Ih  tlicii  a  copy  and  not  a  IdU^r   vovaur 

or 
from  AiiicricuM.     In  iact,  Ity  what  we  can  gather  duuama. 

from  lii.s  few  liirilN  at  the  close  of  his  first  UMtcr  to 
Dc'  Medici,  h(^  was  not  tlien  ho  K''*'<dly  i'n:iMioiin*d 
witii  tlio  voyn^r  of  (jaiiia  as  to  write  a  rcliitiiui  of 
it.  That  Admiral  did  nothing  hut  reach  a  particu- 
lar destination  by  a  nvw  route." 

Notwithsliindin^  these  arguments  of  (Jamnai,  it  iviirfu. 
IH  certanuv  witlun  tht^  rani;e  ol  possihilitv  that  the  <  ai.nvai 
Narrative  was  written  hy  Americus.  He  admits 
that  the  character  of  the  handwriting  was  similar 
to  that  of  the  Letter  to  De  M»'dici  in  the  Uiccardi- 
ario  records ;  and  the  fact  that  the  style  was  not 
corrupted  hy  Spanish  idioms,  would  weij^li  as 
strongly  a;j;ainst  at  least  one  of  his  letters,  which 
iM  well  authenticated,  as  aj?ai!ist  the  Narrative. 
That  Americus  was  not  in  Portugal  at  the  date  of 
the  arrival  of  De  Gama,  is  well  known,shut  neither 
that  fact,  nor  the  circumstance  that  he  made  no 
mention  of  the  latitudes  of  ports  which  were  visit- 
ed, is  of  much  importance  in  the  consideration  of 
the  authorship.  Tt  is  very  possible  that  Americus 
prepared  the  statement  from  the  words  of  one  of 
the  companions  of  De  Gama,  for  the  information 
of  his  patron,  either  before  or  after  his  return  from 
his  first  voyage  to  the  West,  in  the  service  of  Por- 
tugal, in  which  cawe  he  could  not,  of  course,  fix 
the  geographical  positions  of  the  places  visited, 
from  his  own  knowledge. 

The   Narrative,   in  its  general    features,   bears     . 
marks  of  similarity  to  the  other  writings  of  Amer- 


81« 


l.irR  AND  VOYAOM  Of 


voTAOM  iriiM.  It  JM  (I<>voUm1  to  IX  Nulijcct  which  would  very 
iwuAMA  nntiirully  have  I'liiploycd  hJM  pori,  and  in  uddn*NMi'd 
t(>  oiu*  who  had  Uui^  Uvvn  Win  4*orr('M|M>ii(h>nt  and 
patniii.  AllhoiiKh  iti  oiit>  of  hin  h'tttTN  Aiiirrii'UM 
iip|Msirs  ratluT  (hspoMcd  to  uiidcrvahic  ihr  rxprdi- 
tion  of  !)(>  (laina,  when  coiiNidi'rcd  in  the  h|;ht  ofu 
voya^j'  of  disrovi-ry,  yt»t  \w  NptnikH  of  tin-  ^ri-at 
profit  which  he  thinks  will  Ih>  dorivt'd  fnMii  another 
expedilioti  alnxit  to  Mail  to  the  Maine  parts.  Thin 
waM  projtahly  the  very  reason  which  led  to  the 
roiii|>oNition  of  tlu^  Narrative,  for  it  contaiiiN  much 
matter  of  mercantile  interest,  valuahle  to  a  person 
as  extensively  eiif^aged  in  commerce  as  De  Medici 
was  at  that  time. 

Canovai  may  have  been  correct  in  rejecting  this 
narrative  as  not  authentic,  for  no  positive  proof  can 
he  adduced  that  it  was  so.  The  imprcMsion  which 
the  document  it.self  produces  upon  the  mind  of  the 
reader  is,  however,  of  some  weight  in  the  solution 
of  the  question,  and  in  connection  with  its  intrinsic 
interest,  this  consideration  has  led  to  its  publication 
in  this  work.  The  following  translation  has  been 
made  from  a  German  version  of  Bandini,  published 
in  Hamburg  in  1748.  A  very  limited  number  of 
copies,  of  that  edition  of  tl)e  Italian  biographer, 
which  contained  the  Narrative,  were  printed,  and 
the  one  in  possession  of  the  translator  having  been 
unfortunately  stolen,  just  as  the  translation  was 
about  to  be  made,  it  was  found  impossible  to  pro- 
cure another  copy  in  America. 


AMKIUdll^t   VRMPl'OtUt. 


Sir 


VOTAOa 

or 

D«  OAHA 


TIIK  IIKLATIDN  OF  TllK  VOYAGE  OF  (iAMA. 

TiiK  vi>nn(>Im  vvliirli  our  KrmiuiiN  Kiiit;  of  PortUffftl 
neat  U|)4)r»  tliJH  voyaj^r  of  diHcovrry  wiTi*  llinu*  lu'w 
caruvelM,  imint'ly,  two  of  iiiiicly  toiiM  hiinh'ri  ruch, 
and  oru!  of  fifty  toriN,  :;4>Ni(l(>M  a  nW\y  of  oiii>  liuridrcd  * 

niid  t(  it  to  iM,  whicli  was  hulcii  witli  proviNioiiN. 
TlicMu  vcHsi  In  W(n>  iiiaiuicd  l»y  oii«>  liiiiidrid  and 
d^litccn  nk'ji,  an  [  Nailed  oit  tlu*  lUlli  of  July,  14i)7, 
undiT  tiic  (/a|  lain  Va  >  dc  (iauia,  froiu  l.iNbon. 
On  the  10th  of  July  I  »ji),  the  earavel  of  fifty  touN 
returned  to  ih'*  c'*.y  (»f  IJnIm).  'I'lie  ( 'aptaiii  Va**- 
co  de  (iaiim  rem  uiied  with  one  of  the  caraveU  of 
ninety  tons  at  tin;  Cape  Verd  Island'  i  i  order  that 
he  might  put  IiIn  nou,  Paul  de  (laina,  on  NJiore,  for 
he  waN  Nirk  unto  death.  They  had  previously 
burnt  the  oti  ';•  caravel,  because  they  had  too  few 
people  to  man  her  f)ropcrly,  and  alsn)  the  vessel 
which  acted  as  tender,  because  she  was  not  sea- 
worthy. On  the  return  voyage  fifty-fivc  of  the 
crow  died,  of  a  sickness  which  commenced  in  the 
t:t'>»'0(i  and  spread  back  into  the  throat,  and  also 
caused  those  who  were  atta(;ked  with  it,  great  pain 
in  the  legs  from  the  knees  to  tiie  feet. 

They  have  discovered  new  laruJs  about  one  bun-  wicover 
dred  and  eighty  miles  from  that  already  discovered,   yonduw 
which  bears  the  name  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Good  Hopik 
and  was  visited  in  the  time  of  King  John.    Coast- 
ing this  shore  for  about  six  hundred  miles,  they  met 


r^.h-M-r'^iAilzLiL,^  ':^^_. 


"':/■ 


318 


r.in;  and  voyagks  of 


VOYAGE  with  a  mvi.i  rivir,  and  at  (he  inoutli  of  the  same  a 
DB  oAMA.  largo  village  iiihahitod  entirely  by  negroes,  who  are 
subje(!t  to  the  iMoors  that  live  in  the  interior,  lud 
have  conquered  them  in  war.  In  this  river  there 
is  ail  abundance  of  gohl,  as  the  negroes  have  showed 
them ;  they  told  our  people,  that  if  they  would  rc- 
inaiu  there  a  month,  they  would  provide  them  an 
•  imuiense  quantity  of  gold.     The  eommantler,  how- 

ever, wouUl  not  tarry,  but  sailed  onward. 

When  wc  Jiad  progressed  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  he  found  a  hirge  town  surrounded 
by  a  wall,  w  hose  iidiabitants  were  grey  like  the 
Indians,  with  very  handsome  houses  built  of  stone 
and  chalk,  after  the  Moorish  fashion.  They  land- 
ed there.  The  Moorish  King  of  the  country  saw 
them  arrive  with  pleasure,  and  furnished  them 
with  a  pilot  to  conduct  them  across  the  Gulf.  The 
name  of  this  place  was  Mclinda,  and  it  lies  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Great  Gulf,  the  entire  shore  of 
which  is  inhabited  by  Moors.  The  pilot,  whom 
the  King  of  Melinda  gave  them,  spoke  the  Italian 
language. 
Departure  They  Sailed  from  Melinda  across  the  Gulf,  a 
d^'^''"'  voyage  of  about  seven  hundred  miles  in  extent, 
and  then  came  to  a  large  town,  inhabited  by 
Christians,  which  is  much  larger  than  Lisbon,  and 
is  called  Calicut.  The  entire  coast  of  this  gu'f  is 
reported  to  be  inhabited,  and  covered  with  Moorish 
tow^ns  and  castles  in  every  direction.  At  the  upper 
end  of  this  gulf  is  a  strait,  and  on  passing  through 


AMERICUS   VRSPUClIig. 


319 


this  strait  tiic  voyager  comes  to  another  hay  or  voyaob 
sea,  on  the  right  iiand,  wliich  is  the  Red  Sea.  ok  uama. 
From  (his  strait  to  the  temple  at  Mecca,  wliere 
Mahomet's  cofTiu  is  suspended,  it  is  not  more  than 
three  days'  journey.  Round  ahout  this  temple  of 
Mecca  is  a  large  town  inhahited  hy  Moors.  Accord- 
ing to  my  opinion  this  gull' is  the  same  whicii  Pliny 
speaks  of,  and  which,  he  says,  was  reached  by  Alex- 
ander in  his  campaigns,  and  which  the  Romans 
also  arrived  at  in  their  wars. 

Now  to  speak  more  at  length  of  the  town  of  De»criptior 
Calicut.  It  is  larger  than  Lisbon,  and  is  inhabited  ofCtUiouu 
by  a  race  of  Christian  Indians,  who  are  of  an  ash- 
grey  colour,  and  neither  black  nor  white.  They 
have  churches  with  bells,  but  neither  liaA^e  they 
any  priests,  nor  do  they  make  any  offerings.  They 
use  in  their  churches  a  basin  with  water,  as  we 
use  the  holy  water,  and  another  vessel  very  similar 
to  a  censer.  Every  three  years  tliey  baptize  in 
the  river  which  flows  by  the  town.  In  the  town 
their  houses  are  built  of  stone  and  chalk,  and  strait 
(Streets  are  laid  out,  as  regular  as  those  in  Italy. 
The  monarch  of  the  country  is  very  splendidly  ap- 
parelled, and  maintains  a  royal  retinue  of  servitors, 
squires,  and  chamberlains,  and  has,  moreover,  a 
very  beautiful  palace. 

When  thfc  commander  of  these  vessels  arrived 
there,  the  King  was  absent  from  the  city,  at  a  cas- 
tle five  or  six  miles  distant.  The  moment  he  heard 
the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  Christians,  he  imme- 
diately came  to  the  city  with  a  guard  of  five  thou- 


320 


LIFE  AND   VOYAGES  OF 


VOYAGE  sand  men. 
DB  oama.  lances  were  tipped  with  silver. 


Before  him  stood  a  body-guard,  whose 

The  Christians 
were  received  in  a  room  where  the  King  reclined 
on  a  low  couch.  The  floor  of  this  room  was  cov- 
ered with  white  cloth,  beautifully  embroidered  with 
gold  thread.  Over  the  couch  was  suspended  a 
most  sumptuous  canopy.  The  King  immediately 
inquired  of  the  commander  w!:at  he  desired.  The 
commander  answered  that  it  was  customary 
among  Christians,  whenever  an  ambassador  laid 
his  embassy  before  a  monarch,  that  he  should  do 
so  privately,  and  not  in  public.  The  King  at  once 
ordered  all  those  persons  who  were  present  to  re- 
tire, and  the  commander  then  said  to  him,  that  a 
long  time  had  elapsed  since  the  King  of  Portugal 
had  heard  of  his  grandeur  and  magnificence,  and 
as  he  was  a  Christian  King,  and  had  a  desire  to 
cultivate  his  friendship,  therefore  he  had  sent  him 
as  an  ambassador  to  visit  him,  as  was  customary 
among  the  monarchs  of  Christendom.  The  King 
received  this  message  most  graciously,  and  com- 
manded that  the  ambassador  should  be  taken  to 
the  house  of  a  very  rich  Moor,  and  sumptuously 
entertained  there. 
Th«  Moor-  In  this  city  live  many  extremely  wealthy  mer- 
chants of  chants,  and  the  whole  power  of  the  kingdom  is  in 

Calicut.  '^  " 

their  hands.  They  have  a  magnificent  mosque  in 
the  market-place.  The  actions  of  the  King  are  en- 
tirely under  the  control  of  a  few  of  tlie  principal  men 
among  thjese  Moors,  either  on  account  of  the  presents 
which  they  make  him,  or  in  consequence  of  their 


AHERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


381 


intrigues.  They  have  the  entire  government  in  voyaob 
their  hands,  for  the  Christians  are  stupid  people,  db  oama. 
and  but  little  given  to  intrigue. 

Every  kind  of  spice  is  found  in  this  city  of  Cali- 
cut ;  cinnamon,  pepper,  cloves,  ginger,  frankincense, 
besides  inestimable  quantities  of  gumlac  and  san- 
dal wood,  of  which  all  the  forests  are  full.  These 
spices,  however,  do  not  grow  in  this  neighbourhood, 
but  in  certain  islands  distant  about  one  hundred 
and  sixty  miles  from  the  city.  These  islands  are 
only  about  a  mile  distant  from  the  shore,  but  by 
land  it  is  twenty  days'  journey  there.  They  are 
inhabited  both  by  Moors  and  Christians,  but  the 
Moors  are  the  masters. 

In  the  town  of  Calicut  the  majority  of  the  coin  '"'«»^J?™» 
which  is  current  consists  of  serafi  of  fine  gold,  a  country, 
coin  of  the  Sultans,  weighing  two  or  three  grains 
less  than  our  ducat,  and  which  is  here  called  sera- 
fino.  They  have  also  a  few  Genoese  and  Vene- 
tian ducats,  as  well  as  a  small  silver  coin,  with  the 
Sultan's  stamp  on  it.  There  are  large  quantities 
of  silk  goods  in  Calicut,  and  velvet  of  all  colours, 
besides  a  cloth  made  very  much  like  velvet.  Dam- 
ask, taffeta,  and  fine  plush  abound.  I  think  that 
most  of  these  stuffs  are  brought  fVom  Cairo. 

The  Portuguese  remained  three  months  in  this 
city,  namely,  fri»m  the  19th  of  May  to  the  25th  of 
August,  during  which  time  they  saw  an  innumera- 
ble quantity  of  Moorish  ships.  They  say  that 
fifteen  hundred  Moorish  ships,  laden  with  spices, 
sail  from  this  port.    Their  largest  vessels  are  not 

41 


822 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VOYAGE  over  two  hundred  tons  burden.  They  are  of  vari- 
ra_uAMA.  ous  kinds,  some  large  and  some  small,  but  have  only 
one  mast,  ar<d  tliey  never  try  to  sail  tlicin  excepting 
before  the  wind.  On  this  account  it  often  happens 
that  tliey  have  to  wait  from  lour  to  six  months  for 
a  fair  wind,  and  are  not  unfrequently  shipwrecked. 
They  are  constructed  in  a  most  singular  manner, 
are  very  weak,  and  carry  no  arms  or  ordnance. 
The  ships  which  sail  to  the  Spice  Islands,  to  bring 
spices  to  Calicut,  are  flat-bottomed,  and  draw  but 
very  little  water.  Some  of  them  are  made  without 
the  least  particle  of  iron,  because  they  are  obliged 
to  pass  over  the  magnet,  which  lies  not  far  from 
these  islands.  All  these  vessels,  when  they  are  at 
the  city,  lie  inside  of  a  pier  at  the  Lagoon,  and  only 
furl  their  sails  when  the  sea  is  high,  because  they 
are  here  safe  from  winter  and  the  sea.  There  is 
no  good  haven  there,  and  tiie  sea  flows  and  ebbs 
every  six  hours,  as  it  does  with  us.  There  are 
often  in  port  at  the  same  time  from  five  to  six  hun- 
dred ships,  which  is  a  great  number. 
PricMofthe  Cinnanfon  costs  in  this  city  from  ten  to  twelve 
lides  of  pro- ducats,  for  wliat"  with  us  would  weifjli  about  five 
stones,  that  being  about  the  highest  price,  that  is, 
ten  to  twelve  serafi.  In  the  islands  where  it  is 
gathered,  it  is  not  worth  so  much,  of  course.  Pep- 
per and  cloves  are  worth  about  the  same ;  ginger 
about  one  half  less.  Gumlac  is  worth  almost  no- 
thing, for  there  is  so  much  of  it,  that  they  use  it  to 
ballast  their  ships,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of 
sandal  wood,  of  which  the  forest^  are  full.    They 


•'■r  ■ 


AMERICUS  VESPUGIUS. 

will  receive  nothing  in  payment  but  gold  and  silver,  votaob 
Corals  and  our  usual  wares  they  value  but  little,  de  oama. 
with  the  exception  of  linen.     This  would  be  a  good  ' 

article  to  send  there,  because  the  sailors  made  some 
very  good  bargains,  by  exchanging  their  shirts  for 
spices,  but  the  linen  must  be  very  fine,  and  white 
bleached.  They  are  at  present  obliged  to  get  it 
IVom  Cairo.  There  are  the  same  custom  duties 
there  as  with  us  ;  all  imports  pay  five  per  centum. 

The  voyagers  brought  back  very  few  precious  predout 
stones,  and  these  of  no  great  value,  because  they  """** 
had  no  gold  and  silver  to  buy  them  with,  and  they 
say  they  are  very  costly.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  pearls  would  be  a  good  article  to  buy  there, 
but  all  which  the  Portuguese  saw,  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Moorish  merchants,  who  wished  to 
sell  them  at  a  fourfold  price,  as  is  their  common 
custom.  They  have  only  brought  a  few  sapphires 
and  brilliants,  and  a  peculiar  kind  of  rubies,  and  a 
considerable  number  of  garnets.  They  say  that  the 
commander  has  brought  some  very  costly  stones. 
He  took  his  silver  with  him,  and  bartered  it  all  for 
precious  stones. 

Spices  are  brought  to  tliis  Christian  town  by 
ships,  which  afterwards  cross  the  great  gulf,  over 
which  the  Portuguese  came,  and  pass  into  the  strait 
before  mentioned.  Then  they  sail  through  the  Red 
Sea.  From  thence  the  journey  is  performed  by 
land  to  the  temple  at  Mecca,  which  is  thirty-six 
days'  journey.  Still  further  on,  they  journey  on  the 
way  to  Cairo,  crossing  Mount  Sinai  on  foot,  and 


4 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


vuTAOK  again  still  furtlicr  across  tlic  tlcsurt,  where,  as  they 
raa/MA.  say,  the  high  winds  raise  mountains  of  sand  into 
the  air,  and  hury  travellers  who  journey  there. 
Some  of  their  ships  sail  to  the  towns  on  the  gulf, 
and  othi  rs  to  the  river  before  mentioned,  where  the 
negroes  live,  who  have  been  subjected  by  the  Moors 
of  the  interior.  The  Portuguese  found  in  store,  in 
this  Christian  town,  butts  of  malmsey  wine  from 
Candia,  which,  as  well  as  their  wares,  must,  in  my 
opinion,  have  been  brought  iroijx  Cairo. 


Arrividof  It  is  about  eighty  yvixrn  since  there  arrived  at 
Calicut,  this  town  of  Calicut  some  vessels  navigated  by 
white  Christians,  with  h>ng  hair  like  the  Germans. 
They  wore  long  mustachios  on  the  upper  lip,  but 
with  that  exception,  were  sh.aved  after  the  common 
fashion,  like  the  courtiers  at  Constantinople.  The 
men  were  provided  with  cuirasses,  and  wore  caps 

'  •  and  ruffs.    They  carried  weapons  similar  to  spears. 

»  On  board  of  their  ships  they  used  short  arms  like 

our  own.  Ever  since  their  first  arrival,  a  fleet  of 
twenty  to  twenty-five  ships  has  come  every  two 
years  to  Calicut.  The  Portuguese  do  not  know 
what  nation  these  people  belong  to,  nor  what  other 
merchandise  they  bring,  besides  fine  linen,  iron,  and, 
brass.  They  load  their  ships  with  spices,  and  all 
the  vessels  have  four  masts,  like  the  Spanish  ships. 
If  they  had  been  Germans,  we  should  have  had 
some  account  of  it.  It  is  possible  that  they  may  be 
Russians.  If  they  have  a  port  upon  the  sea,  we 
shall  find  it  out  from  the  pilot  whom  the  Moorish 
king  gave  to  the  Portuguese,  and  who  speaks  Ital- 


AMRIUCfJH   VRBPUGIUi. 


328 


ian.     Ho  is  at  present  in  tlu;  coiiiiiiunder'H  caravel  ^"q^" 
— for  lliey  liavc  taken  him  a^uiiiHt  his  will.  "'  **^''\ 

III  this  town  of  Culicut  there  is  an  abundance 
of  wheat,  which  the  Moors  bring  there  in  their  ships. 
Three  small  measures  of  bread  is  suflicient  to  sat- 
isfy one  of  the  inhabitants  for  a  day,  but  they  make 
no  Iciivened  bread,  and  only  bake  a  kind  of  cake 
under  the  hot  ashes,  and  have  it  fresh  every  day. 
As  a  substitute  they  make  much  use  of  rice,  of 
which  there  is  a  great  abundance.  They  have 
cows  and  cattle,  but  they  are  all  small.  They  use 
milk  and  butter.  There  is  an  abundance  of  oranges, 
but  they  are  all  sweet;  lemons,  also,  large  and  small 
citrons,  very  fine  melons,  dates,  and  many  other  de- 
licious fruits. 

The  king  of  this  town  makes  use  of  neither  flesh  tjm>  mon. 
nor  fish  for  food,  and  touches  nothing  which  has  "'"ofufe. 
been  killed.  The  same  custom  is  followed  by  all 
his  court,  and  generally  by  the  wealthiest  and  most 
important  persons  of  the  kingdom.  Their  reason 
for  this  is,  that  Jesus  Christ  has  ordered  in  his 
laws,  that  he  who  kills  shall  be  killed,  and  therefore 
they  eat  of  nothing  that  dies.  The  common  people 
eat  both  flesh  and  fish,  but  very  sparingly.  They 
never  kill  an  ox,  but  entertain  a  high  respect  for  the 
animal,  because  they  say  it  is  an  animal  which 
brings  a  blessing  with  it,  and  whenever  they  meet 
one  on  the  street  they  caress  it  and  pat  it  with  their 
hands.  The  king  lives  upon  rice,  milk,  butter, 
wheaten  bread,  and  many  other  vegetable  articles, 
and  the  courtiers  and  other  persons  of  quality  fol- 


■. 


iW 


I.IFK   AND  VOYAOKH  OV 


m 

■  ^  *•  ■■ .  ^ 

voYAnM  low  his  example,     lie;  driiiliM  puliii  wine  out  of  a 
III  OAMA.  silvt^r  tunkiiril,  but  never  puts  the  rini  to  his  lips, 
for  he  opens  his  mouth  und  pours  it  down  IVoni  the 
spout  of  tiie  taiiliard  in  a  stream. 

The  species  of  fish  whieh  tiiey  saw  were  similar 
to  our  own.  Thi>(Jliristians  use  very  little,  Imt  the 
Moors  eonsi^lerahle  (quantities.  They  ridi^  U|)on 
eiepiiants,  of  which  great  numhers  exist  in  the 
country,  and  are  very  tame.  When  the  king  goes 
to  war  any  wiiere,  the  largest  part  i>f  liis  force  fol- 
lows him  on  fot>t,  but  u  part  ride  upon  elephants. 
When  he  moves  from  one  place  to  anotiier,  he  is 
carried  upon  men's  shoulders,  and  this  duty  is  per- 
formed by  his  principal  servants.  All  the  peojde 
arc  clothed  from  tlie  middle  of  the  body  to  the  feet, 
mostly  with  cloth  made  of  cotton,  which  is  found 
there  in  great  abundance,  but  the  upper  part  of 
the  body  is  left  naked,  as  well  by  the  nobility  as 
by  the  conunon  people.  The  lirst,' however,  dress 
themselves  in  silk  stuffs,  and  garments  of  various 
colours,  each  according  to  his  particular  rank.  The 
same  may  be  sai(>of  the  females,  except  that  the 
women  of  quality  wear  over  their  heads  white 
and  delicate  veils.  Many  of  the  lower  classes  go 
entirely  uncovered.  The  Moors  dress  in  their  own 
fashion,  with  undercoats  and  long  robes. 
Calculation      Tiic  distancc  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  to  thi» 

ufdintance      ....  •    i        i  i        i  -i  i 

from  Lis-  city  IS  tnirty-eight  hundred  common  miles,  so  that 
allowing  four  and  a  half  Italian  miles  to  one  com- 
mon, it  makes  seventeen  thousand  one  hundred  Ital- 
ian miles.     It  is  easy  to  calculate  from  this  how 


AMKIUCIIH   VKHPUCIUfl.  f|f 

long  a  voya^^e  tlicn;  will  lUM^oMNurily  be.    4t  cannot   vuyaoii 
be  li'NN  lliaii  iirtecM  or  Hixlccii  iiioritliH.  i,k  u^ma. 

Their  imvijratorH  all  Nail  with  the  north  wind, 
and  make  use  <»!' certain  wooden  (|uadrants.  They 
always  i;o  to  the  right  when  they  sail  arrosN  the 
gulf.  Tiiu  pilot  heCon;  n  «  ntioned  NayN,  that  there 
are  more  than  a  tiiousand  islandN  i(§  this  gulf,  and 
that  th(!  navigation  between  them  lead.s  to  almost 
certain  shipwreck,  as  they  are  very  low.  They 
must  he  th(!  same  islands  which  the  King  of  Cas- 
tile has  just  begun  to  discover.  In  this  city  they 
have  nomt;  information  conccr^iing  Presler  John,  but 
not  much.  In  the  interior  there  nnist  be  some  in- 
telligence to  be  gained  respecting  him.  They  know 
that  Jesus  Christ  was  born  of  a  virgin  without  sin, 
that  he  was  crucified  and  killed  by  the  Jews,  and 
allerwards  huried  at  Jerusalem.  They  have  heard 
also  of  the  Pope,  and  know  that  he  lives  at  Rome, 
but  have  no  further  knowledge  of  our  faith.  They 
have  letters  and  a  written  language. 

They  have  an  abundance  of  elephants,  which 
are  extremely  useful  to  them,  and  cotton,  sugar, 
and  sweetmeats.  In  my  opinion,  all  the  riches  of 
the  world  are  now  discovered,  jind  nothing  nyore 
remains  to  be  found  out.  It  is  thought  that  wine 
would  be  a  good  article  to  barter  for  Indian  wares, 
for  these  Christians  drink  it  very  willingly.  They 
have  also  enquired  about  oil. 

la  this  town  justice  is  very  well  administered. 
Whoever  steals,  murders,  or  commits  any  other 


■»:  ♦ 


ur%  AND  voYAaM  or 


I 


voTtoK   crimo,  iP  iiiipaled  alXrr  the  TiirkiNli  fuMliion,  and 
MUAMA.  wliiH'vor  umlcrtakcH  tu  cliuut  ihe  Iuwm,  Iuhcm  all  hii 

Fitkiu. ii.xw  Tlicro  is  foiiiKl  aim)  in  tlio  town  (»('  ('tiliciit,  rivet, 
•Miuiry  nutino^M,  iuiilu'r^ns,  Nlomx,  ami  bcn/iuii.  llio  i»- 
laiuU  wlioro  tlu*Mi*  ^mw  arc  rallrd  /I'lolri,  and  lure 
om*  lunulriMl  aiBi  sixty  niilcM  distant  t'nini  tiio  town 
of  Calient.  In  one  ol'  tliosr  islands  no  otiirr  irvcH 
fi^row  hnt  I'innanion  tnrs,  and  a  low  |H>|»|tor  troeH, 
but  not  of  tlio  l)(>st  kind.  Tlu>  |H>p|)«>r  ronir*i  mainly 
from  another  island.  When  the  trrrs  which  pro- 
ducc  pcpptT  and  cinnamon  aro  planted  in  the  ncigh- 
bourluNid  of  C/alicut,  the  fruit  is  not  so  ^(mhI. 
Cloves  are  brought  thert>  fn>m  distant  countries. 
Rhubarb  is  plenty,  and  all  other  conunon  spices. 
Ginger  gr(»ws  best  on  Terra  Firma.  The  countries 
of  the  («ulf  are  entirely  inhabited  by  Moors,  but  I 
have  lately  learned  more  particidars  of  the  truth, 
ami  fuid  that  it  is  only  on  the  seashore  of  one  side 
that  they  dwell,  the  whole  of  the  other  side  being 
inhabited  by  Christian  Indians  who  are  white  us 
we  are.  The  country  is  extremely  fruitfu'  in  wheat 
and  other  descriptions  of  grain.  Fresh  fruit  and 
all  kinds  of  provisions  are  shipped  to  Calicut,  for 
the  region  where  this  town  lies  is  sandy  and  unfit 
for  grain. 

Two  winds  prevail  in  this  region ;  the  west  wind 
in  winter,  and  the  east  wind  in  summer.  They 
have  very  skilful  painters  there,  who  paint  figures 
and  pictures  of  every  kind.    This  town  of  Calicut 


AMKRIOUII    VRflPUnilJS. 


3» 


hai  no  wnllM,  atid  tlu^  nuiiio  iiiiiy  In*  Ntiid  tif  all  the  vovam 
other  towiiH.     Still  there  are  iiiuiiy  vrry  heuutifiil  i>huama. 
M(N)risli  lioiiNeN  and  regular  MlreelM.     In  tlu;  island      "~~^ 
mentioned  before,  where  the  JN^t  oinnninon  gn^wM, 
civet  und  niuny  Mupphiren  arc  found. 

U 


% 


•  * 


.!L 


LETTERS  OF  PAOLO  T()S(^\NEI,I,I  TO  COLUMBUS. 


trrrr.riH 

or 
Timtv 

NRI.I.I. 


TiiK  K'IUtm  <»r  tUv  I'Mori-ntiiu'  pliyHician  to  Co- 
lumbus pnuluci-il  Nucli  u  slroti^  cflrcl  upon  liis 
iiihkI,  and  rciMlcrcd  him  socoMrKlciit  in  lii.s  hclicfin 
tlu'  |)ra('ti('al>ilily  of  a  passage  (<>  llie  Indies  by  tho 
west,  llial  (hc)  nu>ri(  a  (iJaco  amon^  th(>  illuNtiu- 
tinns  (»f  the  thscovery  of  (ho  New  WorUI.  They 
an*  preserved  in  the  History  of  the  Admiral,  by  his 
8on  Kernaudo,  and  (he  transhitioii  of  them,  found 
ill  l*inkertou's  Ctjilection  of  Voyages,  has  been  fol- 
lowed,  with  S(»me  trillin;;  aHerations.  No  writinj^H 
contributed  int)re  to  oceasiou  the  diseovery  than 
these  two  short  letters.  Some  Italian  writers  even 
go  to  the  exU'iit  of  asserting;  that  the  idea  of  a  west- 
ern passage  to  India  orif;ina(ed  with  Tosianelli, 
before  it  struck  the  mind  of  Columbus,  and  by  him 
was  comnuuucated  to  the  admiral.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  this  was  the  cast\  At  the  time  of 
the  date  of  his  letters.  Tos(;anelli  was  already  an 
aged  man,  while  Columbus  was  in  the  prime  of 
life,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  opinions  he  expresses 
were  arrived  at  after  many  years  of  examination 
and  study. 


LIVH  AND  VUVAQM  0¥  AMUUCUK   VMrUOIUft 


Tin:  FIRST  IJ'/rTKIt 


71)  Chrintophir  OtlumhuH,  Pant,  the  I^hijxidtmt 

wialu'H  iunlth. 

I  pcrcrivt*  your  iiohic  iiiul  rariU'Mt  dcnirr  ti>  miil 
to  iUoHt'  part.H  vvlicrt*  tlu;  H|>i('i*  in  prixliu  rd ;  ntid 
thori'lori',  ill  answer  to  a  IrlU'r  of  yours,  1  hcikI  you 
another  leltcr,  vvliieli  some  days  sinct^  I  unite  to  a 
firiend  ol'iiiiiu',  and  servant  of  the  Kiny;  itl  I'ortuKal, 
bolbre  the  wars  of  (Jastile,  in  answer  to  another 
that  he  wrote  in  me  hy  his  lli^hness's  onh'r,  u|m»ii 
this  Name  aeeouiit,  and  1  send  you  another  sea- 
chart  like  the  one  I  sent  to  him,  wliieli  will  satisfy 
your  demands.  The  copy  of  the  letter  is  us  fol- 
lows: 


ai 


T«MCA. 
NMXI, 


7b  Ferdinand  Martinez,  Canon  of  lAsbon, 
Paul,  the  Phijsician,  imhcs  licalth. 

I  am  very  clad  to  hear  of  the  familiaritv  you  en-   ii«iwr«f 

.   .  .  .  ,  ,  .  T.)«ranelll 

joy  with  your  most  serene  and  magmhcent  kmg,  «<>  Mortine* 
and  though  I  have  very  often  discoursed  concerning 
the  short  way  there  is  from  hence  to  the  Indies, 
where  the  spice  is  produ(;ed,  by  sea,  whicli  I  look 
upon  to  he  shorter  than  that  you  take  by  the  coast 
of  Guinea ;  yet  you  now  tell  me  tliat  his  Highness 
would  have  me  make  out  and  demonstrate  it,  so 
that  it  may  be  understood  and  put  in  practice. 
Therefore,  though  I  could  better  show  it  to  him, 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


unrnui  with  a  globe  in  my  hand,  and  make  him  sensible 

T080A- 


NU.U. 


4  •  • 


of  the  figure  of  the  world ;  yet  I  have  resolved,  to 
-  make  it  more  easy  and  intelligible,  to  show  the 
way  on  a  chart,  such  as  are  used  in  navigation; 
and  therefore  I  send  one  to  his  majesty,  made  and 
drawn  with  my  own  hand,  wherein  is  set  down  the 
Inmost  bounds  of  the  earth,  from  Ireland,  in  the 
west,  to  the  farthest  part  of  Guinea,  with  all  the 
islands  that  lie  in  the  way ;  opposite  to  which  west- 
em  coast  is  described  the  beginning  of  the  Indies, 
with  the  islands  and  places  whither  you  may  go, 
and  how  far  you  may  bend  from  the  North  Pole  to- 
wards the  equinoctial,  and  for  how  long  a  time; 
that  is,  how  many  leagues  you  may  sail  before  you 
come  to  those  places  most  fruitful  in  spices,  jewels, 
and  precious  stones. 

Do  not  wonder  if  I  term  that  country  where  the 
spice  grows.  West,  that  product  being  generally  as- 
cribed to  the  East,  because  those  who  sail  west- 
ward will  always  find  those  countries  in  the  west, 
and  those  who  travel  by  land  eastward,  will  always 
find  those  countries  in  the  east.  The  straight  lines 
that  lie  lengthways  in  the  chart,  show  the  distance 
there  is  from  Avest  to  east ;  the  others  which  cross 
them,  show  the  distance  from  north  to  south.  I 
have  also  marked  down  in  the  chart  several  places 
in  India,  where  ships  might  put  in,  upon  any  storm 
or  contrary  winds,  or  other  unforeseen  accident. 

Moreover,  to  give  you  full  information  of  all  those 
places  which  you  are  very  desirous  to  know  about, 
you  must  understand  that  none  but  traders  live  and 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

reside  in  all  those  islands,  and  that  there  is  there  as 
great  a  number  of  ships  and  seafaring  people  with 
merchandise,  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  par- 
ticularly in  a  most  noble  port  called  Zaitun,  where 
there  are  every  year  an  hundred  large  ships  of  pep- 
per loaded  and  unloaded,  besides  many  other  ships 
that  take  in  other  spices.  This  country  is  mighty 
populous,  and  there  are  many  provinces  and  king- 
doms, and  innumerable  cities  under  the  dominion 
of  a  prince  called  the  Great  Khan,  which  name  sig- 
nifies king  of  kings,  who  for  the  most  part  resides 
in  the  province  of  Catlwiy.  His  predecessors  were 
very  desirous  to  have  commerce  and  be  in  amity 
with  Christians ;  and  two  hundred  years  since,  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  desiring  him  to  send  them 
many  learned  men  and  doctors,  to  teach  them  our 
faith ;  but  by  reason  of  some  obstacles  the  ambas- 
sadors met  with,  they  returned  back  without  com 
ing  to  Rome.  Besides,  there  came  an  ambassador 
to  Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  who  told  him  the  great 
friendship  there  was  between  those  princes  and 
their  people,  and  the  Christians.  I  discoursed  with 
him  a  long  while  upon  the  several  matters  of  the 
grandeur  of  their  royal  structure,  and  of  the  great- 
ness, length,  and  breadth  of  their  rivers,  and  he  told 
me  many  wonderful  things  of  the  multitude  of 
towns  and  cities  founded  along  the  banks  of  the 
rivers,  and  that  there  were  two  hundred  cities  upon 
one  only  river,  with  marble  bridges  over  it  of  a 
great  length  and  breadth,  and  adorned  with  abun- 
dance of  pillars. 


388 


LSTmS 

OP 
TOBOA- 
NELLI. 


; 


334 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


LETTKRS 

OF 
TOBtV. 
NE^t 


Distance 

from  Lin- 

bon. 


i 


This  country  deserves  as  w^ell  as  any  other  to  be 
discovered  ;  ami  there  may  not  only  be  {j;reat  profit 
made  tliere,  and  many  things  of  vaUie  found,  but 
also  gold,  silver,  many  sorts  of  precious  stones,  and 
spices  in  abundance,  which  are  not  brought  into 
our  parts.  And  it  is  certain  that  many  wise  men, 
philosophers,  astrologers,  and  other  persons  skilled 
in  all  arts,  and  very  ingenious,  govern  tiiat  mighty 
province,  and  command  liieir  armies. 

From  Lisbon  directly  westward,  there  are  in  the 
chart,  tw^enty-six  spaces,  each  of  which  contains 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  to  the  most  noble  and 
vast  city  of  Qumsai,  which  is  one  hundred  miles  in 
compass,  tliat  is,  tliirty-five  leagues.  In  it  there  are 
ten  marble  bridges  ;  the  name  signifies  a  heavenly 
city,  of  which  wonderful  things  are  reported,  as  to 
the  ingenuity  of  the  people,  the  buildings  and  reye- 
nues.  This  space  above  mentioned  is  almost  the 
third  part  of  the  globe.  The  city  is  in  the  province 
of  Mangi,  bordering  on  that  of  Cathay,  where  the 
King  for  the  most  part  resides.  From  the  island 
of  Antilla,  which  you  call  the  Island  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  and  whereof  you  have  some  knowledge,  to 
the  most  noble  island  of  Cipango,  are  ten  spaces, 
which  make  two  thousand  five  hundred  miles, 
or  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  leagues,  which 
island  abounds  in  gold.^  pearls,  and  precious  stones : 
and  you  must  understand,  they  cover  their  temples 
and  palaces  with  plates  of  pure  gold ;  so  that,  for 
want  of  knowing  the  way,  all  these  things  are  con- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


335 


cealed  and  hidden,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to  with  lbttrm 

Of 
TDHCA- 


t 


safety. 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but  having  told  you 
what  is  most  material,  and  you  being  wise  and  ju- 
dicious, I  am  satisfied  there  is  nothing  of  it  but 
what  you  understand,  and  therefore  I  will  not  be 
more  prolix.  Thus  much  may  serve  to  satisfy  your 
curiosity,  it  being  as  mu."Ji  as  the  shortness  of  time 
and  my  business  would  permit  me  to  say.  So  I 
remain  most  ready  to  satisfy  and  serve  his  highness, 
to  the  utmost,  in  all  thf;  commands  he  shall  lay  up- 
on me. 

Florence^  June  25,  1474. 

A  short  time  after  this  letter  was  despatched, 
Toscanelli  wrote  a  second  letter  to  Columbus,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation. 

To  Christopher  Columbus,  Paul,  tlie  Physician, 

wishes  health. 

I  received  yjur  letters  with  the  things  you  sent 
me,  which  I  take  as  a  great  favour^  and  commend 
your  noble  and  ardent  desire  of  sailing  from  east  to 
west,  -as  it  is  marked  out  in  the  chart  I  sent  you, 
which  would  demonstrate  itself  better  in  the  form 
of  a  globe.  I  am  glad  it  is  well  understood,  and 
that  the  voyage  laid  down  is  not  only  possible,  but 
true,  certain,  honourable,  very  advantageous,  and 
most  glorious  among  all  Christians. 

You  cannot  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge  of  it, 
but  by  experience  and  practice,  as  I  have  had  in 


NEL.I.I 


■i 


'•  ■  i 
I 


336 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUE. 


ixTTERs  great  measure,  and  by  the  solid  and  true  informa- 

T08CA- 
NELLI. 


• 


r 

r 


tion  of  worthy  and  wise  men,  who  are  come  from 
-  those  parts  to  this  court  of  Rome,  and  from  mer- 
chants who  have  traded  long  in  those  parts,  and  are 
persons  of  good  reputation.  So  that  when  the  said 
voyage  is  performed,  it  will  be  to  powerful  king- 
doms, and  to  most  noble  cities  and  provinces,  rich, 
and  abounding  in  all  things  we  stand  in  need  of, 
particularly  in  all  sorts  of  spice  in  great  quantities, 
and  store  of  jewels.  This  will  moreover  be  grate- 
ful to  those  kings  and  princes  who  are  very  de- 
sirous to  converse  and  trade  with  Christians  of 
these  our  countries,  whether  it  be  foi  some  of  them 
to  become  Christians,  or  else  to  have  communica- 
tion with  the  wise  and  ingenious  men  in  these 
parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion  as  in  all  sci- 
ences, because  of  the  extraordinary  account  they 
have  of  the  kingdoms  and  government  of  these 
parts. 

For  which  reasons,  and  many  more  that  might 
be  alleged,  I  do  not  at  all  wonder  that  you  who 
have  a  great  heart,  and  all  the  Portuguese  nation, 
which  has  ever  had  notable  men  in  all  undertakings, 
be  eagerly  bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


■-;-g!r™^i-  ■         -rrr-  y  v-jfj    .  ■^r-=' 


DISCOVERY    OF    ALONZO    DEOJEDA 

Ml,  Tu  'III,.  'I., 


Extended  on  these  roots,  -with  hia  buckler   on  and  hia  aword  in  his   hand,  hut  so 

weakened  by  hunger  and  fatigue  that  he  v  as  unable  to  spoak,  the  Spaniards 

found  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.     (Sbe  Paoe  383) 


%*'u^^*f' 


i 

I/"*  '  h 

I^Hi 

■ 

f 

♦ 

I 

• 

..  ...*'  "■-■^*    ' 

1 

-    '  * 

• 

' 

I 

« 

* 

« 

t^- 

• 

'■ 

^^ 

t  ■ 

t 

IV. 

MARCO  POLO  AND  HIS  TRAVELS. 

ToscANELLi  was  led  to  a  consideration  of  the 
subject  of  a  we^tam  passage*  to  India  mainly  by 
the  accounts  of  Marco  Polo.  The  influence  which 
this  traveller  exercised  over  the  minds  of  the  early 
discoverers,  renders  some  notice  of  him  and  his 
works  necessary.  The  history  of  his  life  is  singu- 
lar and  interesting,  and  is  abridged  from  Kerr's  Col- 
lection of  Voyages  and  Murray's  Translation  of  the 
Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  whence  also  are  taken  the 
extracts  which  are  given  from  his  writings. 

Marco  Polo  was  bom  at  Venice  about  the  year 
1260.  His  father,  Niccolo  Polo,  and  his  uncle  Maf- 
fei,  were  of  a  noble  Venetian  family,  who  were  ex- 
tensively engaged  in  commerce.  They  left  Venice, 
in  the  prosecution  of  their  business,  just  before  the ' 
birth  of  Marco,  whom  his  father  never  saw  till  his 
return  to  Venice  in  1269,  at  which  time  he  was 
about  nine  years  old-  They  went  first  to  Constan- 
tinople, and  from  there  into  Armenia.  They  re- 
mained a  year  at  the  camp  of  Bereke,  the  khan  op 
ruler  of  the  western  portion  of  the  vast  empire  of 
the  Mongals,  and  then  pursued  their  journey  into 

43 


MABOO 

rouo. 


^' 


388 


UPB   AND   VOYAOBS  OV 


MAw^o    Bochara,  where  they  mUiuI  thrive  years.     Another 

^^*-  ..... 
year  inon*  wuh  occupied  h)  them  in  travelhng  to 

the  court  of  Kublai  Khun,  the  powerful  emperor  of 
the  Moiij;al»  or  Tartars,  ^t  the  court  of  tiiiN  po- 
tentate they  remained  about  a  year,  anil  then  con- 
sumed tliree  years  in  tlieir  return  to  Hurope. 

Soon  after  their  return,  tliey  a^ain  started  lor  the 
East,  taking  with  them  the  young  Marco.  It  was 
probably  in  the  year  1270  that  they  departed  on 
their  second  journey,  for  upon  the  election  ol  lireg- 
ory  IX.  to  the  pontifical  chair,  he  despatched  an 
express  after  them,  which  overtook  them  in  Arme- 
nia, where  they  were  detained  some  time,  in  order 
that  they  might  receive  the  final  instructions  of  the 
Pope. 
Election  of  The  cause  of  this  delay  was,  that  by  the  death 
ne^Papai  of  Clement  IV.,  the  Papal  See  had  been  left  vacant 
for  two  years.  Niccolo  and  Maffei  Polo  learnt  the 
news  of  this  fact  at  Acre,  while  on  their  return  from 
their  first  journey.  They  saw  there  the  papal  legate, 
Tibaldo  Visconti,  of  Placentia,  who  was  greatly  in- 
terested in  their  descriptions  of  their  travels,  and 
advised  them  to  wait  for  the  election  of  a  new  pon- 
tifl'  before  setting  out  again  for  the  East.  Finding, 
after  their  return  to  Venice,  that  the  election  did 
not  take  place  su  soon  as  they  anticipated,  they  be- 
came very  anxious  lest  the  Great  Khan  should  be- 
come impatient  at  the  postponement  of  the  conver- 
sion of  himself  and  his  nation,  and  accordingly 
started  before  the  cardinals  had  been  able  to  effect 
the  choice  of  a  new  successor  of  St.  Peter,    Once 


oh&lr. 


AMRRIOUg  VRSPUCIUfl. 

more  passing  through  Acre,  they  wore  kindly  enter-    maioo 

t.'ilhed  hy  tlie  Legate,  who  furniHhcil  tluun  witli  let-     — 

W.TH  to  tlic  Khun,  exculpatory  ot  their  eoiuhict  in  not 
returniiii;  s(M>ner,  and  with  U'tterM  I'roni  lh«'  I'oikj. 
He  uIho  procured  tlieni  a  Nullicient  supply  of  oil 
from  the  Holy  Se[)ulchre,  wiiicii  had  heen  exprcvss- 
ly  desired  hy  the  Khan,  through  helief  in  its  mirac- 
ulous powers.  Hardly,  however,  had  they  departed 
I'rom  Acre,  in  the  pr(»sccutit)n  of  their  journey,  when 
letters  came  to  the  legate,  informing  him  that  he 
himself  had  heen  chosen  i*ope.  He  took  tiu^  name  . 
of  (iregory,  and  immediately  issued  a  hull  provi- 
ding, that  in  future,  on  the  demise  of  a  pontiff,  the 
cardinals  .should  he  confined  together  until  they  had 
selected  his  successor. 

Before  proceeding  to  Italy  to  take  possession  of  Friar«  mni 

,  11-11  111  '•y  '''*  '*op* 

the  papal  chair,  he  despatched  those  messongcrs  tooecom,*. 

who  caused  the  delay  of  the  travellers.  In  a  short  •«•• 
time,  new  letters  were  prepared  by  him  to  deliver 
to  the  Khan,  containing  complimentary  expressions 
and  a  long  defence  or  exposition  of  Christian  doc- 
trine. These  were  brought  to  the  Polos,  by  two 
priests,  Nicolo  of  Vicenza  and  Guelmo  of  Tripoli, 
both  men  of  distinguished  learning  and  discretion, 
who  were  intended  to  accompany  the  travellers  in 
their  journey.  They  were  furnished  also  with 
splendid  presents  of  great  value  for  the  eastern 
monarch,  and  were  endowed  with  ample  powers 
and  privileges,  and  authority  to  ordain  priests  and 
bishops,  and  to  grant  absolution  in  all  cases,  as  fully 
as  if  the  Pope  were  personally  present.    These  two 


^Jil^i£^iii^U£^^i. . 


( 


340 


UVK  AND   VOYAOBfl   OV 


n* 


MARCO    Oiars,  howovcr,  proved  tluMiiNelvcH  to  he  wanting  in 

tlie  hour  ol  (lander.     l,fariuiig  thut  tho  Sultataof 

Cairo  had  h'd  a  lMr;t«  army  to  invade  Ariiicriia, 
where  he  was  coinniittiiiff  the  iiHwt  eniel  ruvageh, 
they  were  i'earCul  of  their  <»wn  Mafety,  and  deliver- 
ing the  h'tters  and  presents  of  thi'  I'ope  to  the  I'ohtM, 
and  preferring  to  avoid  the  fatigues  of  tiie  route  and 
the  perils  of  war,  nlunied  to  A  (re. 
Th«  Poioi       The   three    Venetians,   imwever,    pursued    tlieii 

punud  thrir  '     , 

joumry  jtMirney  holdiy,  in  spite  of  many  tlidiculties  and 
,  dangers,  and  at  U  iiglh,  after  a  journey  of  three  yeari* 
and  a  half,  arrived  at  the  great  city  of  Clenienisu  or 
Chanihalu,  which  means  the  eity  of  the  Khan,  aiiid 
is  the  modern  i^ekin.  In  this  long  journey  they 
were  often  compelled  to  make  great  delays,  on  ac- 
count of  the  deep  snow  and  extreme  cold,  and  in 
consequence  of  the  floods  and  iimndations.  When 
the  Khan  heard  of  their  appniach,  he  sent  niessen- 
gers  forty  days'  journey  to  meet  them,  that  they 
might  he  conducted  w  ith  all  luuiour,  and  be  provi- 
ded with  every  accommodation  during  the  remain- 
der of  their  journey.  On  their  arrival  at  court  they 
were  introduced  into  his  pre.sence,  aud  ])r()strated 
themselves  before  him,  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  country,  but  they  were  commanded  to  rise,  and 
were  most  graciously  received.  The  Khan  demand- 
ed an  account  of  their  proceedings  on  the  w^ay,  and 
of  what  they  had  eflected  with  the  Pope.  They 
related  all  this  distinctly,  and  then  delivered  the 
Pope's  letters  and  presents,  which  the  Khan  re- 
ceived with  great  pleasure,  and  commended  them 


"^  ^ 


AMRRIRtJM   VRNPUOIUI. 


841 


for  tlioir  ridolity.     Tlio   holy  oil  which  th<>y  lind    marco 


l^tUK 


Imniglit,  at  tlu'  rrj|«H'M(,  of  tin*  Kliaii,  from  tlu*  nv\n\\-    — — 
chro  of  tin-  Savi(mr  at  .ItTiiNulcin  wan  rt'vrriMitly  n> 
ceivtMl,  and  pn'Nfrvcd  with  NcriipiiloUN  rare. 

i'hc  Khan  very  nutitrully  iminirod  who  Marco 


hicli  Niccoh 


Him],  "  lit 


Ma- 


waM;  oi 

josty'M  servant,  and  my  Mon."  Tlu'rcnpon  the 
Khun  received  him  kin<ily,  and  hatf  him  tan^lit  to 
^  "ito  uniong  hin  honoiirahh'  conrtiers.  He  vvai 
luch  esteemed  hy  the  conrt  and  in  a  very  short 
tune  learned  to  read  and  write  four  different  lan- 
guages, and  made  himself  familiar  with  the  cutitoms 
of  the  Tartars. 

Some  yeas  after,  in  order    to    try  his  co[)acitv,  Murro  p..io 
the  Khan  sent  Marco  upon  an  embassy  to  a  irreat  >miii>i««by 

'  "^  **  the  Khun. 

city  calle<l  Carachan  or  Carazan,  at  a  distance  of 
almost  six  months'  journey.  He  executed  this  ser- 
vice with  great  judgment  anil  discretion,  and  very 
iiuich  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  imperial  patron,  and 
well  knowing  that  the  Khan  wouUl  he  pleased  with 
an  account  of  the  maimers  and  customs  of  the  ia- 
habitants  of  the  countries  through  which  he  passed, 
he  made  a  minute  of  every  thing  that  appeared  wor- 
thy of  note,  and  repeated  it  to  him  on  his  return. 
In  this  way  he  rose  to  such  high  favour,  that  he 
was  continually  sent  by  the  Khan  on  business  of 
importance  to  all  the  different  parts  of  his  domin- 
ions, which  was  the  means  of  his  acquiring  so  much 
information  respecting  the  affairs  and  plaises  of  the 
East. 

After  remaining  many  years  at  the  court  of  the 


iiJlt.ii^-A^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


.v^ 


i4^  ^^ 


1.0 


I.I 


11° 


1^  1^ 

11^ 


"    iiS.    Ill  2.0 


I.       ^ 


1.25  II  1.4 


1.6 


71 


*;, 


"^ 


/^ 


Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


<V 


«F 


iV 


\\ 


%^ 


6^ 


<> 


342 


UFE  AND  YOYAGES  OP 


I 


>• 


MAtoo    Khan,  and  acquiring  immense  w  ealth  in  jewels  o< 
— -^  great  Yalue,  they  began  to  consider  the  possibility 
of  returning  home.    This  they  thought  would  be 
impossible  if  the^  Khan,  who    had   then  become 
quite  aged,  should  die,  and  they  became,  of  course, 
exceedingly  anxious   to  obtain   permission   to  re- 
turn to  Venice.     One  day,  therefore,  finding  the 
Khan  in  an  excellent  humour,  Nicolo  Polo  asked 
permission  to  return  to  his  own  country  with  his 
family.    He  was  greatly  displeased  at  the  request, 
and  could  not  conceive  what  inducement  they  had 
to  undertake  so  long  and  dangerous  a  journey ;  add- 
ing, that  if  they  were  in  want  of  riches,  he  would 
•     gratify  their  utmost  wishes,  by  bestowing  upon 
them  twice  as  much  as  they  already  possessed,  but 
from  pure  affection  he  refused  to  part  with  them. 
Their         Not  long  after  this,  it  happened  that  a  King  of  the 
fetum  to  Indies,  named  Arcon,  sent  three  of  his  counsellors 

Venice.  " 

as  ambassadors  to  Kublai  Khan,  on  the  following 
account.  Bolgana,  the  wife  of  Argon,  had  lately 
died,  and  on  her  death-bed  had  requested  her  hus- 
band to  choose  a  wife  from  among  her  relations  in 
Cathay.  Kublai  yielded  to  the  request  of  the  am- 
'  .  bassadors,  and  chose  a  fair  young  maiden,  seventeen 

years  of  age,  named  Cogalin,  who  Wcas  of  the  family 
of  the  late  queen,  and  determined  to  send  her  to 
Argon.  The  ambassadors  departed  with  their  fair 
charge,  and  journeyed  for  eight  months  on  their  re- 
turn, by  the  same  road  over  which  they  came. 
Then  they  found  that  bloody  wars  were  raging  b^ 
tween  some  of  the  Tartai  princes,  and  were  com' 


ir 


I 


/ 

I     • 


/ 


AMERICUS  VBSPUCIUS. 


343 


MAftOO 
KHJO. 


pelled  to  come  back  again,  and  acquaint  the  Khan 
with  tiie  impossibility  of  their  proceeding  on  that  ~ 
road.  Meantime,  Marco,  who  had  been  absent  at 
sea,  returned  with  certain  ships  belonging  to  the 
Khan,  and  reported  the  peculiarities  of  the  places  ■ 
he  had  visited  and  the  facility  of  intercourse  by  sea 
between  Cathay  and  the  Indies.  This  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  ambassadors,  who  conversed  on 
the  subject  with  the  Venetians.  It  was  a^eed  be- 
tween them  that  the  ambassadors  and  the  young 
Queen  should  ask  permission  of  the  Khan  to  re- 
turn by  sea,  and  should  request  to  have  the  three 
Europeans  who  were  skilful  in  nautical  affairs,  to 
accompany  and  conduct  them  to  the  dominions  of 
Argon.  .,,      .  .,.   ,  ,': 

Though  dissatisfied  at  this  proposal,  the  Khan  at 
last  gave  a  reluctant  consent,  and  calling  the  Polos 
into  his  presence,  after  many  demonstrations  of  af- 
fection and  favour,  he  made  them  promise  to  return 
to  him,  when  they  had  spent  a  little  time  among 
their  relations  in  Christendom.  He  caused  a  tablet 
of  gold  to  be  given  to  them,  on  which  his  orders 
were  engraved,  directing  his  subjects  throughout  . 

his  dominions  to  furnish  them  with  every  conveni- 
ence on  their  passage,  to  defray  all  their  expenses, 
and  to  provide  them  with  guides  and  escorts  where- 
ever  necessary.  He  also  authorized  them  to  act 
as  his  ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  and  to  the  kings 
of  France  and  Spain,  and  other  Christian  princes. 

The  Khan  ordered  fourteen  ships  to  be  prepared  Departure 

.  ^  '^  from  Ca- 

for  the  voyage,  each  havmg  four  masts  and  carry-     tJ»y- 


844 


UFB  AND  VOYAQBS  Or 


•V 


MAtcx)    ing  nine  sails.    Four  or  five  of  these  were  so  laige 

'-  -  as  to  have  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  mariners  in 

^  each,  but  the  rest  were  smaller.    In  tiiis  lleet  the 

Q,uecn  and  ambassadors  embarked,  accompanied 
by  the  three  Venetian  travellers.  The  Khan,  on 
taking  leave  of  them,  presented  each  >vitli  many 
rubies  Ad  precious  stones,  and  money  enough  to 
defray  all  tlieir  expenses  for  two  years.  Setting 
sail  from  Cathay,  or  China,  they  arrived  in  three 
months  at  Java,  and  sailing  from  there,  in  eighteen 
months  at  the  dominions  of  Argon.  Six  hundred 
mariners  and  one  woman  died  during  the  voyage, 
and  only  one  of  the  ambassadors  reached  home 
alive.  On  their  arrival  at  the  dominions  of  A  rgon, 
they  found  that  he  Was  dead,  and  that  a  person 
named  Chiacato  was  governing  the  kingdom,  during 
the  minority  of  the  son  of  the  late  monarcli.  On 
informing  the  regent  of  their  business,  he  desired 
them  to  carry  the  young  queen  to  Casan,  which 
was  the  name  of  the  prince,  who  was  tlien  on  the 
frontiers  ol  Persia,  with  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men,  guarding  certain  passes  on  the  borders  of  the 
kingdom  against  the  attacks  of  their  enemies.  Hav- 
ing executed  this  order,  Nicolo,  Maflei  and  Marco 
returned  to  the  palace  of  Chiacato,  and  remained 
there  nine  months. 

At  the  end  of  this  time,  they  bade  farewell  to 
Chiacato,  w^ho  gave  them  four  tablets  .of  gold,  each 
a  cubit  long,  and  five  fingers  broad,  and  weighing 
three  or  four  marks.  On  them  were  engraved  the 
following  words :   "  In  the  power  of  the  eternal 


Magnificent 
liBtten  Pa- 
tent' 


J^ 


AMBRICUa  ytCSPUOIUfl. 


345 


re 

in 

le 
d 
n 

y 

o 

g 

e 

n 
1 

t 
} 

» 
I 

r 


God,  the  name  of  the  Great  Khan  shall  be  hon-    maioo 

oured  and  praiMcd  for  many  yearn,  ami  wiiosocvcr '— 

disobeyctii,  Hhall  be  put  tu  death,  and  all  his  goods 
confiscated."  Besides  this  preamble,  they  com- 
manded that  all  due  honour  should  be  shown  to  the 
three  ambassailors  of  the  Khan,  and  wlmteyer  ser- 
vice th(iy  needed  should  be  performed  in  eve^  coun- 
try and  district,  subject  to  his  authority  as  to  him- 
self in  person ;  that  all  necessary  relays  of  horses 
^  and  escorts,  and  their  expenses,  and  every  thing 
needful,  should  be  supplied  to  them  freely  and  gra- 
tuitously. All  these  orders  were  duly  obeyed,  so 
that  at  times  they  {ravelled  with  an  escort  of  two 
hundred  horse  for  their  protection.  During  their 
journey,  they  were  informed  that  the  great  Em- 
peror of  the  -Tartars,  Kublai  Khan,  was  dead. 
They  considered  that  this  absolved  them  of  all  ob- 
ligation to  perform  the  promise  which  they  had 
made  to  him  to  return  to  his  court.  So  they  con- 
tinued their  journey  to  Trebizond,  on  the  sbuth 
side  of  the  Black  Sea,  from  which  city  they  pro- 
ceeded by  way  of  Constantinople  and  Negropont  to 
Venice,  where  they  arrived  safely,  and  with  im- 
mense wealth,  in  the  year  1295. 

On  their  arrival  at  their  own  house  in  the  street  Arrival  at 
of  St.  Clirysostom,  in  Venice,  they  found  themselves 
entirely  forgotten  by  all  their  old  acquaintances  and 
countrymen.  Even  their  relations*  were  unable  to 
recognize  them  in  consequence  of  their  long  ab- 
sence. They  had  been  away  twenty-five  years, 
and  besides  being  much  altered  by  age,  they  had 

44 


346 


LIFE  AND  yOYAOES  Or 


MARCO 
rOLU. 


almost  forgotten  tlicir  own  language,  and  resembled 
Tartars  in  their  dress  and  manners.  They  were 
finally  compelled  to  make  use  of  some  extraordi- 
nary expedients  to  satisfy  their  family  and  country- 
men of  their  identity,  and  to  recover  the  respect 
which  was  their  due,  by  a  public  acknowledgment 
of  their  name,  I'amily,  and  rank.  For  this  purpose, 
according  to  Ramusio,  they  invited  all  their  rela- 
tions and  connections  to  a  magnificent  entertain- 
ment, at  whicli  all  three  of  them  appeared  clothed 
in  rich  habits  of  crimson-coloured  Eastern  satin. 
After  tlieir  guests  arrived  they  threw  off  tliese 
splendid  garments,  and  before  sitHng  down  to  the 
table,  gave  them  to  their  attendants,  still  appearing 
magnificently  robed  in  crimson  damask.  When 
the  last  course  came  on  the  table,  they  cast  off 
tliese  robes,  as  they  had  done  the  first,  and  bestowed 
them  in  the  same  manner  upon  the  servants  ;  they 
themselves  still  appearing  gorgeously  bedecked 
with  crimson  velvet. 

When  the  dinner  was  over  and  all  the  servants 
had  withdrawn,  Marco  Polo  produced  to  the  com- 
pany the  coats  of  Tartarian  cloth  or  felt,  whith 
they  had  ordinarily  worn  during  their  travels,  and 
ripping  them  open,  took  out  an  incredible  quantity 
of  valuable  gems ;  among  these  were  some  that 
were  recognized  by  those  who  were  present  at  the 
entertainment,  as  having  belonged  to  the  family, 
and  thus  the  three  travellers  proved  themselves  iu- 
contestibly  to  be  members  of  the  Polo  family,  and 
the  identical  persons  they  represented  themselves 


AMBRIOUS  ?pPU0IU8. 


347 


# 


MAIOO 

rtito. 


to  be.  Very  probably  their  relations  were  more 
ready  to  acknowledge  them,  when  they  saw  their 
magnificence  and  wealth,  than  when  they  appeared 
before  them  in  the  rough  attire  of  weatherbeaten 
travellers.  ,       .     ,  .  .  •    ^  ^ 

Such  Ih  the  account  of  these  celebrated  travels  Marroiakcq 
handed  down  to  the  present  day.  Their  intrinsic  the  ueno- 
merit,  and  the  importance  which  they  had  in  the 
eyes  of  the  early  discoverers  of  America,  has  led 
to  this  somewhat  extended  notice  of  them.  Of 
these  adventurous  men,  some  further  information 
yet  remains.  About  three  years  after  their  return, 
hostilities  were  conunenced  between  the  republics 
of  Venice  and  Genoa.  The  Genoese  Admiral 
Lampa  Doria,  came  to  the  island  of  Curzola,  with 
a  fleet  of  seventy  gallies,  to  oppose  whom,  the 
Venetians  fitted  out  a  large  naval  force,  under  the 
command  of  Andrea  Dandolo,  under  whom  Marco 
Polo  held  the  command  of  a  galley.  The  Vene- 
tians were  totally  defeated  in  a  general  engagement, 
with  the  loss  of  their  Admiral  and  eighty-five  ships, 
and  Marco  Polo  was  unfortunate  enough  to  be 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Genoese. 

He  was  confined  in  prison  at  Genoa  about  a  year, 
until  the  termination  of  the  war  between  the  rival 
states  released  him.  While  there,  many  of  the 
young  Genoese  nobility  are  said  to  have  resorted  to 
his  cell  to  listen  to  the  recital  of  his  wonderful 
tra\^ls  and  surprising  adventures  i  and  it  is  said 
that  they  prevailed  upon  him  to  send  to  Venice 
for  the  notes  which  he  had  drawn  up  during  his 


i 


■iM^Silk: 


POLa 


MkiriaKM 

•ftheTulo 

ftuaUy. 


Lira  AND  JTOTAQM  Or 

p^rpg^nationii,  by  moans  of  whioh  hJn  traveln  wert 
written  oiit  in  l^uin,  mToniing  to  liiM  dictation. 
From  tlie  original  l^ntin  tiiov  wen'  transtlati'd  into 
Italian,  and  fVoin  tliis  again  abridgnuMits  w(>n>  aHor* 
waitis  made  in  l<atin,  an«l  soattored  ovor  1Curo|H\ 
Some  authors  an\  iunvovrr,  of  tluMtpinion  (liat  tlu'y 
\V(>it>  originally  written  in  Italian,  and  it  is  .said  that 
a  n)anu8ori{>t  copy  of  the  work  in  the  writing  of 
his  scriltc  Unstigielo  was  long  preserved,  in  the  |m>«- 
sossion  t)f  the  Soranssa  fainilv,  at  Venice.  Whether 
it  now  existj«,  or  has  ever  been  published,  is  un- 
known. 

At  the  time  of  the  captivity  of  Marco,  his  father 
and  uncle  were  greatly  alarmed  for  his  safety,  and 
fearing  that  in  case  of  his  death  they  shotdd  have 
no  descendants  to  whom  they  would  care  to  Ihv 
queath  their  vast  wealth,  it  was  agreed  between 
them  that  Nicolo,  his  father,  should  marry  again, 
which  he  did  speedily-  On  his  return  fmm  Iuh 
confinement,  therefore,  Marco  found  his  father  with 
three  children,  the  fruit  of  his  second  nuirriage. 
MalTei  Polo,  the  uncle  of  Marco,  became  a  magis- 
trate of  Venice,  and  lived  for  some  time  in  nuich 
respect  among  his  countrymen.  Marco  seems  to 
have  taken  no  offence  at  his  father's  second  union, 
but  married  himself  after  his  return  from  (lenoa 
to  Venice.  He  loll  two  daughters,  Moretta  and 
Feantina,  but  had  no  male  issue.  He  is  said  to 
have  received  among  his  countrymen  the  name  of 
Marco  Millioni,  because  he  and  his  family  had  ac- 
quired a  fortune  of  a  million  of  dueats  in  the  East. 


(.1;**- 


He  i\w%\,  iM  ii(>  hud  IIvihI,  univoriMilly  Ih'IovimI  niid    uhttw 
rr«|HM'UHl  i  Tor,  witli  nil  iiiit  (ulviinttiKOM  oi' Itirlh  tiiiil       **    ■ 
fortimo,  \u>  >vnN  liiiiiihio  iiiul  iMiu^lii'tMit,  niid  oiii- 
ploytHl  IiIn  gpiMil  richoN,  and  tin*  in(i*h<Ni  lio  |H)m 
mcmmhI  ill  llir  Ntnto,  only  (o  d«»  i;«hhI. 

Tiio  lN*Mt  iiioIIuhI  of  roiivoviiit):  (o  |li««  luinti  of  (li««  rm r 

nnulor  u  coii(V|t(iou  «>!  (Im«  (MitlinMaNiii  >\hi(<li  Inn  «it«  ivi.« 
trtivdN  (*\('il(>d  ill  l*4uro|M\  im  In  iimki*  oiio  or  (wo 
CKlriu'tN  from  (ho  work  i(N(<ir  'V\w  Kjilnidid  do 
HcriplioiiN  oC  llio  iiiiiiioiiMc  w«Mil(h  ol'  (hr  t  oiiiilrioN 
ho  viHi(od,  iiilhiiiiod  (iio  iiiiiidN  ot'  iuIvoiiIoihm'n  o|'  all 
oouiUrios,  and  tho  |miN|ior(  of  nMivoiiing  (o  (lio 
Christian  laith  no  iMiworlul  u  |>ol(>ii(a(«'  as  lio  ropro- 
•miiitod  liio  (jruiid  Khan  (o  \h\  was  no  n^plolo  with 
ndvantagoN  to  tlio  t*yoN  of  all  (ho  roli^ioun  ondiiiNi- 
ahIn  of  (ho  ago,  thai  inany  prioNiN  volunloorod  (o  ^{o 
UN  iniNNioiiari(>N  (o  his  dlNtant  doininions.  l*N»r  a 
tiiiio  thoNo  NclioiiioN  woro  tho  lavoiirilo  pttpniar 
ihoino,  but  (hoy  laiifi^uiHliod  at  last  iVoni  tho  diHi> 
ciilty  ol'aoconipliNliiiig  llioui,  and  won*  not  again  ro- 
vivod,  until  al'tor  (ht^  Inpso  ol'  two  oontnrioN  thoy 
ngain  attrarlod  gonoral  attontion,  in  ronno  tlon  willi 
tho  NpooulatioiiN  alloat  ronoorning  a  iioa  routo  to 
India.  IVlr.  Irving  sayN  that  tlu'so  acronnis  oH'orod 
"  t(M)  Hpoculativo  and  rontantii*  an  ontorpristi  not  (o 
catch  tho  Vivid  imagination  of  (lohnnhuM.  In  all 
liiH  voyagON  ho  will  ho  found  to  ho  oontinuidly  Noi*k- 
iiig  al'tor  tho  torritorioN  of  tho  <iirand  Khan;  and 
ovon  ai'tiT  his  hiNt  o\poditioii,  whon  nearly  worn 
out  by  bgu,  liardNhipH,  and  inlirniitioN,  ho  oD'orod,  in 
a  leltt^r  to  thu  SpuiiiNh  inunarcliH,  wrillisn  from  u  hod 


M  M***  AND  VOYAOU  Of 

MAMX)    of  licknemi,  fo  conduct  niiy  iiiiMNionary  to  the  terri- 
■"  toricH  of  the  Tnrtnr  ICiii|)eror  who  woiiUI  iiiulertnke 

hia  converMion."  "  It  wiim  thin  conrulcnt  pxpecta* 
tion  of  mnm  arrivin;^  ut  theiio  countries,  nnd  reali- 
zing the  necountN  of  the  Venetian,  that  induced  him 
to  hohl  forth  thonc  proniises  of  immediate  ntMdth  t9 
the  sovereigns  which  caused  so  much  disa|)|N)int* 
mcnt,  and  hrought  upon  him  the  iVequent  reproach 
of  exciting  false  hopes,  and  indulging  in  wilful  ex- 
aggeration.'" Americus,  as  has  been  seen,  enter- 
tained the  same  ideas,  but  with  more  moderation, 
and  anticipated  more  difficulty  in  carrying  them 
out.  The  selections  from  the  writings  of  Polo 
which  will  be  presented  to  the  reader  are  his  de- 
scriptions of  the  magnificent  city  of  Quinsai,  and  of 

t,         the  much-sought-fur  island  of  Cipango. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  MARCO  POLO'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  QUINSAI. 

At  the  end  of  three  days'  journey  we  came  to 
Quinsai  or  Guinsai,  its  name  signifying  the  city  of 
heaven,  to  denote  its  excellence  over  all  the  other 
cities  of  the  earth,  in  which  there  are  so  much 
riches  and  so  many  pleasures  and  enjoyments,  that 
a  person  might  conceive  himself  in  Paradise.  In 
this  great  city,  1,  Marco,  have  often  been,  and  have 
considered  it  with  diligent  attention,  observing  its 
whole  state  and  circumstances,  and  setting  dowo 

'  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  904 — 006. 


•V       iC 


AMRIUOUS  ▼KIPUOIUI.  a|| 

the  nme  in  my  mcinorinlN,  of  which  I  Hliall  Itorr    mamjo 
give  a  brl«f  iihNtract.  -~i- 

Bv  coiiunoii  rtUMirt,  thin  city  in  an  hundred  inilrsnn>iiiMi»n 
in  circuit.  The  HtrcctM  und  Iuiiom  urc  very  l(u»ir  »"i'i  iin««  «•' 
and  wide,  and  it  han  nmny  large  uiari<et-[)iuceN. 
On  one  nidc  of  tiic  city  tliere  Ih  u  clear  laite  of  frenh 
water,  and  on  the  other  there  is  a  f^real  fiver  which 
enters  tlic  city  in  nuiny  places,  and  carries  nwny 
all  tii^  filth  iiiU)  th/g  lake,  whence  it  cotitiiiueH  itM 
>  QQume  into  thd  ocean.  This  abundant  course  of 
running  water  causes  a  healthful  circulation  of  pure 
air,  and  gives  commodious  passage  in  many  direc- 
tions, both  by  land  and  water,  through  the  numer- 
ous canals,  as  by  means  of  these  and  the  cause/ 
ways  by  which  they  are  bordered,  carts  and  barks 
have  free  intercourse  for  the  carriage  of  merchan- 
dise and  provisions.  It  is  said  that  there  are  twelve  * 
thousand  bridges,  great  and  small,  in  this  city,  and 
those  o\^  the  principal  canals  arc  so  high  that  a 
vessel  without  her  masts  may  go  through  under- 
neath, while  plmriots  and  horses  pass  above.  On 
the  other  side  of  the  city  there  is  a  large  canal, 
forty  miles  long,  which  encloses  it  on  that  side,  be- 
ing deep  and  full  of  water,  made  by  the  ancient 
kings,  both  to  receive  the  overflowings  of  the  river 
and  to  fortify  the  city,  and  the  earth  which  was 
dug  out  of  this  canal,  is  laid  on  the  inside  as  a 


'^' 


>  These  miles  are  the  Chinese  34  miles  in  circumference.    The 

measures  called  Li,  of  which  200  word  is  used  by  Marco  in  the 

compose  a  degree  of  latitude.  Cul-  same  sense    throughout  the  ex- 

culating  thus,  the  city  would  be  tracts. 


:m 


l.irR  AKD  VOYAOKJ  Of 


MAftoit  niiiipnrt  of  (il>l(•lK*(^  Tlirro  an*  Um  grfat  iimrkri* 
pliicoM,  wliic.li  iiri>  Nqiiiiro,  and  IimH'  a  iiiilo  in  cuch 
■ide.  Tlic  pritit'ipal  Ntit't^t  i«  forty  ]hh'vh  briMid, 
haviiif(  a  cnniil  in  Uic  middle  with  many  bridgei, 
and  every  four  niileii  tlien^  in  a  niarkrt-plucc  two 
iiiiloN  in  cirruit.  Tlieru  in  aim  one  lur^o  cnnal  be- 
hind the  ^ryat  Ntreet  and  the  niarket-phiceN,  <in  the 
oppoMite  biuiic  of  which  there  are  many  NtorehoiiNei 
of  Mtone,  when^   the  merchantN   (nnu    lii<lla  and 

^  other   placeM   hiy  up  their  comnHMiitieN,  hein^  at  . 

hand  and  eotntiiodiouM  for  the  inurketM.  In  each 
of  thette  iiiarketM  the  fHtipIc  fn)m  the  country,  to 
the  number  of  forty  or  fiity  tliouMand,  meet  three 
dayH  in  every  week,  bringinf(  benNto,  t^anw,  fowla, 
and  in  Mhort  every  thing  that  can  be  desired  for  \ 
iubsihtence,  in  profuMion ;  and  so  elicap  that  two 
geese  or  four  duckti  may  bt)  bought  for  u  Venetian 
groat.  Then  follow  the  butcher  markets,  in  which 
beef,  nmtton,  veal,  kid  and  lamb,  are  8ol#  to  the 
great  and  rich,  as  the  pot>r  cat  of  all  kinds  of  ofl'ul 
and  unclean  beasts  without  scruple ;  all  sorts  of 
herbs  and  fruits  arc  to  be  had  continually,  among 
which  arc  huge  pears,  weighing  ten  pounds  each, 
white  within,  and  very  fragrant,  with  yellow  and 
white  peaches  of  very  delicate  flavour.  Grapes  do 
not  grow  in  this  country,  but  arc  brought  from 
other  places.  They  likewise  import  very  gj>od 
wine  ;  but  that  is  not  in  lA  much  esteem  as  with 
us,  the  people  being  content  with  their  own  bever* 
age,  prepared  from  rice  and  spices.  Every  day 
there  are  brought  up  from  the  ocean,  which  is  at 


S:i 


AMKRU'ON   VMPU(;iUa. 


MAMO 
fuut. 


the  flUtaiieo  of  twetity-fivo  iiiiloN,  nucIi  vimt  qiian- 
titivN  of  fiitli  l)rMitlc>M  tiioNv  wliicli  arc  luuglit  in  Iho 
lak(*,  thnt  our  would  coiiccivi)  tlicy  coultl  iiuvor  bo 
crHiNUiiuMi,  yvX,  in  n  (vw  lioiint,  all  In  ^unr.  All 
tlu*M(!  iiiiirk('-plii('(*ii  tirv  viu'i>in|m.*(N<Hl  by  high 
boiiMiN,  iiiitlcrnt;utli  wliicli  urt*  nIii>|>h  Utr  nil  kiiidi 
of  urlilircrH,  iiiul  all  kiiiiU  of  lucrclKuuliHc,  nuc.Ii  um 
MpiccN,  piMirlN  and  jcwcIn,  and  in  Nonu;  tliv  rico 
Willi'  IS  Nold.  Many  NtnM*tN  ctomn  each  otlu>r  U>ttd< 
ing  into  tlicMc  inarkotM  ;  in  noiiio  of  wliicli  there  me 
many  cold  batliit,  acconiiiiodatcd  witli  attcndantM  of 
both  McxcH,  who  are  used  to  tliiH  cinphiyiiiLMit  from 
ilicir  infancy.  In  the  Haiiic  ba^iioH,  there  are 
clianilN>rM  for  hot  bathn,  for  nucIi  Mtraiif(erN  aw  aru 
not  ai'ciistoined  to  bathe  in  cold  water.  The  in- 
habitants  bathe  every  day,  and  ulwayH  wauli  l)efore 
eating. 

In  other  Htrectn  n*t(ide  the  phyNician8  and  the  an-  judi«t«i  •* 
trulogers,  who  aUo  trach  reading  and  writing,  with 
many  other*artN.  On  opposite  NiileN  of  the  nqaareH 
arc  two  large  edifices,  where  ((rticerH  appointed  by 
liin  majesty  promptly  decide  any  dinerenccM  that 
ariMe  between  the  foreign  merchants  and  tin  inlial)- 
itants.  They  are  bound  also  to  take  care  that  the 
guards  be  duly  stationed  on  the  neighbouring  bridg- 
es, and  in  case  of  neglect,  to  inflict  a  discretionary 
punishment  on  the  delinquent. 

On  each  side  of  the  principal  street,  ipentioned 
as  reaching  across  the  whole  city,  are  large  housei 
and  mansions  with  gardens ;  near  to  which  are  the 
abodes  and  shops  of  the  working  artisans.     At  all 


i 


46 


%* 


v'# 


MAICO 

roLo. 


854  UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 

hours  you  observe  such  multitudes  of  people  past* 
ing  backwards  and  forwards  on  their  various  avoca- 
tions, that  it  might  seem  impossible  to  supply  them 
with  food.  A  different  judgment  will,  however,  be 
formed,  when  every  market-day  the  squares  are 
seen  crowded  with  people,  and  covered  with  provi- 
sions brouglit  in  for  sale  by  carts  and  boats.  To 
give  some  idea  of  the  quantity  of  meat,  wine,  spices, 
and  other  articles  brought  for  the  consunq)tion  of 
the  people  of  Quinsai,  I  shall  instance  the  single 
article  of  pepper.  I,  Marco  Polo,  was  informed  by 
an  oflicer  employed  in  the  customs,  that  the  daily 
amount  was  forty-three  loads,  each  weighing  243 
pounds. 
iMvate  Tm.  Tlic  liouses  of  the  citizens  are  well  built,  and 
dunw.«tic  richly  adorned  with  carving,  in  which,  as  well  as 
in  painting  and  ornamental  buildings,  they  take  great 
delight,  and  lavish  enormous  sums.  Their  natural 
disposition  is  pacific,  and  the  example  of  their  for- 
mer unwarliko  kings  has  accustomed  them  to  live 
in  tranquillity.  They  keep  no  arms  in  their  houses, 
and  are  unacquainted  with  their  use.  Their  mer- 
cantile transactions  are  conducted  in  a  manner  per- 
fectly upright  and  honourable.  They  also  behave 
in  a  friendly  manner  to  each  other,  so  that  the  in- 
habitants of  the  same  neighbourhood  appear  like 
one  family.  In  their  domestic  relations,  they  show 
no  jealousy  or  suspicion  of  their  wives,  but  treat 
them  with  great  respect.  Any  one  would  be  held 
as  infamous  that  should  address  indecent  expres- 
sions to  married  women.    They  behave  with  cor- 


habiu. 


365 


MAROO 
POLO. 


AMKRICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

diality  to  strangers  who  visit  the  city  for  commer- 
cial purposes,  h()S})itubiy  entertain  tliem,  au<l  aflbrd 
tlieir  best  assistance  in  their  business.  On  the  other 
hand,  they  hate  the  very  sight  of  soldiers,  even  the 
guards  of  the  Great  Kliari ;  recollecting,  that  by 
their  means  they  jiave  been  deprived  of  the  govern- 
ment of  tlieir  native  sovereigns. 

On  the  lake  above  mentioned  are  a  number  of  Lake  in  the 
pleasure-barges,  capable  of  holding  from  ten  to  hoc5ofu»e 
twenty  persons,  being  from  fifteen  to  twenty  paces 
long,  with  a  broad  level  floor,  and  moving  steadily 
through  the  water.  Those  who  delight  in  this 
amusement,  and  propose  to  enjoy  it,  either  with 
their  ladies  or  companions,  engage  one  of  these 
barges,  which  they  find  always  in  the  very  best  or- 
der, with  seats,  tables,  and  every  thing  necessary 
for  an  entertainment.  Tlie  boatmen  sit  on  a  flat 
upper  deck,  and  with  long  poles  reaching  to  the 
bottom  of  the  lake,  not  more  than  two  fathoms  deep, 
push  along  the  vessels  to  any  desired  spot.  These 
cabins  are  painted  in  various  colours,  and  with 
many  figures ;  the  exterior  is  similarly  adorned. 
On  each  side  are  windows,  which  can  at  pleasure 
be  kept  open  or  shut,  when  the  company  seated  at 
table  may,  delight  theit  eyes  with  the  varied  beauty 
of  the  passing  scenes.  Indeed  the  gratification  de- 
rived from  these  water-excursions  exceeds  any  that 
can  be  enjoyed  on  land;  for  as  the  lake  extends  all 
along  the  city,  you  discover,  while  standing  in  the 
boat,  at  a  certain  distance  from  the  shore,  all  its 
grandeur  and  beauty,  palaces,  temples,  convents, 


3S6 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCX) 
POLO. 


fahetot 

the  king, 
and  his 
great  lux- 
ury. 


and  gardens,  while  lofty  trees  reach  down  to  the 
-  water's  edge.  At  the  same  time  are  seen  other 
boats  continually  passing,  similarly  filled  with  par- 
ties of  pleasure.  Generally,  indeed,  the  inhabitants, 
when  they  have  finished  the  labours  of  the  day,  or 
closed  their  mercantile  transactions,  think  only  of 
seeking  amusement  with  their  wives  or  mistresses, 
either  in  these  barges  or  driving  about  the  city  in 
carriages.  The  main  street  already  mentioned  is 
paved  with  vstone  and  brick  to  the  width  of  ten 
paces  on  each  side,  the  interval '  being  filled  up 
with  small  gravel,  and  having  arched  drains  to 
carry  off  the  water  into  the  canals,  so  that  it  is 
always  kept  dry.  On  this  road  the  carriages  are 
constantly  driving.  They  are  long,  covered  at  top, 
have  curtains  and  cusliious  of  silk,  and  can  hold  six 
persons.  Citizens  of  both  sexes,  desirous  of  this 
amusement,  hire  them  for  that  purpose,  and  you  see 
them  at  every  hour  moving  about  in  vast  numbers. 
In  many  cases  the  people  visit  gardens,  where  they 
are  introduced  by  the  managers  of  the  place  into 
shady  arbours,  and  remain  till  the  time  of  return- 
ing home. 

The  palace  already  mentioned  had  a  wall  with 
a  passage  dividing  the  exterior  court  from  an  inner 
one,  which  formed  a  kind  of  cloister,  supporting  a 
portico  that  surrounded  it,  and  led  to  various  royal 
apartments.  Hence  you  entered  a  covered  passage 
or  corridor,  six  paces  wide,  and  so  long  as  to  reach 
to  the  margin  of  the  lake.  On  each  side  werQ  cor- 
responding entrances  to  ten  courts,  also  resembling 


AMKIUCUS   VKSl'UCIUa. 

cloisters  with  porticos,  and  each  having  fifty  pri- 
vate rooms,  with  gardens  attached, — the  residence  - 
of  a  thousand  young  females,  whom  the  king  main- 
tained iu  his  service.  In  tlie  company  either  of  his 
queen  or  of  a  party  of  those  ladies  he  used  to  seek 
amusement  on  the  lake,  visiting  the  idol-temples  on 
its  banks.  The  otiier  two  portions  of  this  seraglio 
were  laid  out  in  groves,  pieces  of  water,  beautiful 
orchards,  and  enclosures  for  animals  suited  for  the 
chase,  as  antelopes,  deer,  stags,  hares,  and  rabbits. 
Here,  too,  the  king  amused  himself, — his  damsels 
accompanying  him  in  carriages  or  on  horseback. 
No  man  was  allowed  to  be  of  the  party,  but  the 
females  were  skilled  in  the  art  of  coursing  and  pur- 
suing the  animals.  When  fatigued  they  retired 
into  the  groves  on  the  margin  of  the  lake,  and, 
quitting  their  dresses,  rushed  into  the  water,  when 
they  swam  sportively  in  different  directions, — the 
king  remaining  a  spectator  of  the  exhibition. 
Sometimes  he  had  his  repast  provided  beneath  the 
dense  foliage  of  one  of  these  groves,  and  was  there 
waited  upon  by  the  damsels.  Thus  he  spent  his 
time  in  this  enervating  society,  profoundly  ignorant 
of  martial  affairs ;  hence  the  Grand  Khan,  as  al- 
ready mentioned,  was  enabled  to  deprive  him  of 
his  splendid  possessions,  and  drive  Mm  with  igno-. 
miny  from  his  throne.  All  these  particulars  were 
related  to  me  by  a  rich  merchant  of  Q,uinsai,  who 
was  then  very  old ;  and  having  been  a  confidential 
servant  of  King  Facfur,  was  acquainted  with  every 
circumstance  of  his  life.    He  knew  the  palace  in  its 


357 


MABOO 
POLO. 


'«i. 


1^ 


368 


LIFK  AND   VOYAGES  OF 


Revenue  of 
theKhui. 


1  > 


HAioo    former  splendour,  uiid  ilesircd  ine  to  come  and  take 

'—  a  view  ol"  it.    Being  then   tlie  residence  of  the 

Khnn's  viceroy,  tlie  colonnudes  were  preserved  en- 
tire, but  the  chambers  had  been  allowed  to  go  to 
ruin, — only  tlieir  foundations  remaining  visible. 
The  walls,  t(X),  including  the  parks  ami  gardens, 
had  been  left  to  decay,  and  no  longer  contained  any 
trees  or  animals.  "    ' 

I  will  now  tell  you  of  the  large  revenue  which 
the  Khan  draws  from  this  city,  and  the  territory 
under  its  jurisdiction,  which  is  the  ninth  part  of  the 
province  of  Manji.  The  salt  of  that  country  yields 
to  him  in  the  year  eighty  tomans  of  gold,  and  each 
toman  is  70,000  saiks,  which  amount  to  5,000,000, 
and  each  saik  is  worth  more  than  a  gold  florin; 
and  is  not  this  most  great  and  wonderful !  In  that 
country,  too,  there  grows  more  sugar  than  in  the 
whole  world  besides,  and  it  yields  a  very  large  rev- 
enue ;  I  will  not  state  it  particularly,  but  remark 
that,  taking  all  spices  together,  they  pay  S\  per 
cent.,  which  is  levied  too  on  all  other  merchandise. 
Large  taxes  are  also  derived  from  wine,  rice,  coal, 
and  from  the  twelve  arts,  which,  as  already  men- 
tioned, have  each  twelve  thousand  stations.  On 
every  thing  a  duty  is  imposed :  and  on  silk  espe- 
'  cially,  and  on  other  articles,  is  paid  ten  per  cent. 
But  I,  Marco  Polo,  tell  you,  because  I  have  often 
heard  the  account  of  it,  that  the  revenue  on  all 
these  commodities  amounts  every  year  to  210  to- 
mans, or  14,700,000  saiks,  and  that  is  the  most 
enormous  amount  of  money  that  ever  was  heard  of, 


AMERICUS  VR8PUCIUS. 


3W 


and   yet  is   paid  by  on'y  the  niiitli   part  of  the    mamm 
province  of  Maiiji.     Now  let  us  depart  from  this  -'^— 
city  of  (iuinsai,  and  go  to  another  called  Tam- 
pin-gul. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CIPANGO. 

''''■■• 

This  is  a  very  large  island,  fifteen  hundred  miles 

from  the  continent.  The  people  are  fair,  hand- 
.some,  and  of  agreeable  manners.  They  are  idol- 
aters, and  live  quite  sej)aratc,  entirely  independent 
of  all  otlier  nations.  Gold  is  very  abundant,  and 
no  man  being  allowed  to  export  it,  while  no  mer- 
chant goes  thence  to  the  mainland,  the  people  ac- 
cumulate a  vast  amount.  But  I  v\ill  give  you  a 
,  wonderful  account  of  a  very  large  palace,  all  cov- 
ered with  that  metal,  as  our  churches  are  with 
lead.  The  pavement  of  the  chamber,  the  halls, 
windows,  and  every  other  part,  have  it  laid  on  two 
inches  thick,  so  that  the  riches  of  this  palace  are 
incalculable.  Here  are  also  red  pearls,  large,  and 
of  equal  value  with  the  white,  with  many  other 
precious  stones.  Kublai,  on  hearing  of  this  ama- 
zing wealth,  desired  to  conquer  the  island,  and 
sent  two  of  his  barons  with  a  very  large  fleet  con- 
taining warriors,  both  horsemen  and  on  foot.  One 
was  named  Abatan,  the  other  Vonsanicin,  both 
wise  and  valiant.  They  sailed  from  Zai-tun  and 
Quinsai,  reached  the  isle,  landed,  and  took  posses- 
sion of  the  plain  and  of  a  number  of  houses  ;  but 


900 


MFF.  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


MABCO 
POLO. 


they  had  been  unable  to  take  any  city  or  castle, 
when  a  sad  misadventure  occurred.  A  mutual 
jealousy  arose  amongst  them,  which  prevented 
their  acting  in  any  concert.  One  day  when  the 
north  wind  blew  very  strong,  the  troops  expressed 
to  each  other  apprehensions,  that  if  they  remained, 
all  the  vessels  would  be  wrecked.  The  whole 
then  went  on  board  and  set  sail.  When  tljey  had 
proceeded  about  four  miles,  they  found  another 
small  isle,  on  which,  the  storm  being  violent,  a 
number  sought  refuge.  Others  could  not  reach  it, 
many  of  whom  sufl'ered  shipwreck  and  perished ; 
but  some  were  preserved,  and  sailed  for  their  na- 
tive country.  Those  who  had  landed,  30,000  in 
number,  looked  on  themselves  as  dead  men,  seeing 
no  means  of  ever  escaping ;  and  their  anger  and 
grief  were  increased,  when  they  beheld  the  other 
ships  making  their  way  homeward. 

The  sovereign  and  people  of  the  large  isle  re- 
joiced greatly  when  they  saw  the  host  thus  scat- 
tered and  many  of  them  cast  upon  the  islet.  As 
soon  as  the  sea  calmed,  they  assembled  a  great 
number  of  ships,  sailed  thither  and  lauded,  hoping 
to  capture  all  those  refugees.  But  when  the  latter 
saw  that  their  enemies  had  disembarked,  leaving 
the  vessels  unguarded,  they  skilfully"  retreated  to 
another  quarter,  and  continued  moving  about  till 
they  reached  the  ships,  and  went  on  board  without 
any  opposition.  They  then  sailed  direct  for  the 
principal  island,  hoisting  its  own  standards  and 
ensigns.    On  seeing  these,  tlie  people  believed  theii 


AMRIunUS  VKSPUCIUS. 

own  countrymen  had  returned,  and  allowed  thcni 
to  enter  the  city.  The  Turtarn,  fuidin^  it  defended 
only  by  old  men,  sixm  drove  them  out,  retaining 
the  women  an  sluves.  When  the  kin^  and  his 
warriors  .saw  themselves  thus  deceived,  silid  their 
city  captured,  they  were  like  to  die  of  grief;  but 
they  assembled  other  ships,  and  invested  it  so 
closely  as  to  prevent  all  comnmnication.  The 
invaders  maintained  it  seven  months,  and  planned 
day  and  night  how  they  might  convey  tidings  to 
their  master  of  their  present  condition  ;  but  fmding 
this  impossible,  they  agreed  with  the  besiegers  to 
surrender,  securing  only  their  lives.  This  took 
place  in  the  year  1269.  The  Great  Khan,  however, 
ordered  one  of  the  commanders  of  this  host  to  lose 
his  head,  and  the  other  to  be  sent  to  the  isle  where 
he  had  caused  the  loss  of  so  many  men,  and  there 
put  to  death.  I  have  to  relate  also  a  very  wonder- 
ful thing,  that  these  two  barons  took  a  number  of 
persons  in  a  castle  of  Cipango,  and  because  they 
had  refused  to  surrender,  ordered  all  their  heads  to 
be  cut  off;  but  there  were  eight  on  whom  they 
could  not  execute  this  sentence,  because  these  wore 
consecrated  stones  in  the  arm  between  the  skin 
and  the  flesh,  which  so  enchanted  them,  that  they 
could  not  die  by  steel.  They  were  therefore  beaten 
to  death  with  clubs,  and  the  stones,  being  extracted, 
were  held  very  precious.  But  I  must  leave  this 
matter  and  go  on  with  the  narrative. 

46 


361 


MAWX) 

POLO. 


Sb;] 


l.iri:   AND   VOVAQKS  OF 


l(X) 
fOUk 


Paper  Monry  -Immense  Wealth  of  the  Great  Khan, 


Willi  rt*gar(t  to  the  monryof  Knmlmlii,  tlic  Great 
Khan  may  ho  niUoii  u  pirtW-t  nU'liyiiiiNt,  tor  he 
iDuki'i^  it  iiiinsi'ir  He  onU'rs  poopio  to  c-olloct  the 
bark  of  a  oerlaiii  tree,  wliose  leaves  are  eaten  by 
the  worms  tliat  spin  silk.  The  thin  rind,  bet  ween 
the  bark  and  the  interior  wikmI  is  taken,  and  from 
it  eards  are  lorined  like  those  oi'  paper,  all  hhick. 
He  then  eauses  them  to  he  cut  into  pieces,  and 
each  is  declared  worth  respectively  half  a  livre,  a 
whole  one,  a  silver  gi*osso  of  Venice,  and  so  on  to 
the  value  of  ten  bezants.  All  these  cards  are 
stamped  with  his  seal,  and  so  many  ace  fabricated, 
that  they  would  buy  all  the  treasuries  in  the  world. 
He  makes  all  his  payments  in  them,  and  circulates 
them  through  the  kingdoms  and  provinces  over 
which  he  holds  dondnion ;  and  none  dares  to  refuse 
them  under  pain  of  death.  All  the  nations  undei 
his  sway  receive  and  pay  this  money  for  their  njcr- 
chandi.se,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and  what- 
ever they  transport,  buy,  or  sell.  The  merchants 
often  bring  to  him  goods  worth  400,000  bezants, 
and  he  pays  them  aU  in  these  cards,  which  they 
willingly  accept,  because  they  can  make  jiurchases 
with  them  throughout  the  whole  empire.  He  fre- 
quently conunands  those  who  have  gold,  silver, 
cloths  of  silk  and  gold,  or  other  precious  commodi- 
ties, to  bring  them  to  him.  Then  he  calls  twelve 
men  skilful  in  these  matters,  and  conunands  them 


AMKR10U8   VRHPII0IU8. 


prt 


VMUH  N(ttn(>s  ill  Ins  (ioiiiiiiioiiH.     VVIirii 


any  of 


tho  cards  nn^  Uirii  (»r  Npoih'tl,  tlir  owiut  rarrics 
tliiMii  (o  tlio  plact^  wluMii't*  they  wcn^issiUMl,  and 
rect'ivi's  (Vrsli  ours,  with  a  diMliictioii  ol"  'A  \)vr  rent. 
If  u  mail  wishes  f;oUl  or  silver  to  make  plate,  gir- 
dles, or  other  ornaments,  he  g<»es  to  the  ollice,  car- 
rying a  siiHicient  niimher  of  eanN,  and  gives  them 
in  payment  lor  the  quantity  which  he  nM|iiires. 
This  is  the  reason  why  the  Khan  has  more  treas- 
ure tiian  any  other  lord  in  the  world;  nay,  all  tlu^ 
princes  in  the  world  together  have  not  an  equal 
amount. 


riiiAi. 


to  l(M)k  at  the  articles,  and  fix.  their  price.     VVhiit-    mamii> 
ever  they  name  is  paid  in  these  cards,  which  the 
merchant  cordially  receiv(>s.     In  this  nianner  the 
great  sin*  possesses  all  the  gold,  silvtT,  pearls,  and 


*. 


The  Care  and  Ihmnty  of  the  Munnri'h  Inwards 
/«'.»  Subjedn. 

He  sendu  his  messengers  thnMigh  all  his  king- 
doms and  pntvinces,  to  know  if  any  of  his  suh- 
Jects  have  had  their  crops  injiir(;d  through  had 
weather  or  any  other  disaster;  aii<l  if  such  injury 
hus  happened,  he  does  not  exact  fn»m  tlu^ni  any 
tribute  lor  that  season  or  year  ;  nay,  he  gives  tluMU 
corn  out  uf  his  own  stores  to  subsist  upon,  and  to 
sow  their  fields.  This  he  Iocs  in  summer;  in  win- 
ter he  inquires  if  there  has  been  a  mortality  among 
the  cattle,  and  in  that  case  grants  similar  (exemption 
and  aid.     When  there  is  a  great  abundance  of 


864 


MAIOO 

lOLO. 


LIFE  AND  VOVAOEfl  OF  * 

grain,  he  cauach  nuigtizincs  to  be  formed,  to  contain 
■  wlieat,  rice,  millet,  or  barley,  tuid  cure  to  be  taken 
that  it  be  not  lost  or  Hpoiled ;  then  when  a  scarcity 
occurs,  this  grain  in  drawn  forth,  and  sold  f«)r  a  third 
or  fourth  of  the  current  price.  Thus  there  cannot 
be  any  severe  famine ;  for  he  does  it  through  all  his 
dominions;  jie  bestows  also  great  charity  on  many 
poor  families  in  Kumbalu ;  and  when  he  hears  of 
individuals  who  have  not  food  to  eat,  he  causes 
grain  to  be  given  to  them.  Bread  is  not  refused  at 
the  court  throughout  the  whole  year  to  any  who 
come  to  beg  for  it ;  and  on  this  account  he  is  adored 
as  a  god  by  his  people.  His  majesty  provides  them 
also  with  raiment  out  of  his  tithes  of  wool,  silk,  and 
hemp.  These  materials  he  causes  to  be  woven  into 
different  sorts  of  cloth,  in  a  house  erected  for  that 
purpose,  where  every  artisan  is  obliged  to  work  one 
day  in  the  week  for  his  service.  Garments  made 
of  the  stuffs  thus  manufactured  are  given  to  desti- 
tute families  for  their  winter  and  summer  dresses. 
A  dress  is  also  prepared  for  liis  armies ;  and  in  ev- 
ery city  a  quantity  of  woollen  cloth  is  woven,  be- 
ing defrayed  from  the  tithes  there  levied.  It  must 
be  observed,  that  the  Tartars,  according  to  their 
original  customs,  when  they  had  not  yet  adopted 
the  religion  of  the  idolaters,  never  bestowed  alms  ; 
but  when  applied,  to  by  any  necessitous  person,  re- 
pelled him  with  reproachful  expressions,  saying, — 
begone  with  your  complaints  of  a  bad  season,  God 
has  sent  it  to  you,  and  had  he  loved  you,  as  he  evi- 
dently loves  me,  you  would  have  similarly  prosper- 


AMKKICUH  Vlii4PUClU8. 


365 


«l.  But  Niricv  M)inc  of  the  wIno  men  ainoiiK  the 
iduiutiTN,  ettpeciully  the  hukMi,  litive  repreNciited  to 
hiM  inajeMty,  that  to  provide  for  the  |MM»r  is  a  ^(nmI 
work  and  hi^ldy  grateful  to  their  deilii'M,  he  haH  be- 
stowed charity  in  tlie  manner  now  descrihed,  no 
that,  at  hiH  court,  none  are  denied  f(M)d  who  come  to 
aHk  for  it.  He  lias  also  no  arranged  that  in  all  the 
highways  by  whicii  meNNengers,  nirrcliantM,  and 
other  persons  travel,  trees  are  planted  at  short 
distances  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  and  are  so 
tall  that  they  can  be  seen  from  u  great  distance. 
They  serve  thus  both  to  show  the  way  and  af- 
ford u  grateful  shade.  This  is  done  whenever 
the  nature  of  the  soil  admits  of  plantation;  but 
when  the  route  lies  through  sandy  deserts  or  over 
rocky  mountains,  he  has  ordered  stones  to  be  set 
up,  or  columns  erected,  to  guide  the  traveller.  Of- 
ficers of  rank  are  appointed,  whose  duty  it  is  to  take 
care  that  these  matters  be  properly  arranged,  and 
the  roads  kept  constantly  in  good  order.  Besides 
other  motives,  the  Great  Khan  is  influenced  by  the 
declaration  of  his  soothsayers  and  astrologers,  that 
those  who  plant  trees  receive  long  life  as  their  re- 
ward. 


MAIUO 


•/.•; 


^m 


V. 


FEL10W-V0YAOER8  OF   AMERICUS. 


ALON/O  l)K  (UF.DA  AND  JUAN  UK  I.A  CONA.> 

ojiDA.  A  nuiF.i-'  luiticf  of  tin?  onrly  tan-fr  of  tlio  (ir4  of 
tlioM*  iiavi^atorH  Iwin  h<>oii  kIvimi  previously  in  (liit 
volitiiif.  His  Niihscqucnt  t'xploitN  ixrv  (|iiiU^  iiitcr- 
i'Mtin^.  It  lias  already  birn  Mcrii  fn>iii  (he  account 
of  AinoricuN,  who  vvjih  his  rdlow-voya^cr  in  I  ll>t>, 
that  lu>  could  have  reali/nl  hut  a  very  trilling  profit 
fnun  his  share  in  that  expedition.  In  fact,  he  ac- 
quired nothing  but  renown  as  a  hold  and  skilful  fol- 
h)wer  of  the  seas.  Many  were  the  tales  which  were 
circulated  of  lii.s  prowess  and  intrepidity,  and  his 
popularity  with  the  people,  ever  moved  to  enthusi- 
asm by  daring  exploits,  seconded  by  the  powerful 
interest  of  his  patron,  the  Bishop  Fonsecn,  led  him 
prt>spcrously  on'/ard  to  royal  favoiur.     Soon  after 


'  This  illiislrnlidii  of  llu;  liven  of 
Ojedu  utiii  I)t!  la  (Josn  is  utirid^rd 
mainly  iron,  t\\v  work  of  Mr.  Ir- 
ving, entitled  the  Liven  of  tlio 
CuriipanionM  of  CoIiiiiiIium.  It 
WQS  ori;»inaIly  inlriidid  lo  Imve 
trunslutfd  Hueli  portion*  of  thu 
"  Vioges  Mcnores"  of  Novarre^to 
U  referred  tu  the  uubjcct,  but  the 


full  accounts  of  Mr.  Irving,  who, 
us  he  siiyM  in  iiiit  Preface,  has  eon- 
suited  this  work,  as  well  as  many 
other  valimhio  works  ond  docu- 
ments of  reference,  |iresent(>d  so 
complete  an  array  of  material 
that  it  was  dt^ermined  to  abandon 
the  original  intention  fur  the  prev- 
ent pltm. 


Line  AND  voYAOM  ow  AMKRicvN  vRirvaut. 


M7 


y 


hU  rftiini,  lbL>   riMTJwd  n  <;r(itit  of  ni\  Icii^iioh  of   rn.Miw 


Vi»VA>i 


AMKNIUV* 


luiitl  ill  lliM|iiiiiiolii,  ami  (hi  iiiMitioii  to  lil  out  vchmcIh  or 
fur  n  fiirtlur  jimiHtH-ti(i<<M  of  (liM'nvi>ri< "«  on  tlir  coiiHt 
of  tlir  iiiaiiilaiMJ  lit*  wan  ()rol>il>iU'<l  Iroiii  iiiliT- 
i'vriutu  Willi  (lie  IraltK  on  (lie  coaMl  oi  t'uria,  williiii 
certain  liinitN,  but  wan  granted  a  ii;;lit  to  (rii<tr  in 
all  other  parts,  on  cotuiiliou  of  piiyiiip:  onr-rHili  tif 
tliv  iirofitN  of  liiN  voya^t'  to  tlir  kiii^.  lit*  wan  au- 
tiiori/('(l  to  I'oloni/c  (Jotiniltarna,  iin«l  an  an  induce* 
iiuMit  was  to  receive  lialf  I  lie  reveiiia*  of  tin*  lu'vv 
colony,  iinlfNN  it  exceeded  :{(MI,iHN)  nlarave(li^4,  in 
wliieli  cuMC  llie  MiirpluN  wiin  to  ^o  to  (he  crown. 

With  Niich  brilliant  prospectN  befort*  him,  Ojeda  ji,in<iKVrr 
found  no  dilliculty  in  findinf;  |)artn(*rN  and  assist-  (.mman 
once  in  his  undertaking.  .Iiiaii  dir  Ver^ara  and 
Garcia  de  C'aiiipoM  jitined  in  bis  enterprise,  making 
a  partnership  agreement  for  the  term  of  two  yciirs, 
They  fitted  out  four  sliipN,  the  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Antigua,  the  Santa  Maria  de  la  (trariada,  the  cara- 
vel Ma^iialena,  and  the  caravel  Santa  Ana.  His 
partners  each  coinmnnded  one  of  the  first-named 
vessels,  his  nephew,  l*edro,  the  third,  and  Hernando 
de  (iuevara  the  fourth  ;  the  whole  ileet  bein;;  con- 
trolled by  Ojeda  him.self 

The  (^\pellitiorl  set  sail  in  1502,  and  after  pro- 
curing the  usual  supply  of  provisions  at  the  (cana- 
ries, crossed  the  ocean  in  safety,  and  touched  the 
sliorcs  of  the  New  World  on  the  coast  of  C'limana. 
Tins  was  tbe  native  name  of  the  country,  but  Oje- 
da called  it  Val-fermoso,  on  account  of  its  b(!auty 
and  fertility.     Wbile  supplying  the  immediale  nc- 


^.ML'rd^  -: 


368 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


OF 
AMERICUB. 


nuxiw-  cessities  of  his  vessels  on  this  co.ast,  Ojeda  adopted 

VOTAOKK8  ,.       ^  .  „,.... 

an  expedient  savouring  more  of  pohcy  than  justice. 
Knowing  that  he  should  want  many  utensils  and 
articles  of  common  use  in  his  new  colony,  he  de- 
termined to  procure  tiiem  from  the  natives  of  Cu- 
mana,  rather  than  enrage  the  Indians  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  his  proposed  settlement.  Their  pillage 
was  successful,  but  was  the  occasion  of  much 
bloodslied.  Notwithstanding  the  orders  of  Ojeda 
to  his  men,  to  do  as  little  damage  as  possible,  the 
poor  Indians  suffered  severely,  their  cabins  were 
burnt,  and  several  of  their  women  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, or  only  returned  to  them  on  the  payment  of 
a  ransom.  To  the  honour  of  Ojeda,  it  is  said  that 
he  took  nothing  of  the  spoil  but  a  hammock. 

After  a  while  the  fleet  proceeded  to  Coquibacoa, 
but  finding  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  ex- 
tremely sterile,  they  went  on  further  to  a  bay 
which  Ojeda  called  Santa  Cruz,  and  is  the  present 
Bahia  Honda,  where  it  was  determined  to  form  a 
settlement.  They  found  in  this  place  a  Spaniard, 
who  had  been  left  by  Bastides,  a  voyager  who  had 
visited  those  parts  about  a  ye^r  previously.  He 
had  since  been  living  peaceably  with  the  Indians, 
and  had  acquired  their  language.  The  natives  at 
first  attempted  to  oppose  the  landing  of  Span- 
iards, but  were  soon  overawed  by  the  display  of 
force  which  Ojeda  made,  and  came  forward  to 
greet  them  with  presents.  The  adventurers  im- 
mediately commenced  building  their  fortress,  and 
storing  in  it  their  godds  and  provisions.    All  the 


Settlement 
«t  Bahia 
Honda. 


% 


^^ 


» 


CJEDA   IN   IRONS. 


i'l 


■% 
^ 


^ 


They  had  hardly  put  out  to  aea  hefore  a  fierce  quarrel  arose  bet'ween  Talavera  and 
himself,  with  refjard  to  their  respective  rights  of  cortimand,  v/hioh  ended  in 
his  teing  seized  by  the  freebooter's  ore^w  and  ioaded  with  irons. 
(Sbx  Page  388  ) 


AMBRICUS  VESPUGIUS. 


368 


gold  which  they  acquired  by  barter  or  plunder,  rrtLow- 
was  deposited  in  a  safe  box,  under  two  keys,  one      of 
of  which  was  kept  by  the  royal  officer  wlio  accom-  ^""""'^^ 
panied  the  expedition,  and  the  other  by  Ocainpo. 

All  the  gold,  however,  which  they  were  enabled  Quarreu  of 
to  collect  did  not  supply  them  with  provisions,  w«i»'ineifc 
which  grew  day  by  day  more  scarce,  notwithstand- 
ing the  energetic  efforts  of  the  foraging  parties 
continually  despatched  by  tiie  commander  to  ran- 
sack the  country.  The  people  murmured  at  their 
deprivations  and  sufferings,  and  above  all  a  fear 
arose  among  them  that  they  would  lose  their 
means  of  departure,  in  consequence  of  their  ships  v 
having  been  attacked  by  a  species  of  worm,  which 
bored  holes  in  the  planks,  and  caused  them  to  leak 
greatly.  As  is  ever  the  case,  discontent  produced 
recrimination  and  quarrels,  and  the  factions  of  the 
petty  colony  rose  at  last  to  such  a  height,  that  his 
partners  at  length  entrapped  Ojeda  on  board  of  one 
of  the  caravels,  seized  him,  and  put  him  in  irons. 
They  gave  out  that  he  had  gone  farther  than  his 
license  from  the  sovereigns  allowed,  that  he  was  a 
defaulter,  for  whom  they  would  be  liable  as  sure- 
ties, and  that  they  were  determined  to  take  him  to 
Spain  for  trial. 

Ojeda  made  one  or  two  attempts  to  compromise 
with  his  partners  without  success,  and  at  last  they 
sailed  in  the  beginning  of  September,  carrying 
away  with  them  the  whole  colony,  and  the  strong 
box,  which  was  the  main  cause  of  all  their  dis- 
putes.   When  they  arrived  at  the  western  coast 

47 


fmf 


370 


LIPE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


ii 


i 


nuAiw-  of  Hispaniola,  their  captive  coveraor  made  a  de»- 

VOYAQER8  r  o 

OF      pcrate  attempt   to   escape  from  his  confinement. 

'-  The  vessels  were  lying  at  anchor,  ahout  a  stone's 

throw  from  the  shore,  when,  relying  upon  his  ac- 
tivity and  skill  as  a  swimmer,  he  slipped  quietly 
over  the  side  into  the  water,  in  the  night-time,  and 
made  for  the  shore.  But  though  his  arms  were 
left  free,  his  feet  were  chained,  and  finding  that  the 
weight  of  his  shackles  was  sinking  him,  he  was 
compelled  to  cry  for  help,  and,  half  drowned,  was 
again  put  into  confmement  on  board. 

Legii  pro.  When  they  arrived  St.  Domingo,  a  long  lawsuit 
oSS^  took  place  before  the  Chief  Judge  of  the  island, 
who  found  Ojeda  guilty,  in  spite  of  his  protesta- 
tions that  his  partners  were  the  persons  in  fault. 
The  decision  pronounced  him  a  defaulter,  stripped 
him  of  all  his  eflects,  and  brought  him  heavily  in 
debt  to  the  government.  For  a  time  he  was  looked 
upon  as  a  ruined  man,  and  though,  subsequently, 
on  an  appeal  by  Ojeda  to  the  royal  council,  the 
case  was  reconsidered,  the  decision  reversed,  and 
an  order  issued  for  the  restoration  of  his  property, 
yet  the  expenses  of  the  lawsuit,  in  which  he  was 
engaged  for  nearly  a  year,  consumed  all  his  small 
fortune,  and  left  him  a  bankrupt,  though  trium- 
phant, litigant. 

This  judicial  contest  was  decided  in  1503,  and 
for  some  years  after  that  period  no  record  appears 
concerning  the  movements  of  Ojeda,  excepting  one, 
which,  without  particularizing,  mentions  that  he 
made  another  voyage  to  the  vicinity  of  Coquibacoa 


I 


•^<- 


AMERICUS  VE8PUCIU8. 


371 


in  1505.    In  1508  he  is  found  again  in  Hispaniola.  vellow- 
With  the  loving  and  restless  habits  of  the  mariner,      or 

he  seems  to  liave  united  the  cbmmon  fault  of 

sailors  of  all  countries,  a  reckless  and  profuse  ex- 
travagance, which  led  him  to  squander  his  re- 
sources, and  kept  him  always  in  a  state  of  poverty, 
although  it  did  not  weaken  his  love  of  daring  en- 
terprise. 

About  this  time  the  cupidity  of  King  Ferdinand  The  gold 
was  attracted  by  the  gold  mines  of  the  coast  of  vemgu*. 
Veragua,  and  projects  were  set  on  foot  to  establish 
colonics  in  that  direction.  Indisposed  to  increase 
the  power  of  Columbus  and  his  family,  the  wary 
monarch  looked  about  for  some  one  to  appoint  to 
the  command  of  these  colonies,  and  among  others, 
Ojeda  was  thought  of  for  the  post.  Although  pos- 
sessing, in  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  a  strong  friend  at 
court,  he  was,  unfortunately,  too  far  absent  and  too 
poor  to  urge  his  claims,  and  had  it  not  been  for  his 
lucky  meeting  with  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  he  would 
probably  never  have  obtained  the  appointment. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  even  at  the  time  when  he  juan  de  in 
accompanied  Americus  on  his  second  voyage,  in 
the  capacity  of  pilot,  a  veteran  in  maritime  affairs. 
He  had  previously  sailed  with  Columbus,  and,  as 
Navarrete  says,  somewhat  sneeringly,  "  in  the  opin- 
ion of  others  as  well  as  of  himself,"  was  thought 
not  to  be  inferior  to  Columbus  in  his  knowledge  of 
navigation.*  Peter  Martyr  relates,  that  the  Span- 
iards esteemed  the  maps  which  were  drawn  by 

'  Navarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  4. 


Com. 


3T2 


UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


AMBRICV8. 


Voya^of 

BuUduR. 


4 

i 

IJ 


rsLLow   him,  and  by  another  pilot  named  Andres  Morales, 

VOTAQKBS  •'1  ' 

or  as  the  best  in  the  world,  and  that  they  were 
"  thought  to  be  more  cunning  in  that  part  of  cos- 
mography which  teacheth  the  description  and 
measuring  of  the  sea,  than  any  others,'"  Soon 
after  his  return  from  the  New  World,  in  1500,  in 
the  month  of  October  in  that  year,  he  was  solicited 
by  Rodrigo  de  Uastides,  to  accompany  him,  in  two 
caravels  which  he  had  fitted  out,  to  search  lor  gold 
and  pearls.  Bastides  was  a  notary,  and  knew  no- 
thing of  navigation,  but  confided  the  whole  manage- 
ment of  the  navigation  to  Juan  do  la  Cosa,  who  ex- 
tended his  fame  for  sound  discretion  and  able  sea- 
manship. 

This  voyage  was  extremely  successful,  and  they 
had  collected  an  immense  amount  of  gold  and 
pearls,  when  their  good  fortune  was  checked  by  an 
unlooked-for  event.  They  found  that  their  vessels 
were  eaten  through  in  many  places  by  the  destruc- 
tive worms  which  abound  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  and 
leaked  so  badly  that  they  could  scarcely  be  kept 
afloat  long  enough  to  eifable  them  to  reach  Hispon- 
iola.  There  they  repaired  their  craft  and  put  to 
sea,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Cadiz,  but 
were  once  more  controlled  by  evil  fortune,  and 
driven  back  again  by  a  succession  of  storms.  The 
leaks  broke  out  afresh,  and  after  landing  the  most 
portable  part  of  their  rich  cargo,  the  vessels  foun- 
dered before  they  could  get  out  the  remainder. 
Bastides  also  lost  the  arms  and  ammuniticvt  ^aved 

>  P.  Martyr.  Decade  ii  c.  10. 


'f 


.♦«». 


..-.  ^\.  i,!/ J*  ; 


AMERIOUfl  VRBPUGIU8. 


373 


flrom  tho  wrecks,  being  compelled  to  destroy  them,  rr.Lunvi- 
lest  they  Nliould  full  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.      '  ur 

The  crew  were  divided  into  three  parties,  two  '^**-!^!^ 
of  which  were  headed  by  Bastides  and  De  la  Cosa, 
and  started  for  St.  Domingo  by  three  diiTerent 
routes.  Bobadilla,  at  that  time  Ciovernor  of  San 
Domingo,  heard  of  their  approacii,  and  ordering 
them  to  be  arresttul  on  the  charge  of  pursuing  an 
illicit  traffic  with  the  Indians,  sent  them  to  Spain. 
He  was  tried  there  and  actpiittcd,  and  so  lucrative 
had  the  voyage  proved,  that  he  was  enabled  to  pay 
a  handsome  sum  to  the  crown,  besides  reserving  a 
large  fortune  for  himself.  In  reward  for  his  servi- 
ces, the  sovereigns  granted  him  an  annual  revenue 
for  life,  to  be  drawit  from  the  province  of  Uraba, 
which  he  had  discovered,  and  an  equal  pension 
was  assigned  to  De  la  Cosa,  witii  the  office  of  Al- 
guaKil  Mayor  of  the  same  territory  to  which  he  was 
appointed. 

It  if}  probable  that  the  veteran  pilot  remained  at 
home  for  some  time  after  his  return  from  this  voy- 
age, enjoying  his  well-earned  fortune,  for  it  has 
been  seen  tjiat  he  was  ordered  to  attend  the  court 
in  company  with  Amcricus,  soon  after  the  return 
of  King  Ferdinand  from  his  journey  to  Naples. 
Soon  after  that  time,  he*  went  to  Hispaniola. 

The  history  of  the  veteran  was  from  this  time  connection 
till  his  death  intimately  connected  with  that  of  CMawuh 

Ojeda. 

Ojeda.  He  had  managed  to  acquire  by  his  fortu- 
nate voyage  with  Bastides,  and  in  the  course  of  his 
other  ramblings,  considerable  property,  and  having 


TTT^^      !       ■-*'.       .      .      :^.    . 


IL^'!iil^K-'t^\l^,\.'.^L'j^\.t^ 


I 


!: 


* 


374 


UWK  AND  VOYAGES  (AT 


raLLow-  a  high  opinion  of  the  talents  and  energy  of  Ojcda, 
or      with  all  the  openheartedness  of  a  sailor,  he  placed 

'■  all  his  means  at  the  disposal  of  his  less  fortunate 

fViend.  It  was  concerted  between  them  that  Cosa 
should  proceed  to  Spain  to  promote  his  appoints 
ment  by  suit  at  court,  and  thougli  opposed  by  a 
powerful  ri\al,  Don  Diogo  de  Nicuessa,  he  was  suc- 
cessful, at  least  in  part.  King  Ferdinand,  with  his 
usual  slirewdness,  favoured  botii  the  candidates, 
and  dividing  that  part  of  the  continent  wliich  lies 
along  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  into  two  governments, 
he  gave  the  eastern  portion,  extending  to  Cape  De 
la  Vela,  to  Ojeda,  and  the  western,  including  Vera- 
gua,  and  extending  to  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  to  Ni- 
cuessa.  Each  of  them  was  bound  to  erect  two 
forts  in  their  respective  districts,  and  were  allowed 
the  product  of  the  mines  they  should  discover,  after 
a  certain  deduction  for  the  crown. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  received  the  appointment  of 
Lieutenant  under  Ojeda,  and  inunediately  fitted  out 
a  fleet  of  a  ship  and  two  brigantines,  in  which  he 
embarked  with  about  two  hundred  men.  The  ar- 
mament of  Nicuessa  was  much  more  powerful, 
owing  to  his  greater  command  of  means.  These 
rival  expeditions  arrived  at  San  Domingo  at  the 
same  time.  Ojeda  welcomed  his  lieutenant  with 
joy,  and  though  somewhat  mortified  at  the  small- 
ness  of  his  force  compared  with  that  of  Nicuessa, 
he  soon  found  means,  in  the  purses  of  his  friends 

between   on  the  island,  to  recruit  and  increase  his  forces. 

Wcimn.       During  their  stay,  a  feud  arose  between  the  rival 


■^ 


U 


,\ 


AMRRICU8  VRflPlTCIIIR. 


3fB 


OovcrnorN.    The  Ikhu*  t»f  ('ontrnlioii  was  tl'-  iMlnml  r«i.i,ow 
orJaiiiaica,  wliicli  liuu  imtii  aNsi^iicd  uiuliv.tlrd  to       or 
both  ol   I  hem  as  a  |Ha('c  to  pnuiirc  NU|t|MU's  lor  — 

tlu'ir  n*s|H'('tivi>  coloiiicH.     Ikith  of  (hem  claiiiu'd 
also  the  proviiur  of  Daririi  as  wilhiii  (heir  doiiiin- 
ioiiM.     Ojcda,  who  was  a  hcttcr  lighti'r  tliaii  rea- 
8oiu>r,  proposi'd  to  si'Kle  their  (hsputr  t>y  a  |H>rsoiial 
coiiihal,  hut  thi*  iiiorr  pnuiciit  Niciu'ssa,  siiiihii^  at 
tlie  licat  of  his  rival,  insisted  upon  a  th'posit  of  five 
thousand  (/ustilhuios  on  earli  side,  to  l)e  (lie  prize 
of  the  eonqueror,  which  he  knew  the  purse  <»f  Oje- 
du  wouUI  he  Um  poor  to  furnish,  (hou^li  liis  pri(U; 
was    too   great  to  acknowledge   it.      Juan   dt;  la 
Cosa,  however,  interposed  to  prevent  any  violence. 
The  inlluence  which  the  veteran  had  over  the  im- 
petuous spirit  of  his  coniinander  is  interesting.     He 
seems  to  have    sUhuI    by  him    as  a    Mentor,  and 
warmly  attached    to  one  whom    he    knew  to    he 
faithful  and  (U' voted,  and  of  courage  beyond  (pies- 
tion,  Ojeda  suflered  himself  to  be  contn»lled  in  liiN 
rash  impulses.     The  dispute  was  settled  by  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  river  Darien  as  the  boundary  of 
tlic  two  governments,  a  most  salutary  compromise, 
owing  entirely  to  the  good  judgment  of  the  veter- 
an pil(>t.      The  iliflerence  respcu'ting  Jamaica  was 
settled  by  Don  Diego  Columbus  himself,  who  took 
possession  of  it  in  the  right  of  his  father. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  1501),  Ojeda  set  sail  noittrtnra 
from   St.  Domingo.      His  (brce   consisted  of  two  i)..miiiK.'. 
ships,  two  brjgantmes,  and   three   hundred   men,     isw. 
among  whom  was  tlie  celebrated   Pizarro,  after- 


Ai>^ 


-  /.  ,>v         ""'J-     i. 


J.  'ta- -= 


876 


LIPR  AND  VOTAORfl  Or 


i 


nu.ow    vvaniN  the  coiunuTor  of  IVru.     Voriw,  likcwinc  in- 

VOVAU^KH 

or       trndrd  to  liave  Nailed  in  the  tieet,  hut  was  prevent- 

e<i   by  wu'kneNH.      I  lie  vt>yap;e  was  short,  lor  the 

experienced  1/e  la  (..*osa  knew  well  the  tiavi^nition. 
He  knew  t(M>  the  warlike  and  treachenaiN  charac- 
ter of  the  natives,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade 
Ojeda  to  conunence  a  setth<nient  in  the  (iulf  of 
Uraha,  where  the  people  were  less  i'erocious,  and 
did  not  use  poisoned  arrows.  Ojeda,  however, 
wouhl  not  ailer  his  plans,  and  it  is  thought  he  had 
nu  ohjecdon  (o  the  prospect  of  a  skirmish  with  the 
natives,  lor  in  lliat  way  he  hoped  to  capture  sla  '^8 
enough  to  pay  oil'  his  debts  in  llispaniola.  llo 
hmded.  therefore,  with  the  larj^est  part  of  his  force, 
and  with  a  nunduT  of  friars,  who  accompanied  him 
as  missionaries  to  convert  the  Indians,  and  his 
faithful  lieutenant,  unahle  to  keep  him  out  of  dan- 
ger, stood  by  to  second  him.  He  advanced  towards 
,  •  the  savages,  who  were  drawn  up  on  'ue  shore,  and 

ordered  the  friars  to  read  aloud  a  certain  manifesto, 
wiiich  had  recently  been  prepared  by  divines  and 
juristo  in  Spain,  to  be  used  in  such  emergencies, 
and  which  is  suHiciently  curious  to  merit  being 
copied  in  lull.  It  reads  as  follows: 
Proriamii-  "  I,  Alonzo  (Ic  Ojeihi,  servant  of  the  high  and 
to  uin /n*  mighty  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon,  civiUzers  of  bar- 
barous nations,  their  messenger  and  captain,  notify 
and  make  known  to  you,  in  the  best  way  I  can,  that 
God  our  Lord,  one  a?id  eternal,  created  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  and  one  man  and  one  woman,  from 
whom  you,  and  we,  and  all  the  people  of  the  earth 


)liaiu. 


AMRRICUN  VKHPIK'IIIM.  mp^ 

wen;  and  nrv.  i\vHvviuUniiH,  procrciitod,  and  all  tliimc  rRM/>'W 
who  mIuiII  coiih'  aftorus;  hut  tht;  vanl  tiiiiiiht>r  of  ur*** 
geiu'raliiHis  which  liavi*  proocrdrd  IVom  them,  in  ^-^J^*"'""' 
the  courN(>  of  niort>  than  livi;  ihoiisand  years  that 
httvu  rlapscd  Ninct'  tlu>  creation  of  the  u<»rld,  niach; 
it  necessary  that  some  of  the  human  race  should 
disperse  in  (»ne  directi<»n  and  sonit;  in  another,  and 
that  they  should  divide  themselves  into  many  king- 
doms and  pn>vinceH,  as  they  could  not  sustain  and 
preserve  themselves  i»;  one  alone.  All  these  pe<»- 
ple  were  p[iven  in  charge,  l>y  (iod  our  FiOrd,  to  one 
person,  named  Saint  Peter,  who  was  thus  made 
lord  and  sup(Tior  of  all  the  [>eople  of  the  (uirth,  and 
head  of  the  whole  human  lineaf^e,  whom  all  should 
obey,  wherever  they  mij;ht  live,  ami  whatever  might  / 
be  tiieir  law,  sect  or  belief;  he  gave  him  also  the 
whole  world  for  his  service  and  jurisdi(;tion,  and 
though  he  desired  that  he  should  establish  hiu 
chair  in  Uome,  as  a  place  most  convenient  for  gov- 
erning the  world,  yet  he  permitted  that  he  might 
establish  his  chair  in  any  other  part  of  the  world, 
and  judge  and  govern  all  the  nations,  Christians, 
Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  whatever  other  sect  or 
belief  might  be.  This  person  was  denominated 
Pope,  that  is  to  say,  admirable,  supreme,  father 
and  guardian,  because  he  is  father  and  governor  of 
all  mankind.  This  holy  father  was  obeyed  and 
honoured  as  lord,  king,  ami  superior  of  the  uni- 
verse by  those  who  lived  in  his  time,  and,  in  like 
manner,  have  been  obeyed  and  honoured  by  all 
those  who  have  been  elected  to  the   Pontificate, 

48 


■ijfa^^^-. 


S79 


t.in  AND  TorAOM  or 


nuAjnw   and  thiiN  it  Ikim  coiitimunl  unto  the  prcMMit  (lay. 

VOVAORM  ,         .,1  ■•      •  .-..ill 

or      and  will  continue  until  the  t>nd  ot  tlu*  world. 

• Onr  (»!' tlu'Nc  PontitlN  ,01'  whom  I  liiivo  H|Mikcn, 

an  lord  of  the  world,  iiiadi*  fi  donation  of  tlii'HU. 
INlandN  and  roulincntM,  of  the  orcaii,  ma,  and  all 
that  they  contain,  to  the  Catholic  kiiiKH  of  CaHtile, 
who,  at  (hat  time,  wrrt*  rcrdiiiand  and  l.salu'lla  of 
glorious  nuMiiory,  and  to  (iicir  HUccr.sMorM,  our  nov< 
erci^iiM,  according  to  the  tenor  of  certain  papers 
drawn  up  lor  the  purpose  (which  you  may  see  if 
ytm  desin>).  TIiun  his  niajtsty  is  kiii^  and  sove- 
reign oC  these  islands  and  continents  hy  virtue  of 
the  said  donation  ;  and  as  kin^  nnd  sovereign,  cei- 
tain  islands,  and  almost  all  to  whom  this  has  heen 
notified,  have  received  his  majesty,  and  have  oheyed 
and  served,  and  do  actually  serve  him.  And,  more- 
over, like  g«H»d  snhjects,  and  with  ^ood-will,  and 
without  any  resistance  or  delay,  the  moment  they 
were  informed  of  the  fore;i;oiiijrj  they  oheyed  all  the 
religious  men  sent  among  them  to  preach  and  teach 
our  Holy  Faith  ;  and  these  of  their  free  and  cheer- 
ful will,  without  any  ccuidition  or  reward,  be- 
came Christians,  and  continue  so  to  be.  And  his 
majesty  received  them  kindly  anil  benignantly,  and 
ordered  that  they  should  he  treated  like  his  other 
subjects  and  vassals  :  you,  also,  are  recpiired  and 
obliged  to  do  the  same.  'l'lu>r(!fore,  in  the  best 
manner  I  can,  I  pray  Jind  entreat  you,  that  you 
consider  well  what  I  have  said,  and  that  you 
take  whatever  time  is  reasonable  to  understand  and 
deliberate   upon  it,  and   that   you   recognise    the 


I 


AMIKICTUII  TRiipirrtut. 


37V 


churi'li  for  N<>vrnMf(ii  utul  kii|M<rior  of  the  univrrMal  muxm- 
worlil,  aiul  till!  Niiprniii'  Poiititl',  cilltMl  INipo,  in  Iter  <>r 
naitir,  anil  his  iiiiijcNty  in  liin  pluci',  hm  Mii|HTior  *"****^ 
nn  I  NoveriM^ii  kiii^  of  the  iNhiiidH  iuu\  'Verm  l*'irni:i, 
by  virtiu!  (»f  the  miiil  iloimtioii ;  mid  ihiit  you  con- 
NCiit  that  thi'so  ri'li^ioiiN  fathiTN  lU'ciarr  aiitl  prcacii 
to  yon  th(>  forcgiun^ ;  and  if  yon  Nhall  ho  do,  you 
will  do  well ;  and  will  do  that  to  which  you  aru 
bouiuh'U  and  ohlii^i'd  ;  and  liiN  inajcsty,  and  I  in 
luM  nainr,  will  roccivc  yon  with  all  dui*  lov(>  and 
charity,  and  will  h'avr  yon,  your  wives  and  chil- 
dren, frrr  from  wrvitinh*,  that  yon  may  frci'ly  do 
with  tlii'se  and  with  yourselves  whalcvfr  you 
please,  and  think  proper,  as  have  dime  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  other  islands.  And  hesides  tliiN,  \isn 
maj«'sty  will  ^ive  ytm  many  privile^i-.s  and  ex«  irip- 
tions,  and  ^rant  you  many  favours.  If  you  do  n  a  do 
thin,  or  wickedly* and  intentionally  delay  to  do  m,  I 
certify  to  you,  that,  by  the  aid  of  (iod,  I  uill  pow- 
erfully invade  and  make  war  upon  you  in  all  parts 
and  UKuh's  that  I  can,  and  will  sidxliie  you  to  the 
yoke  and  obedinnce  of  the  church  and  of  his  maj- 
esty :  and  I  will  take  your  wives  and  children  and 
make  slaves  of  them,  and  sell  them  as  such,  and 
dispose  of  them  as  his  majesty  may  command ;  and 
I  will  take  your  eflects  and  will  do  you  all  the 
harm  and  injury  in  my  power,  as  vassiils  who  will 
not  obey  or  receive  their  .sovereign,  and  who  resist 
and  oppose  him.  And  I  protest  that  the  deaths 
and  disasters  which  may  in  this  maimer  be  occa-  • 
sioncd,  will  be  the  fault  of  yourselves  and  not  of 


880 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES  OF 


i 


FELLOW   his  majesty,  nor  of  mo,  nor  of  these  cavahers  who 

VOYAOEK8  ....  T  1  ..  1 

OF      accomnaiiy  me.     And  ol  wljat  I  here  tell  you  and 

AMFRICUS 

— ' require  of  you,  I  call  upon  the  notary  here  present 

to  give  me  hi.s  gijrncd  testimonial." 

When  the  friars  had  finished  reading  this  mani- 
festo, Ojeda  endeavoured  to  entice  the  Indians  by 
signs  of  friendship  and  presents,  which  he  exhibit- 
ed. But  they  had  suflTered  too  nmch  from  the  cru- 
elties of  other  adventurers  to  be  won  by  kind  meas- 
ures, and  in  answer  to  his  advances,  brandished 
their  spears  and  prepared  to  fight. 
Do  la  Cow  Juan  de  la  Cosa  again  renewed  his  entreaties  to 
Kuado  oj..(ia  Ojeda  to  abandon  the  -country,  but  his  choler  was 

fromHettling 

in  tiiis  part  novv  SO  Hiuch  rouscd,  that  he  would  not  listen  to 

uf  tlie  cuuu-  ' 

"V-  reason,  and,  forgetful  of  the  poisoned  .irrows  of  the 
natives,  he  uttered  a  short  prayer  to  the  Virgin,  irk 
whose  protection  he  blindly  confided,  and  buckling 
on  his  armour,  charged  furiously  upon  them.  The 
old  pilot  could  not  sit  still  and  see  the  fray,  but 
rushed  forward  as  gallantly  as  if  it  had  been  of  his 
own  seeking.  The  Indians  soon  dispersed,  leaving 
a  number  killed  and  wounded  on  the  field,  and  sev- 
eral were  made  prisoners  in  the  course  of  the  pur- 
suit, which  Ojeda  followed  for  three  or  four  miles, 
into  the  interior,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
his  Mentor.  Still  De  la  Cosa  kept  up  with  him, 
and  joined  in  all  the  hair-brained  risks  which  he 
ran,  though  continually  remonstrating  against  his 
useless  temerity. 

At  length  they  were  stopped  by  a  stronghold  of 
the  enemy.     With  his  old  war-cry  of  "  Santiago," 


J*' ! 


AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS. 


381 


Ojeda  led  his  men  to  a  furious  assault.    Eight  of  kkli,ow- 
the  bravest  of  the  Indian  warriors  threw  them-  "  of*'" 
selves  into  a  hut,  whence  they  disuliurged  such  ^^^"'^""- 
showers  of  arrows,  that  lor  a  time  the  hardiest  of 
the  assailants  were  kept  at  bay.     The  reproaches 
of  Ojeda  reanimate  them,  and  an  old  Castilian  sol- 
dier, stung  by  his  cry  of  "  Shame,"  fell  pierced 
through  the  heart  by  an  arrow,  on  the  threshold  of 
the  door  which  he  vainly  attempted  to  force.    At 
last,  fire  was  applied  to  the  hut,  which  in  an  in- 
stant was  in  a  blaze,  and  the  eight  warriors  perish- 
ed in  the  flames. 

Then  they  yielded,  and  seventy  captives  were  Oftaihof 
sent  back  to  the  ships.  Still  the  pursuit  was  con-  Tom!  * 
tinued;  another  village  was  reached,  which  was 
found  deserted.  The  Indians  had  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains with  their  women  and  children,  and  all  their 
effects.  Thinking  themselves  secure,  by  this  time, 
in  the  terror  of  the  natives,  the  Spaniards  dispersed 
themselves  over  the  country  in  search  of  booty,  in 
small  parties.  Taking  advantage  of  this  incaution, 
the  Indians  again  attacked  them.  They  fought 
resolutely,  but  unavailingly,  and  were  borne  down 
by  overwhelming  numbers.  On  the  first  alarm, 
Ojeda  collected  a  few  soldiers,  and  defended  him- 
self behind  a  stockade  which  he  erected.  Juan  de 
la  Cosa,  hearing  of  his  commander's  danger,  rushed 
to  his  assistance.  Before  the  gate  of  the  enclosure, 
the  brave  pilot  kept  the  savages  at  bay  until  most 
of  his  followers  were  killed  and  he  himself  severely 
wounded.    Then  Ojeda  dashed  among  the  Indians 


Mr 


fi 


f 


382 


■^II«'F-:   AND   VOYAQKH  OF 


I^ 


rBM.ow    like  a  ti^cr,  iloalmi;  his  blows  on  every  side 

VOYAOKUfl  II,." 

OK       L/Osa  was  too  leeole  to  second  liiiii,  iind  took  ivluge 

AUERICVH 


i 


Ui  a  eabin,  where  lie  deleiuUMl  hiiiiseli'  lill  all  hut 
one  oi'  his  men  were  slain  ;  (hen  sinkiiiju;  to  the 
ground,  and  leeling  that  his  death  was  drawing 
nigh,  he  said  to  his  surviving  conipanion,  "  Urolher, 
since  IJod  has  protected  thee  from  harm,  sally  out 
and  fly,  and  if  ever  thou  shouldest  sec  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda,  tell  him  of  my  fate." 
chanuUTof     "  Thus,"  says  the  eloquent  historijui,  in  words 

De  la  Cum. 

which  it  is  impossible  to  abridge,  "  thus  fell  the 
hardy  Juan  de  la  Cosa ;  nor  can  we  refrain  from 
pausing  to  pay  a  passing  tribute  to  his  memory. 
He  was  acknowledged  by  his  contemporaries  to  be 
one  of  the  ablest  of  those  gallant  Spanish  naviga- 
tors who  first  explored  the  way  to  the  New  World. 
But  it  is  by  the  honest  and  kindly  qualities  of  his 
heart  that  his  memory  is  most  endeared  to  us ;  it  is, 
above  all,  by  that  loyalty  m  friendship  displayed  in 
this  his  last  and  fatal  expedition.  Warmed  by  his 
attachment  for  a  more  youthful  and  hotheaded  ad- 
venturer, we  see  tliis  wary  veteran  of  the  seas  for- 
getting his  usual  prudence  and  the  lessons  of  his 
experience,  and  embarking,  heart  and  hand,  purse 
and  person,  in  the  wild  enterprises  of  his  favourite. 
We  behold  him  watching  over  him  as  a  parent,  re- 
monstrating with  him  as  a  counsellor,  but  fighting 
by  him  as  a  partisan ;  following  him  without  hesi- 
tation into  known  and.  heedless  danger,  to  certain 
death  itself,  and  showing  no  other  solicitude  in  his 
dying  moments  but  to  be  remembered  by  his  friend. 


AMRRicus  VESpunma. 


383 


TUe  history  of  tlicso  S|)anisli  disc(»v(!ri('s  uboiirnl  in  fkm.ow 
noble  and  generous  traits  of  character,  but  few  iiave       ok  ' 

I  I  il  il   •      •        i  (1  1.       i       .1        AMEKICU8. 

chariried  us  more  than  thisnistanceol  loyalty  to  the     

last  gasp,  ill  the  death  of  the  staunch  Juati  dv.  la 
Cosa.  The  Spaniard  who  escaped  to  id\  the  story 
of  ids  (Hid  was  the  only  survivor  of  seventy  that  had 
followed  Ojeda  in  this  rash  and  headlonj;  inroad." 

While  these  events  were  taking  pliice  on  shori^,  (;r.atanii- 
those  who  remained  on  board  their  ships  sudered ' X' '"iliiw' 
the  greatest  anxiety  lor  the  late  ol  their  comrades.  ')f0j«d% 
Some  days,  elapsed  and  ru)  news  of  them  reached 
the  vessels.  Detached  parties  were  sent  a  short 
distance  into  the  woods  in  search  of  them,  and  boats 
were  manned  and  proceeded  to  examine  the  shores 
in  the  hope  of  seeing  something  of  their  lost  com- 
rades. They  did  not  dare,  however,  to  go  far  in- 
land, for  they  constantly  heard  the  war-whoo[)  and 
shouts  of  their  savage  foes  ringing  through  the  for- 
est. One  day,  as  they  wer^  about  giving  up  in  de- 
spair, they  saw  the  body  of  a  man  in  Spanish  attire 
lying  in  a  tliicket  of  mangrove  trees,  and  half  con- 
cealed by  the  undergrowth  of  shrubs.  The  roots 
of  the  mangrove  rise  and  intertwine  with  each  other 
above  the  water  in  which  they  grow ;  and  extended 
on  these  roots,  with  his  buckler  on  and  his  sword  ''. 
in  his  hand,  but  so  weakened  by  hunger  and  fa- 
tigue that  he  was  unable  to  speak,  the  Spaniards 
found  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  He  was  chilled  with  the 
damps  of  his  liiding-pla^,  but  they  soon  kindled  a 
fire,  and,  by  degrees,  he  recovered  sufficiently  to  tell 
them  his  sad  story. 


384 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


KELLow       He  had  cfiected  his  purpose  of  cutting  his  way 

VOVAOKI18  ^,  I        1        T      |.  ,        ,  .  1  . 

OF       tlirough  the  Inuiuns,  and  ahiiost  iii  utter  despair  at 
'-  the  loss  of  so  many  brave  followers,  he  had  wan- 
dered about  alone,  scarcely  knowing  whither  he 
was  going,  and  had  at  last  sunk  down  to  die,  where 
his    remaining   followers   fortunately   found    him. 
All  considered  his  escape  miraculous,  and  when  it 
was  found  that  he  was  not  wounded,  although  the 
marks  of  over  three  hundred  arrows  were  on  his 
buckler,   their   astonishment  was   redoubled,  and 
Ojeda  himself  attributed  it  to  another  interposition 
of  the  Virgin  in  his  favour.     But  the  Indians  were 
not  destined  to  enjoy  their  triumph  long.     While 
his  companions  were  busily  engaged  in  administer- 
ing to  the  wants  of  their  commander,  the  ships  of 
Nicuessa  appeared  in  the  offing.     Ojeda,  remem- 
'lering  his  recent  quarrel  with  the  rival  governor, 
feared  that  he  would  take  advantage  of  his  misfor- 
tunes,  but    his    apprehensions    were    groundless. 
With  the  true  spirit  of  a  Spanish  Hidalgo,  he  re- 
ceived Ojeda  with  open  arms,  expressed  himself 
willing  to  forget  all  their  differences,  and  placed 
himself  and  his  men  under  the  orders  of  Ojeda,  to 
assist  him  in  dealing  a  blow  of  vengeance  upon  his 
•      savage  enemies. 
Qteda,  with     Again  inspirited  by  this  noble  conduct,  Ojeda 
Nicuessa,  prepared  at  once  for  the  attack.     The  two  gover- 
another    nors,  DO  longer  rivals,  landed  with  four  hundred 
men,  and  set  off  with  ppomptness  for  the  Indian 
village  in  the  night.     They  surrounded  it  before 
the  natives  were  alarmed,  for  they  thought  that  they 


^ 


> 


« 

r* 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


386 


had  slain  all  the  Spaniards,  and  were  reposing  in  feuow- 
perfect  security.    Their  sleep  was  broken  first  by      of 
tlie   assault  of  the   exasperated    Spaniards,  who  ^"'"'""^ 
soon  set  their  dwellings  in  a  blaze,  and  spared 
neither  women  nor  children  in  the  fury  of  their 
attack.    The  slaughter  was  great,  and  the  ven- 
geance complete,  and  leaving  the  smoking  ashes 
of  the  ruined  village,  the  Spaniards  returned  to 
their  ships. 

While  searching  in  all  directions  for  booty,  of 
which  they  found  a  large  amount,  they  discovered 
the  body  of  the  unfortunate  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  It 
was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  swollen  and  discoloured  in 
a  shocking  manner  by  the  baneful  poison  of  the 
arrows  by  which  he  was  killed.  Bitterly  did 
Ojeda  repent  that  he  had  not  followed  the  advice 
of  his  trusty  lieutenant,  and  in  sadness  and  mourn- 
ing he  prepared  too  tardily  to  adopt  his  plans. 

Having  determined  to  leave  at  once  a  place  settlement 
which  had  been  so  disastrous  to  him,  Ojeda  set  ofUnbo. 
sail  once  more  with  his  disheartened  followers,  and 
after  having  made  two  or-  three  vain  attempts  to 
discover  the  River  Darien,  steered  for  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  which  he  fixed 
upon  a  place  to  build  his  fortress.  With  his  usual 
energy,  every  thing  that  was  needful  was  soon 
landed  from  the  ships  ;  houses  were  built,  and  his 
embryo  capital,  which  he  called  San  Sebastian, 
was  protected  by  a  strong  wooden  stockade  and 
fortress.  Feeling  the  weakness  of  his  force,  he  lost 
no  time  in  despatching  a  messenger  to  his  friend, 

49 


886 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


OF 
AMUtlCUS. 


ntLLow  the  Bachelor  Enciso,  whom  lie  Imd  engaged  in  his  un- 
uertakin^  in  llispaniola,  ur^iii^  hiin  to  Neiul  forward 
his  recruits  and  supplies  with  expedition.  Again 
and  again  hefore  their  expected  reiiilbrceirjent  could 
have  arrived,  were  they  attacked  by  the  natives, 
and  at  last,  when  their  provisions  began  to  fail,  and 
they  were  compelled  to  forage  among  the  villages, 
in  search,  not  of  gold,  but  of  food,  the  discouraged 
Spaniards  were  entirely  routed,  and  pursued  with 
yells  to  the  very  gates  of  their  fortress.  Some  died 
in  agony  from  their  wounds,  others  perished  with 
fiimine,  and  death  came  to  be  looked  upon  among 
them  as  a  relief  from  horror  and  misery,  to  be  wel- 


OJnda 
«NX«j)deil. 


i 


corned  rather  tlhin  shunned. 


\ 


Ojeda  was  thought  by  the  Indians  to  possess  a 
charmed  life,  for  as  yet  they  had  never  been  able 
even  to  wound  him.  They  determined,  however,  to 
test  the  fact,  and  having  previously  prepared  four  of 
their  best  marksmen,  they  led  him  into  an  ambush 
where  these  men  could  take  sure  aim  at  him. 
Three  of  their  arrows  glanced  harmlessly  from  his 
buckler ;  the  fourth  pierced  his  thigh.  Fearing 
from  certain  symptoms  that  it  was  poisoned,  Ojeda 
ordered  his  surgeon  to  apply  to  the  wound  red-hot 
irons,  to  burn  out  the  venom.  The  surgeon  re- 
fused, and  only  yielded  when  Ojeda  made  a  solemn 
vow  that  he  would  have  him  hanged  if  he  did  not 
comply.  He  endured  this  painful  operation'with- 
out  a  groan,  and  the  wound  was  healed ;  the  cold 
poison,  says  the  good  Bishop  Las  Casas,  being  con- 
sumed by  the  vivic  fire. 


« 


■'  \¥'^ 


•A.. 


Fi, .    At 


:^ 


^:i.' '■'i...^i.      ..,\^tt^^;  . 


•«* 


AMKRICIJS   VK8PUCIUS. 


887 


In  t]ic  midst  of  their  Niifli  riii<;s,  and  while  daily  rKi.iAw- 
looking  (or  the  arrival  of  the  .ship  of  the  Hachclor  op 
FiUciso,  a  slraiii;e  vessel  made  its  appearance  at  '^""""'i'* 
San  Si'hasliaii.  It  turned  out  to  be  a  (ietioesc  mmw 
vessel  vvhicii  had  been  seized  by  one  Talavera,  ^IpMpputH!'' 
and  a  band  of  piratical  desperadoes,  who,  hearing 
of  the  condiiion  of  Ojeda  and  bis  associates,  felt 
sure  of  heini^  ^dadly  received  into  his  service,  their 
supplies  of  provisions  and  reinfoniement  of  men 
being  absolutely  necessary  to  the  beleaguered  col- 
ony. The  good  father  Charlevoix  thought  their 
arrival  was  a  niiuiifest  interposition  of  Divine  Prov- 
idence in  their  favour,  and  whether  that  was  the 
case  or  not,  it  undoubtedly  saved  them  when  on 
the  very  briidi  of  <lestruction.  Still  it  was  only  a 
temporary  relief.  The  ship  of  Enci.so  did  not  ar- 
rive, and  in  a  short  time,  famine  again  raged  in  all  its 
horrors,  notwithstanding  the  scrupulous  care  with 
which  Ojeda  doled  out  to  each  of  his  suffering 
comrades  his  scanty  allowance  of  food.  Discon- 
tent and  factions  came  with  hunger,  till  finally 
Ojeda  was  compelled  to  enter  into  an  agreement 
with  his  mutinous  colonists,  which  had  the  effect 
of  quieting  them  for  a  time.  The  agreement  was 
that  he  himself  should  proceed  to  Hispaniola  in 
quest  of  supplies,  and  that  if  at  the  end  of  forty 
days,  during  which  they  were  to  endure  as  well  as 
they  could  the  privations  of  San  Sebastian,  no  relief 
or  tidings  of  him  should  reach  theni,  they  were  to 
be  at  liberty  to  abandon  the  colony,  and  return  to 
Hispaniola  in  the  brigantines.    The  government  of 


*%ii 


4'i»< 


1 .1^  Jitiyr 


LIFB  AND  VOYAOBS  OV 


wu-ow-  the  colony  was,  m  the  mciintime,  to  be  left  in  the 
or      hands  uf  Pizarro,  as  his  heutcnant,  until  the  com- 
—  ing  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso. 

Uvpartur* 

«r  Ujed*. 

uid  hU 

diipwrtok. 


Having  concluded  this  "convention,  Ojeda  em- 
barked in  the  ship  of  the  piratical  leader.  It  was 
an  unlucky  moment  when  he  consented  to  take 
this  course.  They  had  hardly  put  out  to  sea  be- 
fore a  fierce  quarrel  an)8e  between  Tolavera  and 
himself,  with  regard  to  their  respective  rights  of 
command,  which  end"d  in  his  being  seized  by  the 
freebooter's  crew  and  loaded  with  irons.  In  vain 
did  he  revile  them  as  recreants,  pirates,  and  cow- 
ards, and  offer  to  fight  them  all  if  they  would  give 
him  a  fair  field  on  the  deck,  with  his  weapons  in 
his  hands,  and  attack  him  two  at  a  time.  They 
had  heard  too  much  of  his  skill  and  bravery  not  to 
fear  him  even  with  these  odds,  and  he  would  prob- 
ably have  been  carried  in  irons  to  Hispaniola,  had 
not  a  violent  gale  ensued,  which  induced  the  pirates 
to  set  him  free  in  order  to  have  the  l)enefit  of  his 
skill  as  a  pilot.  With  all  his  efforts,  however, 
against  storms  and  currents,  he  was  unable  to 
carry  tl\e  vessel  into  her  destined  port.  After  be- 
ing tost  about  by  the  tempest  for  several  days,  he 
was  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  running  her  on 
shore  on  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  to  prevent  her 
from  foundering  at  sea. 

After  the  wreck  of  their  vessel  the  pirates  found 
themselves  in  a  worse  situation  than  they  were  in 
before  they  had  captured  her.  With  the  undefina- 
ble  yearning  after  the  haunts  of  society,  which  ciy- 


m"^ 


AMBRIOUS  VEflPUCIUS. 

ilieed  men  olwayH  li>el,  they  wurt*  unxiuus  to  reach  rKi.ww 
Hiitpaniulu,  ultliuugh  thm  knew  that  duiigeouH  uud      or 
chaiiiN  awaited  them.     Their  only  courHe  wom  to  ^*"*'*-'"''^ 
travel  on  foot  to  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  iMlatid, 
and  there  seek  Nome  meanH  of  trannportation,  and, 
valuable  as  the  aid  of  Ojeda  hud  been  to  them  at 
•eu,  they  soon  found  that  the  resources  of  his  mind 
were  of  equal  importance  to  them  on  shore.    He 
gradually  gained  the  ascendancy  over  them,  and 
assumed  tite  command,  although  they  still  regarded 
him  with  feelings  of  hostility  ;  displaying  thus  the 
power  which  a  master-spirit  always  exercises  in 
the  hour  of  difficulty  and  danger.  .^' 

Cuba,  not  at  that  time  colonized,  had  become  su/rerinvi 
the  refuge  of  many  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants "  l^*^ 
of  Hayti  who  had  fled  from  the  tasks  and  whips 
of  their  masters,  and  found  temporary  security  in 
the  forests  of  the  neighbouring  island.  Their  ac- 
counts had  inflamed  the  minds  of  many  of  the 
tribes  who  inhabited  the  villages,  so  that  the  march 
of.  the  Spaniards  was  continually  opposed  both  by 
the  runaways  and  by  the  natives  themselves.  Oje- 
da at  first  easily  repulsed  thdr  attacks,  but  finding 
that  his  men  grew  weaker  daily,  he  resolved,  for 
the  remainder  of  thq  journey,  to  avoid  as  much  as 
possible  the  villages,  and  accordingly  led  his  men 
into  the  thickest  of  the  forests,  and  by  the  broad 
savannahs,  which  stretched  along  the  seashore. 
While  thus  avoiding  one  evil,  he  met  with  another, 
almost  if  not  quite  as  great.  The  plains  which  the 
Spaniards  entered  at  first,  appeared  covered  with 


CuiM. 


■«:.:*! 


890 


LIFE  AND   VOYAfiRS  OF 


AMRHU'IIH. 


\ 


nuxow-  high  gniNs  and  rank  vi'^iauliuii,  which,  tliough  it 
or  reiuler^'d  their  progresN  4i>w,  was  hut  a.  trilling 
•  matter  to  what  wum  in  reserve  lor  them.  The 
ground  gradually  became  moJHt  under  their  I'eet, 
and  linally  ended  in  an  innnen.se  morasM,  or  salt 
nnirsli,  wliere  the  water  reached  to  their  knecM*. 
Still  they  pre.s"<ed  f»)r\vard,  c«)ntinuuily  encouraged 
by  Ojeda,  \vln>  had  r.o  idea  of  the  task  i»e  was  un- 
dertaking. Thi'  mansii  extended  lor  upwards  of 
thirty  leagues,  and  the  farther  they  proceeded,  the 
deeper  became  (he  mire,  until  at  last  it  seemed  to 
them  interminable,  and  they  were  reaiFy  to  give  up 
in  despair.  Numerous  rivers  anil  creeks  intersected 
this  fatal  plain,  which  they  had  to  cross,  and  nuiny 
who  could  not  swim  were  drowned.  The  only 
way  in  which  they  could  sleep,  was  by  climbing 
among  the  twisted  nM)ts  of  the  mangrove  trees, 
which  grew  in  tiie  water.  Their  provisions  were 
almost  exhausted,  and  tln^ir  sufTerhigs  fmm  thirst 
were  extreme,  when,  having  been  eight  ('  vs  upon 
their  journey,  Ojtda  determined  to  struggle  forward 
with  a  few  of  the  least  weary  of  the  men.  He 
encouraged  those  whom  he  left  behind  to  per- 
severe, an  1  takmg  from  his  knapsack  a  small  pic- 
ture of  the  Virgin,  which  the  Dishop  Fonseca  had 
given  him,  am'  which  he  always  carried  about  his 
person,  he  knelt  before  it,  and  made  a  solenm  vow 
that  he  would  erect  a  chapel  for  the  service  of  his 
patroness  in  the  first  Indian  village  at  which  he 
might  arrive. 

Well  did  the  venerable  Bishop  Las  Casas  say, 


.,■_  -Klj_  .^J-. A^i,.  4iii»„W.i 


AMKU1CU8   VKMPUCIUM. 


301 


"  the  MufltTin^s  lA'  the  SjnuilunlH  in  tlie  Now  Wt»rl(l,  rp.i.u>w 
111  tlit'ir  Noarrli  tor  ^()l(l,  wen;  iiioro  criu'l  ami  hv-  or 
vere  lluiii  v\vr  nation  iit  the  world  iMulurrd  ;  but  l^lflill!!ii 
\\ioHV  t>\|>('ri(>n('r(l  l>y  Ojcilu  and  liiM  nun  liavo  Nur- 
pusHiul  all  olIirrN."  Tlicy  \M'Vv  thirty  days  in  cniNN- 
in|(  this  ininicnsu  and  horrihio  Nvvainp.  Out  of 
(K;vunty  nion  who  ontcrcd  it,  <Mdy  thirty-live  ever 
einer^eil  IVoni  it,  and  when  Ojeda,  with  a  ft^w  of 
Hui  most  vip)r()us  of  hi.s  advanced  |>ar(y,  at  hiHt 
reached  a  spot  wlu>re  the  land  was  lirni  and  dry, 
their  joy  was  unutteralde,  yet  their  weakness  tmly 
permitted  them  to  go  a  short  distance  t(»  an  Indian 
village  ere  they  dropped  down  completely  ex- 
hausted. 

This  village  was  ruled  hy  u  caci({ue  named  Gu- 
yebuM.  His  tribe  gathered  around  the  Spaniards 
with  wonder,  but  as  s(M)n  as  their  story  was  told,, 
vied  with  each  other  in  acts  of  humanity  to  the 
Hulfering  strangers.  They  bore  them  to  their 
houses,  and  furnished  them  with  food  and  drink, 
and  the  chief  sent  a  large  party  into  tin;  morass 
with  orders  to  bring  out  those  remaining  behind  un 
their  shoulders,  if  they  were  unable  to  walk.  How 
noble  an  example  they  offered  to  their  Christian 
guests — an  example  of  humanity,  indeed,  which 
would  have  reflected  honour  upon  the  most  civil- 
ized race. 

Ojeda,  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from  his  suf-  oj«<iahuiidi 
ferings,  prepared  faithfully  to  perform  bis  vow.    He  fuinimnmoi 
built  a  small  chapel  in  the  village,  and  erected  an 
altar,  over  which  he  suspended  his  much-valued 


^^^'.■tA.s^Ji.V-  -it'-ii-.V 


Lirie  AND  voYAOBa  or 


rM4^>w    piuturt>  of  tlitf  Virgin,     lit;  next  rxpltiiiiod  to  the 

itr       tM'iirvolciit  can(|iu',  uiul   iiiiuiy  <>t   the   iiiliahituiitJt, 

— — '      i\w  iiuiiii  |M»iiitN  (»t'  the  I'titholic  I'uilh,  ami  more 

particularly    tim    hintory   of    the    Virgin    Mother. 

However  little  they  iiiuhTNtiMxl  the  dorlriiie-s  which 

he  eiuh;avmiretl   to  teach    them,  they  conceived  a 

high  reMpect  lor  the  pictun*  which  he  left.     They 

ever    kept    the    little   cliapt'l   cleanly  Hwept,    and 

decorated  with  votive  otTerin^M  and   llowerN,  and 

when  Las  ('asaM  Nuhwequently  viMited  the  place,  he 

performed  mas.*<  at  itN  altar,  and  hapti/ed  under  itii 

roof   the  children  ul    the  humane  and   innocent 

nativeH. 

■•ndik        Thi^4  duty  having  been  duly  performed,  Ojeda 

RMMBK«  in  II'  II  .1      •       ■  nil        • 

if><)mti.i,  III  and  luN  party  proceeded  on  their  journey.  The  in- 
liabitantH  of  this  part  of  the  coast  received  thcin 
everywhere  kindly,  and  they  continued  their  way 
to  the  province  of  Macacu,  where  ColumbuN  had 
previously  been  well  received,  and  where  they  also 
were  hospitably  entertained.  This  province  wai 
at  the  Cape  de  la  Cruz,  the  nearest  point  on  the 
coast  to  the  neighbouring  Lsland  of  Jamaica.  Here 
they  found  a  canoe,  and  one  of  their  men,  by  name 
Pedro  de  Ordas,  undertook  the  dangerous  ta.sk  of 
carrying  a  message  acn)ss  to  the  (Jrovernor  Es()ui- 
bel.  The  dii^tance  of  twenty  leagues  was  safely 
accomplished  ^y  the  brave  mariner  in  his  frail 
bark,  and  as  soon  as  the  message  was  delivered  a 
caravel  was  despatched  by  the  governor  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  unfortunate  discoverer  and  his  com 
panions,  t 


•»••{ 


AMMIOOI  fiMPvrrot. 


309 


)    It  fteemii  ti>  have  In*(mi  tin;  luU'  of  Ojcda  to  lie  rMxiiw- 
pUcod  ill  ninrtiiyiiiK  |MisitituiM  with  ri'N|MTt  U)  liiit      or 
oniMiiicH.     'riiJM  vrry  l'!si|iiilM>l,  ulio  now  n'rrivi'd '**"*"*i!!l 
him,  witli  till*  f^rriUcMt  kiiidiicMM,  into  IiIm  own  Iioiinc, 
he  hud,  with  (iNitiMh  hruvndo,  throatoncd  to  dt>ra|>-    ' 
itato,  when  h'avin^  San   I)oniin^>,  in  all  thr  tlunh 
and  nU*ry  oC  corninaiidin^  u  nrw  cx[MHlition.     lie 
wnN  no  longer  in  a  {MMition  oven  to  uNMorl  tin*  rights 
with  which  hu  ionct'iv(>d  that  MM(|uihi'l  had  inter* 
fered,  and  liiH  warm   heart  vvaM  deeply  touched  hy 
the   genenuiH  conduct  of  hin  adverMary.     Hu   ro-       * 
mained  Ntrverui  days  with  Ks<)uihel,  and  when  ho 
set  Nuil  once  more  for  San  liomingo,  parted  from 
him  in  the  bent  friendNliip. 

On  the  arrival  of  Ojeda  at  this  island  the  fifHt  Nrwiofiha 
enquiry  that  he  made  wan  for  the  Hachelor  I'iiiciNo.  khcImT 
He  learned  that  he  had  Nailed  long  t)efore  with 
supplies  for  the  colony,  hut  that  no  tidings  hud 
been  heard  from  him.  Anxious  for  the  safety  of 
his  colony,  and  fearing  tiiat  his  partner  had  perish- 
ed in  the  same  st<»rm  irk  which  he  himself  had  been 
wrecked,  he  attempted  to  organi/e  u  new  arma- 
ment. But  the  prestige  of  success  which  hud 
hitherto  attended  him  was  wanting.  His  disasters 
were  well  known,  and  in  every  one's  mouth,  and 
though  when  figuring  as  the  commander  of  a  new. 
fleet,  when  his  previous  exploits  were  the  popular 
theme,  he  found  no  lack  of  friends  or  followers,  yet 
then  all  looked  coldly  upon  him,  and  bankrupt  in 
hope  and  fortune,  his  schemes,  once  so  highly  ex- 
tolled, were  pronounced  wild  and  visionary.    He 

60 


394 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


PBLLow-  was  unsuccessful  in  all  his  endeavours,  and  never 
OF      again  left  the  Island  of  Ilispaniola. 

-■'- '.      It  is   sad   to   contemplate  the  ruin  of  a  man 

<a  ojcda'  possessed  of  so  many  gallant  and  noble  qualities  as 
those  which  distinguished  Ojeda.  lie  appears  to 
have  lingered  some  time  at  San  Domingo,  his 
health  broken  by  hardship,  and  his  proud  spirit 
by  poverty  and  neglect.  Las  Casas  gives  an 
affecting  picture  of  his  last  moments.  He  died  in 
such  extreme  want  that  he  did  not  leave  money 
sufficient  to  pay  for  his  funeral  expenses,  and  so 
deep  was  his  huijiility,  that  he  begged  that  he 
might  be  buried  beneath  the  gateway  of  the  mon- 
astery of  San  Francisco,  as  an  expiation  of  his 
former  pride,  "  in  order  that  all  who  entered  might 
tread  upon  his  grave." 

"Never,"  says  Charlevoix,  speaking  of  Ojeda, 
"  was  a  man  more  suited  for  a  coup  de  main,  or  to 
achieve  and  suffer  great  things  under  the  direction 
of  another ;  no  one  had  a  heart  more  lofty,  or  an 
ambition  more  aspiring;,  no  one  ever  took  less 
heed  of  fortune,  or  showed  greater  firmness  of  soul, 
or  found  more  resources  in  his  own  courage ;  but 
no  one  was  less  calculated  to  be  commander-in- 
chief  of  a  great  enterprise.  Good  management  and 
good  fortune  forever  failed  him." 


ptr- 


n 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS: 

PRESENTED  IN   THE   COLLECTION   01'   NAVARRETE. 

The  industry  and  research  of  Don  Martin  Fer-    docu- 
nandez  de  Navarrete  have  rescued  from  the  Span-   navar- 

ish  archives  of  Simancas  and  Seville  many  notices  — 

and  documents  relating  to  Americus,  which,  at  first, 
it  seemed  desirable  to  translate  for  tliis  work.  A 
subsequent  consideration  of  them,  and  the  large 
space  they  would  necessarily  occupy,  if  given  in 
extetiso,  has  led  to  the  substitution  of  an  abstract  of 
their  contents.  They  are  arranged  by  that  author 
in  fifteen  sections. 

Numbers  I.  and  II.,  dated  respectively  on  the 
10th  and  15th  of  July,  1494,  consist  of  a  royal  de- 
cree and  letter  respecting  certain  payments  and  pro- 
ceedings of  Juan  Berardi,  the  agent  in  preparing 
the  expeditions  of  Columbus. 

Number  III.,  dated  April  11th,  1505,  contains  a 
royal  decree,  addressed  to  Alonzo  de  Morales,  the 
treasurer  of  the  queen,  commanding  him  to  pay 
Americus  the  sum  of  12,000  maravedis. 

Number  IV.,  dated  April  24th,  1505,  is  a  royal 
letter  of  naturalization,  in  favour  of  Americus,  forrf  -' 
the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Leon. 


396 


LIFE  ANI    VOYAGES  OF 


RfiTE. 


Docu-         Number  V.,  dated  August  23d,  1506,  is  a  letter 

MSNTS  OF  . 

NAVAR-  from  the  King  Philip  to  the  officers  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  at  Seville,  inquiring  what  was  necessary  or 
important  to  facilitate  the  quick  despatch  of  the 
fleet  destined  for  the  Spice  Islands. 

Number  VI.  is  a  certificate  of  the  keeper  of  the 
archives  of  the  Indies,  at  Seville,  given  to  Seiior 
Navarrete,  of  various  notices  relative  to  Aniericus, 
which  are  to  be  found  in  certain  accounts  there 
preserved.  These  consist  of  various  accounts  ren- 
dered by  him,  and  of  his  receipts  for  money  paid. 

Number  VII.,  dated  March  22d,  1508,  contains 
a  royal  decree,  granting  to  Americus  the  salary  of 
50,000  niaravedis,  as  chief  pilot  of  the  kingdom. 

Number  VIII.  is  another  decree  of  the  same  date, 
making  an  increase  of  25,000  maravcdis  to  his 
salary. 

Number  IX.  contains  a  royal  declaration,  setting 
forth  at  great  length  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  the  new  office  of  chief  pilot,  which  is  addressed 
to  Americus  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  Joanna. 

Number  X.  is  a  continuation  of  the  accounts 
which  were  commenced  in  number  VI.,  and  ex- 
tending to  the  date  of  the  death  of  Americus  in 
1512.  This  number  contains,  among  other  notices, 
one  of  a  payment  of  10,937  niaravedis  to  the  canon 
Manuel  Catano,  of  Seville,  as  the  executor  of  the 
will  of  Aniericus,  that  amount  being  the  balance 
due  of  his  salary  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Number  XI.  is  a  royal  decree,  granting  a  pension 
for  life,  of  1 0,000  maravedis  per  annum,  to  the  wid- 


AMEIUGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


39T 


ow  of  Americus,  Maria  Cerozo.    This  ii  dated    noou 
May  22d,  1512.  -  "^rv"."* 

Number  XII.  contains  the  royal  appointment  of  -'**"'• 
Juan  Vespucci  to  the  oifice  of  pilot,  with  a  salary 
of  20,000  niaravedis  per  annum. 

Number  XIII.  contains  a  letter  from  tiie  king  to 
the  Bishop  Fonseca,  requestinj;  that  lie  would  in- 
quire into  the  iitness  of  Andres  tie  San  Martin  to 
succeed  Americus  in  the  oflice  of  chief  pilot. 

Number  XIV.  contains  ant>ther  decree  respecting 
the  pension  of  the  widowwof  Americu.*^,  fixing  it  as 
a  charge  ujwn  the  salary  of  the  chief  pilot;  the 
office  at  that  time  being  held  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
who  had  succeeded  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  the  succes- 
sor of  Americus. 

Number  XV.  is  a  long  letter  from  tin;  Viscount  m.  iio  Hum- 

°  iH.l.li  ro- 

of Santaren,  respecting  the  voyages  of  Americus  m»rkHon 

made  in  the  serviire  of  Portugal.  This  letter,  dated  ^'""'»"»»- 
the  15th  of  July,  1826,  is  in  answer  to  one  address- 
ed to  Sefihor  de  Santaren,  by  Navarrete,  and  con- 
tains some  remarkable  statements  respecting  the 
absence  of  any  documentary  evidence  of  the  two 
last  voyages  of  Americus.  The  writer  was  at  the 
time  Chief  Master  of  the  Archives  of  Portugal,  and 
caused,  as  he  says,  diligent  inquiry  to  be  made  for 
any  documents  relating  to  Americus  in  the  Torre 
do  Tombo,  the  receptacle  of  an  immense  quantity 
of  manuscripts  and  accounts  relative  to  the  Indies, 
from  the  date  of  the  discovery.  In  relation  to  this 
fact,  the  learned  Humboldt  remarks:  "It  is  very 
strange,  that  notwithstanding  the  researches  en> 


1 


V 


DOCIN 

MKNTB  OF 

NAVAK- 

KKl'K. 


.^ 


y 


r' 


1 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

tered  into  by  the  Viscount  do  Santarcn,  at  that 
time  ChioC  Keeper  oftlie  Arcliive«  for  tlie  Kingdom 
ol' Portugal,  and  siufe  then  minister  of  foreign  af- 
fairs, the  name  of  Vespueius  was  not  orue  met 
with  in  tiie  documents  of  the  Torre  do  Toridx)." 
This  omission  is  tlic  more  renuirkabU',  as  the  King 
Emanuel,  by  whose  command  Vespueius  performed 
his  two  expeditions  in  1501  and  1003,  took  j)artie- 
ular  pains  to  preserve  in  remembrance  the  events 
of  his  reign.  "  How  can  it  be  explained,"  says  the 
Viscount  de  Santaren,  iij^his  letter  of  25(11  of  July, 
182G,  "that  this  monarch,  who  often  went  in  person 
to  attend  to  the  rt^gistration  of  documents  drawn 
from  the  library  of  Alphonso  V.,  forgot  to  record 
the  books  and  diary  which  Vespueius  pretends  to 
liavc  sent  to  him?  How  can  it  be  conceived  that 
tlij  learned  keeper  of  the  archives,  Damian  de 
Goes,  who  employed  vso  nuich  time  in  matters  re- 
lating to  voyages  and  maritime  disc^overies,  who 
communicated  constantly  with  Ramusio,  and  who 
travelled  himself  over  Italy,  knew  nothing  of  ex- 
peditions, made  at  a  period  only  forty-five  years 
before  his  own  time?"  "These  objections,"  pro- 
ceeds Hupiboldt,  "  have  doubtless  much  weight, 
but  negative  evidence,  such  as  the  want  of  docu- 
ments, cannot  decide  definitely  the  question  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  Portuguese  voyages  of 
Americus.  He  says  himself,  in  his  relation  of  his 
third  voyage,  that  the  king,  much  rejoiced  at  his  ar- 
rival, made  him  warm  proposals  to  start  with  a 
eet  of  three  ships  for  the  discovery  of  new  lands. 


( = 


AMERICrS   VE8PUCIUS.  399 

He  was  not,  from  tl»e   'oimnencoineiit,  of  the  voy-    nocn 
age,  the  coiiiinaiider  of  the  expedition,  hut  only  a  "navaiC 
person  whose  nautical  skill  iiiijjflit  heavailahU',  skill     "^^*'  .. 
which  was  a|)preciate{l  too  late  in  Si)airi,  in  1505. 
I  can  prove  hesides,  hy  a  passage  of  Peter  Martyr, 
who  was  intimately  coimected  with  the  ne[)hevv  of 
Americus,  that  he  was  protected  and  in  tlu;  pay  of 
the  Portujufuese  goverimient.    AmcrkuH   Viapudas 
Florantinum  auspklis  r,t  stipandio  Porln^aktmum 
ultra  limani  (tiqiunoctiahni  udnavlgamt.     llis  sec- 
ond Decade,  which  contains  this  striking  passage, 
was  written  two  years  after  the  death  of  Americus, 
namely,  in  1514." 

M.  de  llumholdt  instances  other  proofs  in  favour 
of  his  position,  among  them  the  oflicial  evidence  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  and  other  celebrated  j)iIots,  rela- 
tive to  the  true  position  of  the  line  of  demarcation 
between  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  Munoz  found 
in  the  archives  of  the  Board  of  'Trade  at  Seville. 
He  goes  on  to  remark,  that  many  other  events 
which  produced  a  lively  sensation  in  Europe  at 
about  the  same  time,  left  no  traces  in  the  public 
documents  of  the  day,  and  cites  by  way  of  example 
the  triumphant  entry  of  Columbus  into  Barcelona, 
and  his  reception  by  the  Catholic  monarchs  in  a 
hall  magnificently  adorned.  This  is  a  circumstance 
well  established  by  many  historians  of  credit,  yet 
no  documents  exist  in  the  archives  of  Spain  going 
to  prove  the  fact. 

So  much  space  would  not  have  been  devoted  to 
this  Jetter,  had  it  not  been  for  the  purpose  of  show- 


■«.jj«>'tr,-i  Aj^i: 


400 


LIKE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMBRIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


Dooi;-  ing  the  cflbct  of  long-continued  prejudice  against 
NAVAR    Americas,  and  contra.sting  it  with  the  result  of  a 

^'^^  .  candid  examination.  Such  an  examination  was 
made  by  M.  De  Humboldt  in  relation  to  these  two 
voyages,  and  though,  in  the  course  of  his  work, 
some  poipts  of  difference  exist  with  the  statements 
of  this  volume,  yet  he  has  evidently  considered  the 
subject  with  a  desire  to  arrive  at  the  truth,  and  a 
determination  to  divest  himself,  as  far  as  possible, 
from  all  previous  prejudices. 


m 

LETTER  OF  M.  RANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDl, 


BESFECTINO  TUB  CORRESPONDENCE   OF   AMERICUS  WITH   80DERINI 

AND   DE'   MEDICI.' 

It  seems  to  me  by  no  means  doubtful,  that  the  letter  or 
member  of  the  family  of  Medici,  to  whom  some  of  *"  "^*"^* 
the  letters  of  Vespucius  are  addressed,  is  Lorenzo 
di  Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici,  who  was  horn  in 
1463,  and  died  in  1503.  His  ideuuty  is  proved,  not 
only  by  the  arguments  adduced  by  Bandini,  but 
especially  by  the  German  work  printed  in  1505, 
which  you  have  found  in  the  library  at  Dresden, 
and  in  which  the  name  of  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Fran- 
cesco appears  on  the  first  page.  This  personage 
belonged  to  the  younger  branch  of  t^e  Medici, 
which  took  no  part  in  the  power  exercised  by  the 
elder  branch.  When,  after  the  decease  of  Lorenzo 
the  Magnificent,  in  1492,  Piero  de'  Medici  took  the 
reins  of  government  in  Florence,  he  separated  him- 
self from  his  cousins  of  the  cadet  branch,  who, 
however,  were  as  wealthy  as  the  elder  branch.  A 
rivalry  was  the  consequence  of  some  differences 

i  Translated  from  a  note  to  the  Histoire  de  la  GSographie  da  Noa- 
veau  Continent  of  M.  de  Humboldt.     ^ 

61 


ii 


i 


I 


lot 


LIKR  AND    VOYAGES  OP 


UTTTKR  or  which  arose  hetwcoii  tlicni,  combined  with  the 
— ^  wi-aknoHs  of  the  character  of  the  new  chief.  The 
opposition  of  the  cacU't  hranch  eNpecially  inanifeNt- 
ed  itself  at  tiie  time  of  the  invasion  of  OharU^H 
VIII.,  when  Piero  de'  Medici  allied  himself  with 
the  King  of  Naples,  whilst  his  cousins  entered  into 
negotiations  with  France,  and  received  the  andmti- 
Hadors  of  that  power.  When  the  victories  aiuUHUC- 
cesses  of  Charles  VII.  excited  great  disronteDt 
among  the  people  of  Florence,  the  cadet  hranch  of 
the  fannly,  and  especially  Lorenzo  di  I*ier  Fran- 
cesco, favoured  these  movements. 

.    **  Moilern   history   oilers    numerous   examples  of 

these  discords  among  the  members  of  reigning  fam- 
ilies. The  partisans  of  Pier  Francesco  adopted  the 
name  of  Popolani. 

The  family  of  Soderini  had  long  been  reckoned 
among  the  adherents  of  the  party  of  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Medici.  Among  the  Florentine  citi- 
zens, there  was  not  one  who  had  rendered  more 
signa'  services  to  the  father  and  grandfather  of 
•  Piero  de'  Medici,  than  Tomaso  Soderini,  but  Piero 
de'  MediciTorgot  these  services.  The  children  of 
Tomaso,  Paolo  Antonio,  Francesco,  and  Piero, 
found  themselves  neglected  and  treated  with  dis- 
dain. On  this  account  they  soon  made  common 
cause  with  the  younger  branch  of  the  Medici,  were 
involved  in  the  revolution  of  the  9th  of  November, 
1494,  which  expelled  the  elder  branch,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  republican  regime,  which  was 
the  result  of  these  popular  movements.  It  is  true 
M 


TIm  Sodnrl 


>> 


#^ 


AMBKI0U8  VESPUCIUS. 


403 


tliat  aftcrwanlM  iUvn^.  were  muw  Hllffht  diflcrcnccB  i.rmm or 
between  the  Soderitii  and  the  Popohun,  tlie  youii^-  **'  ''^'""^, 
er  branch  of  the  Medici.    It  is  certain  that  I^)ren/<o 
di  Pier  Francesco  did   not  «ee  with  pU'asure,  iu        ^ 
150'2,   the   nomination  of  Piero   SotUrini,  son  of 
Toniaso,  as  (ionfaloniere  of  l<^lorence;  but,  «m  the 
whole,  the   Soderini   and  the  Medici  of  the  cadet        > 
brancli  were  united  in  tiieir  [Militical  interests. 

Moreover,  it  can  he  i)roved  that  the  Vespucci  be-  Poiititmi 
longed  to  the  republican  party  of  Morence.  Guido  "ftiH  v«i. 
Antonio  Vespucci,  of  whom  Bandini  speaks,  was  'y- 
intimately  connected  with  the  movements  of  this 
party.  He  sat,  immediately  after  the  expulsion  of 
Piero  dc'  Medici,  in  1494,  among  the  twenty  ncco- 
piatori  of  the  first  magistrate,  conjointly  with  Lo- 
renzo di  Pier  Francesco.  He  was  afterwards  Gon- 
faloniere  even,  or  supreme  chief.  The  political 
connection  of  the  Vespucci  with  the  younger 
branch  of  the  Medici,  is  furtln  r  confinncd  by  a  let- 
ter that  Piero  Vespucci  wrote,  in  1494,  from  Pistoia 
to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  This  Lorenzo  is  very 
probably  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco,  the  same  to 
whom  Americus  addressed  soino  of  his  letters  du- 
ring a  long  absence  from  Italy. 

Nothing  can  be  more  natural  than  this  connection 
of  the  navigator  with  the  republican  party  in  Flor- 
ence. Even  Francesco  Lotti,  whoiii  Americus  > 
mentions  in  the  relation  of  his  second  voyage,  and 
by  whom  he  sent  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  a 
chart  of  the  world,  was,  in  1529,  member  of  an  ad- 
ministration entirely  inimical  to  tlie  Medici  of  the 


■fty^ 


w 


404 


LIPE  AND  VOVAaBU  OV  ANRRlOUf  VBSPUOIUt. 


Lvrrit  or  Hilcr  branch.    There  wnn  nothinir  •inofuhir  in  the 
■  titli*  1)1'  Aiiti^^nijieo,  nxvon  occiiriionally  by  Anicricus 

to  lAmii'Ao  (li  lMi*r  KruncoMcr      One  rui^;iit  thiiH 
•      gratify  tiic  cadet   brunch,  on  account  o{'  Uh  ini[M>rt- 
ancc  in  ti  *  Stato,  ami  b(<i-auH<>  it  liad  always,  and 
^'       by  p'neral   con.u'nt,   been   accorded   to   tlie  chler 
branch.     Korcnzo  di  I*icr  Francesco  diet!  in  1503, 
luit  if  we  examine  with  care  the  end  ol'  the  h'lter 
which  AmericuN  addreHNed  to  hirn,  giving  an  nc-/ 
count  of  his   third   expedition,   wc   find    nothing 
which  would  lead  to  the  Hup{)OMition,  that  titis  let- 
ter was  written  Hubsequent  to  the  lourth  exjH'di- 
^         tion,  that  which  terminated  in  June,  1504.     I  think 
that  you  have  perfectly  Holved  this  chronological 
difficulty,  which  puzzled  Bandini. 


i' 


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'  N/    *        * •)»  '^  >*  •••»"'  •_:::-       •»__  sjk  ,?•-•- Jo*  *    j  i\k 


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VESPUCCI   FAMI 


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...,. V^ •     .  i  "v  I        •     If 


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VESPUCCI   FAMILY. 


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T*^.*;.     ■n»^»'W|P«*»wr 


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vm. 


■■■'  ^\ 


THE  VESPUCCI  FAMILY. 


t 


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'* 


t 


.■^* 


The  Genealogical  Tree  accompanying  this  por- 
tion of  the  work  was  engraved  from  a  facsimile  of 
that  contained  in  the  Re  ale  Dcputazione  Sopra  il 
Regolamento  della  Nobilita  di  Toscana.  Many  of 
these  records  of  families  are  preserved  in  this  es- 
tablishment, some  of  them  beautifully  embellished 
•with  miniatures,  in  many  cases  the  only  preserved 
likenesses  of  the  persons  they  represent.  An  ac- 
count of  the  present  members  of  the  Vespucci 
family  is  extracted  from  "  The  Artist,  Merchant  and 
Statesman."  The  letters  in  which  it  appears  were 
not  originally  written  for  publication,  and  some  al- 
terations and  omissions  have  been  made. 


THB 
VESPUCCI 
FAMILY. 


'■':l 


m 


M    M 


>^ 


I 


f 


Florence,  February  — ,  1845. 
Pear , 

When  I  see  you  again,  I  shall  have  a  long  story 
to  tell  you  of  the  descendants  of  Americus  Vespu- 
cius.     I  will  give  you  a  part  of  it  now.  '^*   |^ 

It  had  alwavs  been  a  matter  of  wonder  to  me, 
that  of  all  the  Americans  who  had  visited  Florence, 
and  written  about,  its  great  men,  no  one  should 
have  said  anything  about  the  Discoverer's  descend- 


»C,f 


^ 


%•". 


k  t 


■%■■. 


^ 


U^iJf 


40G 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


THB     ants.    Indeed,  so  entirely  have  we  been  cut  off 

VK8PUCCE 

FAMILY,  from  all  information  on  tiie  subject,  I  must  confess 
it  was  with  the  greatest  astonishment  I  heard  the 
other  day,  that  there  is  one  son  and  several  daugh- 
ters, lineal  descendants  of  Vespucius,  now  livftig  at 
f       Florence,  in  poverty,  unnoticed  and  unknown. 

I  was  making  some  inquiries  at  a  rdunion  of  lit- 
erary men,  a  few  evenings  ago,  about  the  Vespucci 
family,  and  a  gentleman  who  knows  them  well 
promised  to  introduce  me  to  them  the  following 
day.  He  was  a  connexion  of  the  family  of  Carlo 
Botta,  the  author  of  the  History  of  our  War  of  In- 
dependence. There  is  a  man,  too,  of  whom  I 
shall  say  sometliing  at  another  time. 

The  next  day  this  gentleman  called  round  at  the 
appointed  hour,  and  we  walked  to  the  house  to- 
gether. "  Is  it  not  strange,"  said  he,  as  we  left  the 
hotel,  "  that  the  descendants  of  the  man  who  dis- 
covered your  Continent,  and  who  lived  in  the  pal- 
aces of  Princes  and  Kings,  should  now  be  obliged 
to  become  servants  to  get  their  daily  bread.  The 
sisters  (with  the  exception  of  Ellena,  who  is  living 
in  America)  are  dependent  on  their  daily  earnings 
for  their  daily  bre.ad,  and  the  brother,  a  well  edu- 
cated, noble  young  fellow,  is  employed  by  the 
Grand  Duke's  government  in  the  office  of  finances, 
on  a  salary  of  $60  year!  They  have  all  come 
together  this  morning,  from  the  dilerent  scenes  of 
%p,  their  occupations,  to  meet  the  first  American  who 
has  ever  sought  their  acquaintance.  What  a 
strange  meeting !    A  traveller  from  the  distant  con 


^f 


'J 


J' 


ft 


#• 


'    "^  ^ 


*  if. 


► 


♦ 


i 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUa. 


407 


tinent  V'.s|>i4';iu8  discovered,  corning,  more  than 
three  centuiies  alter  his  death,  to  Iiis  birth-place,  to 
search  out  liis  descendants,  who  are  living  helpless, 
and  dependent,  on  the  very  spot  where  their  ances- 
tor was  a  companion  of  princes,  and  Jived  on  his 
own  paternal  estate!"  We  talked  on,  and  we 
walked  on,  till  we  reached  the  house  where  the 
family  had  assembled.  It  was  the  house  of  a 
friend,  perhaps  of  a  connexion  of  the  family. 

Here  we  Ibund  them  gathered.  Two  sisters  and 
a  brother,  the  young  Cavaliere  Amerigo  Vespucci, 
with  his  youthful  wife.  Two  sisters  were  absent 
— one  beloved,  who  is  teaching  her  own  beautiful 
tongue  in  Paris,  independent  while  her  strength 
lasts — another  in  America,  where,  by  hei  dissolute 
life  and  barefaced  deceptions,  she  has  blasted  the 
prospects  of  her  family,  perhaps  for  ever  !  I  have 
sometimes  known  the  luxury  of  feeling  the  warm 
grasp  of  a  hand  shrivelled  with  hunger,  as  I  enter- 
ed the  damp  cellar  of  a  worn-out,  cast-aside  Eng- 
lish operative,  to  leave  a  mite,  and  speak  a  word  of 
consolation,  but  I  have  never  been  where  my  pres- 
ence seemed  to  excite  so  much  gratitude.  I  had 
the  evening  before  expressed  a  hope,  that  in  spite 
of  the  bold  fraud  practised  upon  our  government  by 
an  uuAvorthy  descendant  of  the  Discoverer,  some 
act  of  recognition  of  her  innocent  sisters  might  yet 
be  passed  by  Congress,  and  they  all  still  find  a 
home  for  themselves,  and  their  children,  in  the 
New  World.  These  words  had  been  borne  to 
them,  and  they  were  the  first  gleam  of  hope  that 


TIIK 
VKBPUCXn 
FAMILY. 


.1'  I 


■\ 


408 


THE 
VESPUCCI 
FAMIIiY. 


•    i 


LIFE  AND  VOYAQES  OF 

had  shot  across  their  path  for  many  years.  Now 
when  I  entered  they  flocked  around  me  and  press- 
ed my  hand  in  silent  gratitude,  and  I  am  not 
ashamed  to  say  that  we  wept  together.  Before  us 
hung  a  portrait  of  their  ancestor,  painted  hy  Bron- 
zino  from  life,  which  they  had  always  preserved, 
and  refused  to  part  with  at  any  price,  even  when 
they  knew  the  pangs  of  extreme  poverty.  I  felt 
strange  emotions  ^when  I  looked  on  that  picture. 
The  face  of  the  bold  Navigator  was  turned  away 
from  earth  to  the  stars  above  liim,  and  I  could  not 
but  think  he  saw  a  New  World  there,  and  I  blessed 
God  that  he  did  not  behold  the  dark  vale  of  misfor- 
tune his  own  descendants  were  to  travel  long  after 
he  was  dead. 

We  sat  down  and  talked  about  Vespucius,  his 
fate  and  his  fame. 

"  We  hoped,"  they  said  to  me,  "  that  a  frank  and 
honourable  appeal  to  the  sympathies  of  your  gener- 
ous nation"  would  have  been  responded  to,  with 
magnanimity.  We  did  not  feel  that  we  had  any 
claim  to  your  bounty ;  we  knew  that  all  the  world 
give  Columbus  the  glory  of  the  disco  v'cry  of  Amer- 
ica. They  say  it  is  more  than  enough  that  Vespu- 
cius give  his  name  to  the  American  Continent. 
(He  had  nothing  to  do  with  this.)  But  still  we  re- 
joice that  the  application  that  was  made  was  re- 
jected. Injustice  would  have  been  done  to  all 
parties,  by  a  grant,  from  which  we  should  have 
received  no  advantage  nor  honour;  and  such 
strange  conduct  as  our  sister  was  guilty  of,  deserv- 


'  <*-V; 


AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS.  ^QQ 

ed  no  better  reward.  But  we  hope  you  >vill  tell  tkb 
the  facts  to  your  Government,  that  no  portion  of  fajuLy. 
the  blame  may  fall  on  us.  If  the  day  shall  ever 
come,  that  your  Congress  shall  show  any  recogni- 
tion of  us,  as  the  descendants  of  the  Discoverer, 
whatever  way  they  may  select  of  doing  it,  it  will 
fill  us  with  gratitude.  It  would,  indeed,  be  an  in- 
spiring hppe,  if  we  could  believe  it  would  ever  be 
realized,  that  we  should  one  day  be  able  to  provide 
ourselves  with  a  home  in  the  New  World,  and  go 
and  live  there,  and  be  buried  at  last  in  the  soil 
our  father  was  the  first  to  step  on.  Do  you  think 
we  should  be  kindly  received  among  the  Amer- 
icans, after  we  have  been  so  badly  represented 
there  V 

I  could  not  but  feel,  when  I  saw  the  tears  fall 
from  the  sisters'  cheeks,  how  deeply,  how  cruelly 
they  had  been  injured.  Nor  could  I  help  breath- 
ing to  them  the  hope  that  when  all  the  facts  should 
be  known,  to  our  people  and  our  Congress,  some- 
thing for  them  would  be  done.  The  expression  of 
this  hope  seemed  to  flash  a  gleam  of  joy  and  cheer- 
fulness over  their  countenances ;  and  when  I  re- 
^  membered  that  our  people  are  a  generous  people,  1 
could  not  believe  this  hope  wfuld  ever  be  clouded 
by  disappointment. 

They  brought  out  a  few  relics  of  Vespucius.  At 
last  they  unrolled  their  genealogical  table,  which 
showed  a  proud  race.  Their  ancestry  can  be  traced 
back  clearly  in  oa;  bright  line,  to  the  early  ages, 
before  Peter  the  Hermit  went  over  Europe  to  arouse 

52 


*,-]! 


k: 


410 


LIFE  ANDVOYAaES  OP 


THi     its  niillions  to  inarcli  to  the  recovery  of  the  Sa« 

VBSPUCCI 

rAMiLv.  viour's  T4)mb.     In  that  line  tliere  were  many  illus- 


^. 


trious  men.  Warriors,  Ambassadors,  Naval  Heroes 
and  Discoverers,  Scholars,  Artists,  Poets  and  Ma- 
gistrates, many  of  whom  had  formed  alliances  with 
the  great  and  the  noble  of  different  countries. 
They  had  filled  the  highest  stations  in  the  old  Re- 
public of  Florence,  and  left  their  impress  upon 
their  times.  They  had  been  the  familiar  compan- 
ions of  kings  and  princes,  lived  in  their  own  palaces 
and  been  lords  of  their  own  estates.  How  were 
they  now  ? 

They  are  greatly  attached  to  the  Grand  Duke ; 
and  they  told  me  he  has  always  shown  them  great 
kindness.  They  are  indebted  to  his  generosity  for 
an  annual  pension,  which  was  decreed  by  the  Sig- 
nory  of  Florence  to  the  Discoverer  ages  ago,  and 
which  every  successive  sovereign  has  regarded. 
Such  is  the  veneration  still  felt  for  the  memory  of 
that  wonderful  man  who  has  shed  so  much  glory 
over  Tuscany.  This  pension  is  necessarily  small, 
for  the  Grand  Duke's  revenue  is  inconsiderable ; 
and  a  great  number  of  poor  and  unfortunate  indi- 
viduals look  to  him  for  assistance.  His  aid  is  nev- 
er denied,  and  the  •kind  and  delicate  manner  in 
which  it  is  bestowed,  makes  it  a  thousand  times 
more  grateful.  But  I  shall  speak  of  the  gpnerous  and 
paternal  character  of  this  noble  Sovereign  by  and  by. 

It  was  a  long  visit — we  talked  till  midnight — 
and  when  I  came  away,  I  could  not  but  feel  grate- 
ful that  a  casual,  but  kind  word  that  fell  from  my 


AMKRICUS  VKSPUOIUS. 


411 


. 


lips  the  cvoniri^  before,  liad  secured  for  mc  the  op-     tub 
portuiiity  of  shedding  some  light  upon  hearts  that  family 
liad  so  long  been  overcast  with  the  deepest  gloom. 

A  day  or  two  after,  I  received  a  call  from  the 
learned  and  courteous  Count  Gra;berg  de  llemso, 
Chamberlain  and  Lib/arian  to  the  Grand  Duke^ 
with  an  invitation  to  '•.,  present  the  following  even- 
ing at  a  presentation  at  court.  These  Drawing 
Rooms,  which  arc  held  during  Lent,  are  attended 
without  parade ;  and  I  was  glad  of  an  opportunity 
of  seeing  a  Prince  who  had,  by  his  mild,  paternal 
government,  won  the  love  of  his  own  subjects — by 
his  enlightened  views  of  Art,  (iovemment,  and  Lit- 
erature, the  respect  of  all  Europe — and  by  his 
kindness  and  attention  to  literary  men,  gained  their 
admiration  and  esteem. 

During  the  conversation  (which  I  have  no  hesi- 
tation in  relating,  since  he  has  often  expressed  the 
same  feelings,  and  does  not  conceal  them  any- 
where), he  alluded  kindly  to  the  interest  I  had 
manifested  in  behalf  of  the  Vespucci  family  which 
was  the  first  intimation  I  had  of  his  knowing  what 
I  had  said  or  done.  He  said  "  he  regretted  most 
deeply  the  unfortunate  circumstances  which  at- 
tended the  application  made  to  our  Government  in 
favour  of  the  Vespucci,"  and  he  asked  nie  if  I 
"  thought  it  would  have  succeeded  if  it  had  been 
properly  made."  I  could  not  but  express  the  full- 
est belief  that  it  would. 

"  It  is  really  a  pity,  then,"  said  he,  "  that  the  in- 
discretion of  one   member  of  the  family  should 


!1 


412 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


THi     have  placed  it  out  of  the  power  of  your  Govern- 
VMPirooi  ,  ,,  ^      „  "*     .  ... 

rAMiLY.  ment,  to  have  done  an  act  of  gcnerositj,  which 


would  Itavo  placed  that  unfortunate,  family  under 
such  lasting  obligation.  I  regret  it  deeply,  too,  for 
another  reason  ;  for  I  lost  so  fine  an  opportunity  of 
being  myself  placed  under  an  obligation  I  should 
have  been  equally  sensible  of,  to  a  great  and  free 
people,  who  are  advancing  more  rapidly  in  the  arts 
and  sciences,  and  in  all  that  constitutes  true  civili- 
sation, than  any  other  nation  in  the  world.  You 
think  a  kind  feeling  will  still  prevail  in  Amer- 
ica towards  the  Vespucci  when  the  facts  are 
known ;  and  I  must  say  I  know  of  no  act  of  a 
foreign  Grovernment,  that  could  afford  me  so  much 
satisfaction,  as  that  your  Congress  should  publicly 
recognize  the  claim  of  the  descendants  of  our 
Great  Tuscan  to  your  kind  remembrance." 

The  Grand  Duke  courteously  told  me,  that  al- 
though it  did  not  become  him  to  interfere  in  the 
matter,  nor  to  do  anything  in  his  public  capacity, 
"  particularly,"  said  he,  "  as  no  interchange  of  dip- 
lomatic courtesies  exists  between  my  Court  and 
the  President,  which  I  regret,  yet,  if  you  can  sug- 
gest any  manner  in  which  I  can  contribute  to  the 
consummation  of  your  own  views,  it  will  afford  me 
unmingled  pleasure  to  do  so."  He  had  the  kindness 
also  to  say,  that  at  any  time  it  would  give  hin;^  much 
satisfaction  'to  receive  any  communication  from  me 
on  the  subject,  or  a  visit  from  me  at  the  Palace. 

The  Grand  Duke  has  now  gone  down  to  the 
Maremma.    Knowing  it  was  my  intention  to  leave 


fefe-H 


%: 


AMRRICUR  VRSPUOIUa. 


413 


Tuicany  soon,  he  obligingly  Hcnt  me  an  invitation     thb 
to  visit  him  there,  when  he  would  have  leisure  to   rAMiLv. 
confer  with  me  on  the  subject.  — — — 

Believing  this  chit-chat  about  the  Discoverer  and 
the  descendants  of  his  funiily  may  interest  you,  I 
will  tell  you  the  rest  us  soon  as  the  rest  comes. 

But  now  I  am  tired,  and  so  are  you. 

Your  true,  —  &c.,  &c. 


Florence, ,  1845. 


Dear , 

Since  my  letter  about  the  Vespucci  Family,  1 
h^e  often  met  them,  and  they  have  won  my  heart 
completely.  The  sisters  are  highly  esteemed  for 
their  purity,  and  beloved  for  their  kind  and  amia- 
ble qualities.  They  are  exceedingly  intelligent 
and  clever,  and  I  find  everybody  likes  them. 
The  young  Cavalier  Amerigo  is  a  heroic  fellow, 
who  works  for  his  bread,  and  says  some  good  luck 
will  turn  up  for  them  all,  one  day  or  another.  He, 
and  indeed  all  of  them,  are  anxious  to  come  and 
live  in  this  country.  "  Do  you  think,"  said  the 
brother  to  me,  this  morning,  "  that  I  could  get  my 
living  in  America?  I  think  I  could  learn  to  cut 
down  your  big  trees,  and  build  a  log  cabin." 

A  few  mornings  ago,  I  received  a  box,  with  a 
note.  You  may  judge  of  my  surprise,  when  I  open- 
ed the  letter,  and  found  it  contained  a  request,  sign- 
ed by  tUe  family,  that,  as  I  was  the  only  Ameri- 
can who  had  ever  sought  them  out,  it  was  the  first 


L;-iL,.  ,.■.*    t:.  •    .  Sfi 


414 


ma 

vuMvunvi 

rAMII.Y. 


■> 


MFK  AND  VOYAtlEfl  OW 

time  thry  had  vvvr  had  an  o|)|K)rtiuiity  of  sriiding 
to  Aiiierica  tiio  portrait  of  their  aiuTNtor,  and  tlioy 
bo^^od  I  woidd  accept  the  picture,  an  a  token  of 
their  regard  for  myself  and  for  the  American  IVoplo. 
I  opened  the  ho\,  and  .saw  it  contained  the  hi'auti- 
ful  portrait  of  V^espucius,  painted  by  Hron/.ino,  his 
friend,  durin;;  his  life-time.  What  (o  do  with  the 
picture,  retpiired  very  little  time  for  me  to  decide. 
I  certainly  would  not  accc'pt  such  u  j^ift  for  niijsrlf, 
for  I  could  never  make  any  proper  return  for  ho 
vaJuable  a  relic.  Nor,  if  I  could,  would  I  rob  tiie 
family  of  almost  the  last  fragment  of  the  Discover- 
er'.s  wealth  or  treasures  still  left  them.  I  sent  it 
back,  and  went  to  them  to  make  nn  explanati^p. 
They  all  seemed  wounded  that  1  had  not  accepted 
the  picture,  and  they  besought  me  to  comply  with 
their  request ;  but  I  did  not  feel  it  would  be  right 
to  do  so. 

The  next  day  the  portrait  came  back  again, 
leaded  and  sealed  by  the  oflicer  of  Customs,  the 
exportation  permission  given,  and  the  duty  paid. 
Young  Amerigo  came  in  .soon  after,  and  begged  me 
not  to  deny  their  request.  "  We  would  not  sell 
it, "  said  he,  "  but  we  wish  to  have  it  go  to  the 
New  World,  and  you  may  do  what  you  please 
with  it  there. " 

I  took  it  on  these  conditions,  and  I  shall  carry  it 
with  me  to  Washington,  to  see  if  the  Government 
will  not  purchase  it  for  the  Capitol.  To  us  it  will 
be  invaluable.  It  is  the  best,  and  almost  the  only 
undoubted  portrait  of  VespUtius,  in  the  world.    It 


i 


AMRRICUfl  VRilPUCItrS. 


416 


has  always  IxTri  in  tlio  posscsHion  of  tlie  family,  tni 
the  h'tU'is  of  flu*  family  a.ssuri«  iim«,  uikI  I  am  told  rAMtLv. 
by  many  «)f  llii^  I'Morcnliiu's,  it  is  not  only  autlu'ntic 
hfyond  a  doiilir,  but  ono  of  (lu>  best  portraits  made 
duriiij;  that  «'arly  period.  Powers  was  delighted 
when  be  saw  it,  and  bis  first  exclamation  waM — 
"Our  ^overmnenl  must  bave  it  for  tlie  C'apitol,  at 
any  price.  '  ile  tbus  speaks  of  it  in  a  note,  last 
oveniiiii;.  *  *  "  Your  pi<'ture  <»'*  Americus  Ves- 
puciiis  ou^lit  to  belong  to  mir  /;u<  ernment,  and  bo 
placed  in  tlie  ('apitol.  I  tliink  it  id  tbc  original, 
from  wliicli  tlie  best  enj;raviiiji;s  of  tlie  >;reat  man 
have  all  been  taken,  'riien?  are  no  artists  of  our 
day  who  paint  sucb  pictures.  There  are  Nome, 
perhaps,  who  paint  as  well,  but  not  in  that  style, 
— and  for  me,  that  would  be  proof  enough  of  its 
authenticity,  if  tiiere  were  wanting;  others  of  the 
most  satisfactory  kind.  I  have  not  seen  young 
Amcricus,"  iSic' 

I  shall  pive  Congress  an  opportunity  of  purchas- 
ing this  invaluable  portrait,  the  only  one  they  will 
ever  be  able  to  get,  and  it  will  then  be  in  my  pow- 
er to  show  the  family  that  the  American  Congress 
are  not  unmindful  of  the  children  of  the  man  who 
discovered  the  continent.  Some  fortunate  accident 
may  yet  give  us  the  portrait  of  Columbus  in  Spain ; 
and  then  we  shall  have  two  works  of  art,  simple, 
it  is  true,  but  worth  more  to  our  nation  than  any 
others  in  Europe.     I  do  not  know  what  our  Gov- 

1  This  note  of  Powers  and  other  important  proo&  are  deposited  with 
the  Librarian  of  Cocgress. 


416 


l.irK    AND    VOYAnRM  OW 


TMR 


fiTt 


crniiUMit  limy  rvrr  hn  iiiclinrd  ti>  do  for  tlin  Vc»- 
rAMitv  piicci  rmiiily.  I  Iio|M'  noiiu>  .siiilalilr  rrMii^nitioii  of 
tluMii  will  h(>  liiul.  Soiii(>  Miiiall  (nut  of  land,  at 
UMiMt,  it  would  not  hv  iiii|)ro|H>r  to  i;ivi>  tlicin  Iroiii 
tliv  public  domain;  and  it  would  Ik>  an  act  which 
wouhl  will  lh(>  gratitude  of  (he  t'aiuily  for  ever,  an  I 
till'  adiniralion  of  all  liUropr.  V'ou  may  jud^(*  of 
till'  rrcliiiKs  of  the  (traiid   l)uki>  hy  the  t'ollowing 


iMiU^r  I  had  th<>  h 


LAUicr  I  Had  th«'  nitnoiir  to  rccrivc  u  day  or  (wo  a^ 
from  his  Iidimatc  Secretary,  who  wn>lt'  it  at  the 
dictation  (I  am  inrormcd)  of  the  Sovereign  hiinitolf. 
I  give  it  to  you  literally. 

HONOURAIU.K    SliiNOUK  I 

His  Imperial  and  Uoyal  Ili^hnosN,  the  moMt  Se- 
rene Arch  Duke  of  Austria,  (irand  Duke  of  Tum- 
cany,  my  August  Sovj'rei^n,  to  whom,  you,  llon- 
ouruhle  Si^uore,  havi*  expressed  a  helief,  that  the 
genemiis  and  pthvi'rful  American  Nation  w'<mld  be 
disposed  to  recojjui/e  wi(h  favour,  hy  some  act  of 
liberality,  the  last  children  of  Americus  Vespucius; 
has  chaixi'd  me  to  assure  yiui,  in  his  Royal  Name, 
that  it  would  prove  inlini(ely  grateful  tohiin  and  his 
Government,  if  ever  there  should  be  made  so  solemn 
a  demonstration  of  f^ratitude  and  of  munificence. 

The  name  of  that  great  man,  venerated  from  one 
sea  to  tlu'  other,  nathers  in  itself  too  grand  a  part 
of  the  glories  of  Tuscany,  to  make  it  possible  that 
the  family  which  has  descended  from  him  should 
ever  be  forgotten  by  us.  They  have  long  enjoyed 
beneficence  and  honours  ;  and  the  young  Amerigo, 


■on  of  CnvuIi«T  l.'upluiii  CfHan*  Vt?npiiooi,  In  now      m* 
an  rmplmji  in  a  Koyal  iKpiirliiiiiit.     He  \s  tlu;  luNt  rAMiLv. 
olTitprinK  ol"  tlio  liiniily  «»f  iliuf  illuNtnouN  Italian,        ""^ 
who  hroii^lit  ((>  ilio   li^lil  ol'  civili/aliori  that  vavt 
land  which  hmrM  hix  iiaim<,  and  whicli  i.s  now  ad- 
vancing thi*  pr(»iid  mother  of  many  nohhi  and  gen- 
vruuN  chihlrcn. 

1  Inivc  the  hononr  to  MuhNcrihe  myN(>ir,  with  nen- 
iimentN  of  (hstinf{ui.Hh(>d  ccmNidcration,  y<mr 
most  (h'votrd  and  ohcthent  Hcrvant, 

CAVALIKUi:  CAULO  liaJCI, 
Inthnatc  Secretary  (»f  tho  (Jabinet  of  II.  I.  and 
H.  II.,  tht;  (trand  Duke  of  TuNcany. 
Sig'r  C.  MnwAHDM  Lkstkh, 

Consul  of  the  United  States 
of  America  at  (ienoa. 

Florence,  April  8,  1845. 


This  nohh^  h'tter  was  attended  hy  a  permission 
from  the  (jrrund  Duke  to  make  any  use  of  it  I 
might  jud^e  would  conduce  to  the  interests  of  the 
Vespucci  family.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  this  Prince, 
who  is,  indeed,  worthy  of  holding  sway  over  the 
city  when;  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  lived  to  honour  all 
that  was  noble  in  man's  heart,  or  lofty  in  genius. 

Your  true — 


This  is  not  a  suitable  place  to  enter  into  any  dis- 
cussion of  the  propriety  of  granting  the  request 
contained  in  the  following  petition.  It  is  now  be- 
fore the  American  Congress,  where  we  hope  it  will 

63 


418 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


I 


THE      receive  the  attention  it  merits.     But  it  is  impossible 
VK8PUCUI  .  ,  ,..,.. 

rAMiLY.   to  suppress  a  leeliiig  ol  regret,  tliat  tlie  injudicious 

conduct  of  any  mentber  of  tlie  lamily  of  tlic  Naviga- 
tor sliould  have  prejudiced  tlie  interests  of  all  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Vespucci.  Tiic  petition  will  speak 
lor  itself.  Regarded,  as  it  must  be,  as  evidence  of 
the  desire  of  the  family  to  live  in  a  land  bearing 
the  name  of  their  ancestor,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid 
expressing  a  iuipe  tiiat  tiieir  moderate  recjuests  may 
be  granted.  The  letter,  which  follows  the  petition, 
will  explain  the  transmission  of  the  portrait  of 
Bronssino  to  this  country.  Both  are  translated 
from  the  original  Italian. 


TO  THE  GENEROUS  AMERICAN  CONGRESS. 

Only  one  family  exists  which  is  in  direct  descent 
from  that  of  tlie  Florentine  navigator,  Americus 
Vespucius.  It  consists  of  the  young  Amerigo,  with 
his  wife  and  four  sisters,  Elena,  Theresa,  Eliza, 
and  Ameriga,  as  appears  by  the  genealogical  tree, 
drawn  during  the  lifetime  of  their  father,  the;  Cap- 
tain Cesare  Vespucci.  Elena,  possessing  a  disposi- 
tion somewhat  indocile  and  unmanageable,  absent- 
ed herself  from  her  father's  house  and  proceeded  to 
London.  Thence  she  crossed  the  ocean,  and  land- 
ed upon  the  shores  of  Brazil,  at  Rio  Janeiro.  From 
that  city  she  proceeded  to  Washington,  the  capital 
of  the  United  States.  She  presented  certain  peti- 
tions to  the  governments  of  both  countries,  using, 
and  perhaps  abusing,  the  glorious  name  of  her  an- 


AMF.RIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 

cestor.     Her  I'arnily  are  ignorant  both  of  the  tenor 
and  of  the  result  of  these  applications. 

Amerigo  and  his  sisters  have  resolved  to  make 
the  following  requests : 

First.  That  the  American  Congress  would  grant 
to  them  and  their  descendants  the  right  of  citissen- 
ship. 

Second.  That  the  generous  American  people 
would  give  them  a  sufficient  quantity  of  land,  to 
enable  them,  by  their  own  exertions,  to  maintain 
thereon,  with  respectability,  the  name  of  their  An- 
cestor, of  which  they  are  so  proud. 

The  remarkable  political  events  which  have  of 
late  years  convulsed  Europe,  and  destroyed  the  es- 
tates of  so  many  ancient  families,  have  also  wreck- 
ed the  fortunes  of  the  Vespucci  race.  They  are  at 
present  reduced  to  poverty,  though  they  yet  hope 
for  better  fortune,  through  the  generosity  of  the 
great  American  people. 

Signed,  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

Eliza  Vespucci. 
Teresa  Vespucci. 


TBI 
VE8PIT0CT 
FAMILY. 


Letter  to  C.  Edwards  Lester,  from  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

I  cannot  allow  you  to  leave  Italy  without  mani- 
festing the  sentiments  of  profound  gratitude  which 
I  entertain  towards  you.  The  courteous  and  kind 
manner  in  w^hich  you  have  treated  us — almost  as 
fellow-countrymen — will  never  leave  my  memory 
or  my  heart.    Your  last  and  greatest  act  of  good- 


420 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMERIGUS  VESPUCIUS. 


THX 

vnrnooi 

FAMILY. 


D^s,  is  the  task  you  have  been  pleased  to  under- 
take for  us,  of  conveying  to  the  American  Congress, 
the  sentiments  of  my  family,  depressed  by  so  many 
misfortunes  and  the  commotions  of  late  years. 
While  I  beg  you  to  continue  to  give  us  your  assist- 
ance in  making  known  to  Congress  our  desires  and 
hopes,  will  you  have  the  kindness  to  accept  an  an- 
cient portrait  of  our  glorious  ancestor,  taken  from 
life,  and  which  is  the  only  memorial  of  him  which 
remains  to  my  unfortunate  family?  1  trust  you  will 
look  with  pleasure  upon  the  features  of  the  man 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  vast  and  beautiful  por- 
tion of  the  globe  to  which  you  have  the  good  for- 
tune to  belong. 

The  Vespucci  family  wish  you  a  pleasant  voy- 
age, and  would  express  to  you  their  profound  grat- 
itude and  consideration. 

Your  humble  servant, 

Amerigo  Vespccci. 

Flarenc"  ISth  March,  1845. 


'""■■  "^^n^T'j^^iy  WfTj  fm'fii'^ 


INDEX 


i: 


. 


• 


rr  '■*^-  ■         -IF 


INDEX. 


• 


A. 

All  Saints,  Bay  of,  241. 

America,  name  of,  when  first  applied, 
and  how  it  originated,  248 — 255. 

Ahrhicus  Vkspucius,  born  in  Florence, 
Mar.  'Jth,  1451,  55. — His  family  con- 
nections, 55 — 5!). — Destined  from  ear- 
ly youth  for  commercial  pursuits,  61. 
— His  studies  with  his  undo  Georgio 
Anjpnio,  G.'J,  (14. — Forms  a  friendship 
with  Piero  Soderini,  (>5. — His  studies 
interrupted  by  the  aj)pearancc  of  the 
Plague  in  Florence,  GG. — His  return 
to  his  fitudics,  07. — His  opj/ortunities 
of  meeting  with  Toscimelli,  ib.—liia 
religious  instruction,  68. — Letter  from 
him  to  his  father,  68,  Gi). — Lack  of 
information  res|)ecting  lus  'jarly  lifr, 
70. — His  purchase  of  a  map  by  Ga- 
briel do  Velasca,  71. — The  misfor- 
tunes of  his  brother  Girolamo  occa- 
sion hi.v  departure  from  Italy,  ib. — 
Receives  some  commissions  from  Lo- 
renzo di  Pier-Francosco  de'  Medici, 
72. — Sails  from  Leghorn  to  Barce- 
lona, ib. — Takes  with  him  his  ne- 
phew Giovanni,  and  other  youthful 
Florentines,  73. — Letter  from  him 
written  jointly  w  •  Jonato  Nicollini, 
74. — His  first  actjuaintance  with  Be- 


rordi,  and  enbscqucnt  portnership 
with  him,  75. — Contract  of  the  Span- 
ish government  wiiti  Berardi's  house, 
ib. — Probable  rellcctions  of,  on  leav- 
ing Florence,  76,  77. — Supposed  in- 
correctly by  some  authors  to  havo 
accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage,  76,  note. — Meeting  of  Amer- 
icas with  Columl)us,  78. — Personal 
appearance  of  Americus,  79,  80. — 
Ditference  of  his  views  from  those  of 
Columbus,  80. — His  doubts,  81. — 
Imaginary  ronversation  with  Colum- 
bus, 82 — 92. — In  consequence  of  the 
death  of  Berardi,  he  assumes  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
house,  93. — Payments  to  him  by  Ber- 
nardo Pinelo,  the  treasurer  of  Sjjnin, 
94. — He  despatches  an  cxpediuon 
which  is  wrecked,  ib. — His  letter  to 
Soderini,  ib. — Its  proper  address,  95. 
— Rank  held  by  him  in  the  first  voy- 
age, ib. — Supposed  address  of  his  let- 
ter to  Ren6,  King  of  .Jerusalem  and 
Sicily,  and  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  96. — Editions  of  the  letter  made 
use  of  by  Canovai,  96,  note. — The 
edition  of  Gruniger  made  use  of  by 
Navarrete,  97. — Authenticity  of  it, 
ib. — Authenticity  of  its  date  ques- 
tioned  by  Herrera,   98. — Historical 


124 


INDEX. 


evidence  of  itd  necurncy  onil  urgu- 
^n^•nl^^4)n  llicMulijcct,  !)!) — lOH. —  fict- 
ti>r  ut'Coluiiilxis  ('oiriiiifiiilin^  Aiiicri- 
CU.S,  105,  lO(i. —  His  Iir8l  voyiigo  dc- 
Hcribud  in  tlio  tirst  part  of  IiIh  litter 
U)  Soilcriiii,  coiiimcncing,  ll'J. — His 
reuaiins  for  writing,  1 13. — Dcpurluri! 
from  Cuili/,  MaJ^  lOtli,  IJi)?,  IKi.— 
First  Iiinditigon  tlio  (continent,  117. — 
Ucceived  in  a  friendly  iiiunncr  by  the 
natives,  ib. — Their  ilinructoristies, 
118.  —  Description  of  them,  their 
niodo  of  life,  and  peculiarities,  11!) — 
1'25— Arrival  at  Venezuela,  12(). — 
Hultk-  witl>  tin;  Indians,  127,  128. — 
Coiiti:.  iiition  of  the  voyagts  128. — 
MectH  •<'  illi  a  remarkable  animal  like 
n  Ptrpf^nl.  129. — Further  account  of 
the  hub  I  of  the  natives,  130. — Jour 
liOy  inliiiid,  131. — Return  to  the  ships, 
»i..  ■-'"..  l"'lii'rr.us  incident,  132. — Uc- 
Berii  I'l'i'  cf  thi^  country,  133.  134. — 
Preparations  for  return  voyage,  135. 
— Discover  new  islands,  13(j. — Cunni- 
balaand  bottle  withthem,  137. — Cap- 
ture 250  prisoiu^rs,  138. — Arrival  at 
Cadiz,  Oct.  15,  1498,  139.— The  first 
news  of  his  discoveries  probnbly  kept 
secret  rntil  the  arrival  of  despatches 
from  Columbus,  142. — His  connec- 
tion with  Ojeda,  144 — 147. — His  mar- 
riage with  Maria  Cere/.o,  145 — Vis- 
its the  court,  14G. — E{]uip"/ent  of  a 
new  fleet,  147. — Ilis  scrond  voyage 
described  in  a  hotter  r.i  Lorenzo  di 
Pier-Francesco  de  ^/iniiei,  151. — De- 
parture from  Cad'/.,  May  18th,  1499,  j 
152. — Arrival  a,  the  New  World  in 
24  days,  152. — Remarkable  currents  ' 
near  the  shores,  153. — Beautiful  birds 
—his  geographical  position,  155. — 
Solar  shadow,  ib. — Astronomical  ob- 
servations, 156. — The  Southern  Cross 
cills  to  his  mind  the  remarkable  lines 


of  Dante,  157. — tlis  colculattnn  of 
lotitude,  158. — Observation  of  the 
transit  of  Mars,  August  23d,  1499, 
159. — Further  description  of  the  na- 
tives seen  in  second  voyage,  Ifil. — 
Second  visit  to  the  (Julf  of  Puria,  l(i2. 
— Sails  four  hundred  leagues  along 
the  sliores  of  the  continent,  H)4. — • 
Battle  with  the  natives  and  great 
slaughter,  1G5. — Meets  with  a  race 
of  giants,  1(36. — Second  visit  to  Ven- 
ezuela, 107. — Sails  for  llispaniola, 
1»'8. — Preparations  for  return,  lC9v 
— Arrival  at  Cadiz,  171. — Sends  a 
globe  and  map  to  Lorenzo  de,'  ^'.edici, 
172. — Second  part  of  his  letter  II,  So- 
derini,  giving  further  account  of  bis 
second  voyoge,  175. — Departure  from 
Cadiz,  ib. — Arrival  ut  the  New 
World,  176. — Chases  and  captures  a 
largo  can'^",  177. — Meets  friendly 
natives,  ai.d  procures  pearls,  179. — 
Rcmaiij  seventeen  days  in  port, 
180. — Description  of  singular  Jiabits 
of  the  natives,  181,  183. — Giants 
again,  183,  184. — Preparations  for 
return,  185. — On  the  return  voyage 
visits  Antilla,  187. — Arrives  at  Ca- 
diz, June  8,  ib. — Unjustifiable  per- 
version of  the  words  of,  188. — At- 
tacked with  the  (|uartan  ague,  189. — 
Preparotion  for  another  voyage,  ib. — 
Receives  letters  from  the  King  of 
Portugal,  inviting  liii/i  to  his  service, 
191. — Messenger  sent  to  him,  ib. — 
Leaves  Spain  secretly,  192. — Re- 
ceived with  joy  by  the  King  of  Por- 
tuga',  r'). — Second  letter  to  do'  Medi- 
ci, givmg  an  'licount  of  his  third 
voyage,  195. — JJkj.airure  from  Cape 
Verd,  ib. — His  astronomical  obser- 
vations, 19(1. —  Describes  the  customs 
of  the  natives,  197 — 200.— Describes 
climate  and  productions,  201. — Third 


INDEX. 


486 


letter  to  D(!'  Medici,  giving;  a  fuller  oc- 
count  of  his  third  voyunc,  ii03. — Dc- 
parture  froiri  Lislioii,  Mtiy  111,  ITjOI, 
204.  —  K\p(!ri(;m;e«  terriblo  Nldrms, 
205. — Arrives  at  the  Nt.w  WorM, 
Aug.  17,  l.'iOl,  yoo.— Find ,  thieiily 
inhabited  country,  nnd  given  des- 
crijitiims  (if  the  nu'ivcs,  'JO!)— 'JI4. — 
Astninomieal  observations,  21.'). — His 
work  on  the  Hulycrt  of  astronomy, 
217. — Uliistrution  of  tho  unti|i(idc.s, 
218 — ii'JO. — A|)oloi!;izeH  for  not  sending 

Do'  Medici  his  jmirnuis,  'J'.>1 Third 

part  of  letter  to  t"'oiierini.  'J'M. — 
Gives  reasons  for  going  to  Lisbon, 
224. —  Departure  from  LisJMin,  May 
13.1501,  and  iirrivaluftersevere storms 
at  the  N(.w  World,  ojo.— TuU(!s  pos- 
session of  the  country  in  tho  numo  of 
Portugal,  IL"JG. — Despatches  two  of 
the  crow  to  treat  with  tlie  natives, 
22fi. — Horrible  death  of  his  messen- 
gers, a!.'8. — contiimes  tho  voyage 
aUmg  tho  coust  for  750  leagues, 
230. — Encounters  violent  storms,  nnd 
arrives  at  Lisbon,  .Sept.  7,  1502, 
231 — 233. — Received  in  Lisbon  with 
ceremonies  am  honours,  234. — His 
method  of  comiJUting  longitude,  235. — 
Prepares  for  a  fourth  voyoge,  237. — 
Conclusion  tjf  his  letter  to  Sodcrini, 
238. — Departure  from  Lisbon,  10th 
May.  1503,  and  loss  of  part  of  the 
fleet,  2.'5n,  240.— Ar-ives  at  the  liay 
of  All  Saints,  241. — Builds  a  fortress, 


himself  to  givo'his  name  to  Ai  net, 
248— 255.--l)itri<'u!lies  in  the  «  uy.of 
the  proposed  rxpeditim  251). — In- 
Htruetions  of  the  Hoard  u1  Trodo  to 
him,  2.')7. —Ultimate  fate  of  the  cx- 
IHiditiim,  250 — His  jtalary,  with  the 
title  of  cajitain,  2(i0. — Ordered  to  re- 
jiair  to  court,  v*(il — Appointed  chief 
pilot,  2(i2. — Entablishes  himself  in  Se- 
ville, o(;3._Visiis  Florence,  204.— 
His  diuith,  I'Mirutiry  'JJd,  1512,  at 
.Seville,  ib. — His  character  and  wri- 
tings, 2(Jij-270. — Narrative  of  the 
voyage  of  De  Oaitm  attributed  to 
him,  313— ;;29. 

Antipodes,  illustration  of,  218 — 220. 

Astrolabe,  invention  of  the,  90. — A  sim- 
ilar instrument  found  by  De  Uama  in 
the  Red  Sea  and  Persian  Gulf,  29. 

Azores,  discovery  of  .strange  corpses  on 
tlie  islands  of  the,  37. 


B. 

Bahia   Honda,   Ojcda's  settlement  at, 

308. 
Bartolozzi,  his  remarks  respecting  tho 

first  letter  of  Americus  to  Do  Medici, 

173,  174. 
Baslidcs,  voyage  of,  372. 
Baltic  with  the  Indians,  127,  128. 
Bay  of  All  Saints,  241. 
Bell,  houses  shaped  like  a,  120. 
Benvenuto  Bcnvenuti,  bearer  of  the  let- 


242. — Returns  to  Lisbon,  .Tune  18th,^     ter  of  Americus  to  Soderini,  113. 
1604,  and  goes  to  Seville  in  latter  part  I  Ben/oni,  251. 


of  1504,  245, — Assists  Columbus  at 
court,  !J4G. — Influence  of  the  Queen 
Isabella's  death  on  his  fortunes,  246. — • 
Receives  grants  of  muncy,  247. — 
Named  Commander  in  a  new  expe- 
dition, ib. — Considerations  g(jing  to  ! 
show  that  Americus  did  not  attempt 

54 


Bcrardi,  Juan  or  Juanoto,  passport 
granted  to  him  in  14 SO,  by  the  Sov- 
ereigns of  Spain,  73. — His  death,  in 
December,  1495,  93. 

Bernal,  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  bis 
writings,  nnd  sketch  of  his  life,  49. 

Betel  nut,  181. 


426 


INDRX. 


BinU  of  grrnt  l»/>auty  »nrn  by  Ameri-  ' 
CUM,  \r>4.  j 

Bojuilnr,  iliMcoviry  of  Copr.  31. 

Bron/ino,  \m  |i<irtrait  of  Aiiiirioun,  304. 

Ball  of  tht>  r<i|ii'  rcMpcctinii  now  landn 
(liicovercd,  3'i. 


c. 

Cabot,  SebaHtiun,  4'J.— Born  in  Bristol, 
1'67,  44.— Dioroo  of  Ilonry  VII.  ro- 

upecting  him,  45. — liiit  voyages,  ib. 
— Ooc«  to  SSpoin  nnd  in  nppointcd 
Chief  rilot,  K;— Returns  to  Kiifi- 
lanil,  4(). — His  diMnvery  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  variutioii  of  the  needio, 
47. — In  reality  the  lirxl  dlMfoverer  of 
the  main  land  of  the  New  World,  104. 

Calcutta,  ',';$!». 

CampoH,  Gureia  de,  partner  of  Ojedu, 
307. 

Cannibals  seen  by  AmericuM,  161 — 178. 
— Kill  and  cut  some  of  his  crew,  'J'J7. 

Canoe,  intrresiing  chose  and  capture  of 
a  large,  177. 

Canopi,  seen  by  Amt.ricufl,  216. 

Canovai,  the  Uiogrnpher  of  Americus, 
editions  of  the  letter  to  Soderitii  mailc 
use  of  by  liirn,  9(i,  note. — Incorrect 
opinion  as  t<T  the  name  of  America, 
254. — Ilis  Eulogiuin  of  Americus, 
275. 

Caravans,  the  medium  of  commercial 
comniuniciition,  22. 

Casas,  Uishop  de  Ins,  his  writings,  and 
sketcli  of  his  life,  49,  r>(). 

Ccrezo,  Marin,  the  wife  of  Americus, 
145. 

Charlevoix,  his  character  of  Ojeda,  394. 

Cipango,  Manio  Polo's  description  of, 
359—361. 

Coelho,  Gonzalo,  237—249 

Colnmbos,  Christopher,  reflections  of, 


t 


in  relation  hi  •  weiitom  paaaago  to 
India,  37.— ('onsidera  the  accoanta 
of  Marco  I'olo  and  iManduville,  ib.'— 
Lfitti'r  from  Toxcanelii  to  him,  38.— 
Not  ignorant  of  the  discoveries  of  tho 
Northmen,  31). — i'ersoiiul  ni)pRarance 
of,  78,  79. — Dill'erenco  of  liis  views 
from  those  of  Americus,  HO. — Hi* 
enthusiasm,  HI. — Imaginary  conver- 
sation between  him  and  Amoricui,  83 
—92. — His  letter  to  his  son,  Don 
Diego,  commending  Am(;ricus,  106, 
1Q6. — Iliri  curious  signature,  107, 
note. — Ilis  arrival  at  tho  coast  of 
I'arin,  140. — Ilis  despat(du'»  from 
Ilispuiiiola,  141. — Ilis  discovery  of 
Ilispuiiiola,  meniioned  by  Aitiericua, 
1()H.— Again  miMitioncd,  187. — Ilia 
return  from  his  last  voyage,  and  sick- 
ness, 245. — Letters  lo  him  from  Paolo 
Toscanelli,  330—337. 

Columltus,  Ferdinand,  his  writings,  and 
sketch  of  his  life,  49. — His  vii;w  of 
tho  anti(|uity  of  family,  60. — Never 
makes  any  charges  against  Americus 
in  his  history,  107. 

Commerce,  carried  on  by  means  of  land 
transj)ortation,  21. 

Compass,  invention  of,  26. 

Constellations  of  the  Southern  Hemis- 
phere, 196. 

Coaa,  .luan  do  lo,  liis  connection  with 
Americus  and  Ojeda,  147. — Ordered 
to  proceed  to  Court  with  Americus, 
261.— Ilis  subsequent  history,  366. — 
Connection  with  Hastiiles,  371 — 373. 
— Meets  with  Ojeda  in  Hispaniola, 
373. — Accompanies  Ojeda  as  Lieu- 
tenant in  his  Inst  expedition,  .374. — 
Dissuad(!s  Ojodu  from  attacking  tho 
Indians.  380.— His  death,  381. — Mr. 
Irviniij's  character  of  him,  382. 

Coquihacoa,  tho  modern  Venezuela,  ar- 
rival of  Anicricub  at,  1 26. 


INDRX. 


427 


to 
ita 


ho 

C6 

va 
\» 
ir- 

)a 

m 
i, 
7, 
)f 

n 
f 

I. 

is 


Cotmography,  a  favonrite  rabjoct  (>f 

■peculation,  '\4. 
Cuba,  •utVuring*  of  tho  Spaniardit  in, 

389. 
Curncoo,    vtsitrd    by    Amoriru'i,    and 

calk'd  tkn  iNJand  of  Gianta,  183. 
Current!  mot  with  by  Amr>ricus  on  the 

•horea  uf  the  New  World,  153. 


Dante,  rrmarkablo  pASflage  in  hin  Pur- 
gatory relating  to  tho  Sontlinrn  Crimn, 
157. — Quotation  from,  237. 

Diax,  Bartholomew,  his  discovrry  «)f 
the  Capo  of  Oood  Hope,  3.1. 

Dighton,  sculptured  nnik  of,  39,  40,  41, 
note. 

Discovery,  Early,  30, — Proprcas  of,  34. 
— Of  tho  Grand  Canariou,  35. 


B. 

RaRt,  ancient  cities  of  the,  22. 

EttHtem  Empire,  fall  of,  25 — 48. 

Emmanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  endcov- 
ours  to  secure  the  acrvices  of  Amer- 
icus,  190,  192. 

Enciso,  the  Boclielor,  393. 

Esquibol,  Governor  of  .Tamaica,  302. 

Etruscan  Academy,  letter  of,  accompa- 
nying the  Eulogium  of  Canovai,  273 
—275. 

Eulogium  of  Americus  by  Canovai,  275 
— 309.  Remarks  of  the  Translator 
'-hereon,  309—312. 


P. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  his  absence 
from  Spain,  259.— Return,  201. 


Florence  awake  to  tho  importance  of 
navigation,  42. — Custom  of  dii voting 
one  mi-mber  of  each  noble  family  to 
commerce,  (iO. — Vinitnd  by  tho  Plague 
in  147H,  (i5. — Ita  iimijiiilitcncu  in 
1480,  06. 

FonH)!ca,  till)  Itixhop,  gruntn  a  license  to 
Ojeda  to  prosi'cuti)  (lis(•ovl•rio^^,  143. 
—His  hatred  of  Columbu**,  144,  note. 

o. 

Galileo,  230. 

Uama,  V  asco  de,  doubles  tho  Capo  of 
Good  Hope,  '26. — Sketch  of  hii  life, 
20,  30,  nolo.— The  poet  Thomsion'a 
nlluMon  to  his  voyages,  1!)3. — Narra- 
tive of  his  voyugo  to  the  Indies  at- 
tributed to  Americus,  31 IJ — 329. 

(iiants,  race  of,  met  with  by  Amcricua, 
160,  1G7— 183. 

Giocondo,  Juliano,  sent  to  Americus  by 
the  King  of  Portugal,  191—224. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  his  wri- 
tings, and  sketch  of  his  life,  53. 

Greenland,  discoveries  of  tho  Northmen 
in,  39. 

Gregory  IX.,  his  election  to  tho  papacy, 
338. 

Gricio,  Gaspar  do,  Secretary  of  King 
Philip,  257.— Letters  to  him,  258. 

GriniEUs,  251,  252. 

Grogeda,  Diego  Rodriguez  do,  260; 

H. 

Henry,  Prince  of  Portugal,  sketch  of 
his  character  by  Dr.  Robertson,  27, 
28.— Death  of,  in  1463,  32. 

Herrern,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of  his 
life,  52.— Questions  the  authenticity 
of  the  date  of  tho  letter  of  Americus 
to  Soderini,  97. 


i 


moBx. 


HamboMt,  M.  cin,  hi«  rrmnrkii  on  thn 
li'ttrr  of  ihn  Viw.-ount  iln  Santarrn  to 
Novarr<Sti',  3!)7— 400.— Letter  of  M. 
Kanke  to  him,  401—404. 


I. 


Ilacomilo,  249. 

India,  Mpi'i'ulationH  rciipncting  a  paiMo/^n 

to,  3.1. — KHurt**  to  find  ii  nnw  routo 

to,  2(5— lO.I. 
IniMTi])ti()n  over  thn  door  of  tho  Vc»- 

|)U('('i  MutiNion,  r>fi. 
iHuhflln,   (iut'tn  of  Spiun,  246. — Lout 

leHtonu-nt  of,  3.5(S. 
iHlnnd  of  ih'  Srvtin  Cilii-n,  .1(1. 
Italy,  no  posnt-fiMioiiH  in  tlio  Nt'w  World, 

41.— Nuvi!,'ntorn  of,   42— 40.— Stole 

of,  in  tho  I5th  ci-ntury,  42. 
Iti,  Island  of,  visited  by  Americas,  13G. 


J. 


Joanna.   Queen  of  Spain,  25P, — Iter 
insoulty,  Q^O. 


K. 


Komboln,  the  paper  money  of,  362. 
Khan,  the  (Jrand,  account  of  the  king- 

dom'i  of,  by  Marco  Polo,  350 — 3G5. 

— His  attempt  to  concjuer  the  island 

of  Cipong(>,  359 — 3()1.— His  care  of 

his  8ubJGCt<>,  363—365. 


L. 

Lariab,   the  Indian    name    of    Paria, 

134. 
Lery,  Jean  de,  253. 
Licenses  of  the  Court  of  Spain  for  the 


pro«*cution  of  iroyagea  of  Jlaoovcry 

lOH. 
liiohon,  spirit  of  discovt^ry  in,  36. 
Litrrnture,  revival  of,  46. 
Itonffitude,  mc  tliod    of   Atnericn*    (ut 

lompating,  2.35. 
Luxury,  comparative,  in  difl'erent  na« 

tions,  34. 


Magdnluna,  269. 

Mandcviile,  .Sir  John,  his  accoonta 
highly  I'Htcomed  by  ('oluml)Us,  37. 

Mnnufactorirs  of  tho  South  of  Knrop* 
in  the  15th  century,  24. 

Malacca,  237,  23H,  239. 

Maraniiuni,  San  Luis  de,  visited  by 
Anicricus,  177. 

Mars,  transit  of,  observed  by  Amoricoa, 
Aug.  23d,  1499,  159. 

Martyr,  Peter,  his  writings,  ond  sketch 
of  his  life,  53.  251. 

Medici,  Lorcnzodo,  tho  Magnificent,  67. 

Medici,  Lorcn/o  di  Pier  Francesco  de, 
employs  Amcricus  to  go  to  Spain, 
72.— Sketch  of  his  life,  148— ISC- 
First  Letter  of  Amcricus  to  him,  161. 
— Receives  a  globe  and  map  from 
Amcricus,  172.— Second  Letter  of 
Amcricus  to  him,  195. — Third  Let- 
ter of  Amcricus  to  him,  203. — M. 
Ilankc's  Letter  respecting  him,  401 
—404. 

Middlo  ages,  system  of  commercial 
tranba"tio/is  in  the,  23. 

Mini,  Eli/abetta,  the  mother  of  Aineri- 
cus,  54. 

Montercgio,  his  almanac  used  by  Amer* 
icus  in  his  astronomical  calculationsi 
159. 

Munster,  his  description  of  the  VoyagM 
of  Americas,  76,  note. 


INDKX. 


»'j 


39 


Narrative  of  the  voyagt*  of  VaiM!o  i\r 
(ihitia,  attribtttrd  to  Atnnricu*,  ai3 — 
.TJ9. 

Native*  of  til''  Nrw  World,  diiairip- 
tiori*  ol,  ||H.  -Tin  ir  timtivfa  in  mu- 
king  wur,  11!).— KurthtT  i|<'Hcri|itiiiri, 
IW7— 'JOO.— I>)iii.>ttic  liubiia  of,  '.»ll, 
— Attempt*  to  tri'ut  with,  UUn. 

Navarrdtf, (loi'SinK'iitH  rilutiii|{  to  Amcr- 
ictu  coitiaiiiod  in  hi*  colloctiuu,  I)'J& 
—400. 

Navigutora,  colrmporary,  of  AmRricui, 
40 

Nicuf.iwa,  Dii'go  dc,  tho  rival  of  Ojoda, 
374. —  f lis  uHniHtiinro  to  Ojodu,  ilHl. 

Non,  dittcnvery  of  Cupo,  30. 


0. 

Ojeda,  AIoiizo  do,  hia  oviiiciico  n-ijiXMa- 
ing  ArnoricuH  in  thu  luw-Huit  of  Dun 
Diego  (Joluinl)uai,  99 — 102. — Arcounl 
of  liiM  early  iifo,    142. — Commission 


•bin  eacapo,  .181.— With  ihn  aid  «rf 
NiuttcMa  hn  |iri|)arra  fur  anotb<^r  aW 
la<  k,  384.— It*  cntirn  am  com,  :\n!i,  - 
Form*  n  Mi'ttl''m'nt  in  thi'  (Jiilf  of 
UruSa,  i6.-  Wounded  in  hatllti  with 
the  IndiKHN,  3M(i.  Funiiiiii  in  hia 
M'ttlinii-nt,  und  urnsul  of  'I'uluveru, 
387. — Hia  departure  in  nearch  tit 
RUpplii  n,  nnd  khipwreck  on  tlir'  eoaal 
of  Culm,  3(t)4.— Ill*  uwful  Kutliringa 
tlicre,  3H'J— 3!U.— Hill  vow  und  ita 
fuKiim.nt,  Ml  -3!)'^.— Hi*  arrival  at 
1 1  '>|iUMiola  liy  way  of  Jamaica,  Jtttf.— 
iiul  day*,  3'J4. 


I'uria,    viditcd   by    Americua   in    1407, 

131.— Second  vinit,  14'J9,  102. 
I'earlH,   Hcen    by    Americu*    in    Paria, 

1«:J— 170. 
IVrctoiu,  i\io  place  where  tho  Veapucoi 

family  originated,  .O.j. 
l'hili|).  King   of  Spain,  hia  accoutun, 

'2!}C) — Hilt  death  at  Hurgon,  259. 
IMotM,  ignorance  .if  the,  '2()H. 


granted  to  him  by  the  Hiuhoji  Fon-  i  i'inelo,  Hernunlo,    treasurer  of  Spain, 


aeca,  143. — U'ih  voyage  identical  with 
tho  Hccond  voyii/^e  of  Am(;ricus, 
146. — Hi»  Hub8e([uent  history,  3GG. — 
Connectd  himself  with  Juun  de  Vor- 
gara  and  Qarcia  du  Cum|)os,  3b7.— 
Sails  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in 
1602,  and  fonns  settlement  at  Bahia 
Honda,  3G8. — His  ([uarrels  with  hid 
partners,  3()9. — Legal  proceedings 
against  him,  379. — 'His  triumphant 
acquittal,  371. — His  connection  with 
Juan  d(;  la  Cosn,  374. — His  departure 
from  San  Domingo,  15th  Nov.  l.'iOP, 
on    another    exiiedition,    375.  —  His 


his  paymenta  to  Amcriciw,  93,  91. 

Pinzon,  Vicente,  230. — Named  com- 
mander, with  Americun,  247 — 2G0— 
263. 

Plague  of  Florence,  in  14/8,  C5. 

Polo,  Marco,  his  accounts  esteemed  by 
Columbus,  37. — His  accounts  adopted 
by  Toscanelli,  .'18. — Account  of  him 
und  his  travels,  337 — 3.i(). — Curioua 
anecdote  of,  34(j,  347. — Description 
of  Quinsai,  3S0— 359.— And  of  the 
Island  of  Cipango,  3G0,  3G1. — Of  tho 
wealth  of  tho  Grand  Khan,  3C2,  363. 
— And  of  his  care  of  his  subjects,  364. 


celebrated   i)roclamution   to   the   In-  j  Popolairi,   the    name    adopted    by   Do 


dions,   37G  —  380.  —  Furious   battle 
with  the  nativca,  381. — Hia  remork- 


Mcdici,  the  correspondent  of  Ameri* 
cus,  149. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14S8C 

(716)  872-4503 


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430 


INDEX. 


I 


Portugal,  importance  of  the  voyogcg  of 

AmericuB  to  the  kingdom  of,  IQ.'}. 
Frinting,  invention  of  the  art  of,  49. 


Q. 

Quinsa!,  extract    from    Marco   Polo's 
description  of,  350 — 359. 


R. 


Rainbow,  Lunar,  217,  216. 

Ranke,  M.  de,  his  letter  to  M.  de  Hum- 
bolt,  401—404. 

Rcn6,  Duko  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and 
titular  King  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily, 
96. — Supposed  address  of  the  letter 
of  Americus  to  him,  and  sketch  of  his 
life,  96,  97,  note. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  his  sketch  of  the  char- 
acter of  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal, 
27,  28. 

Rome,  unable  to  join  in  the  career  of 
discovery,  42,  43. 


s. 


Sailor,  gallantry  of  a  Portuguese,  165. 
Salvini,  Antonio,  the  tablet  which  he 

placed  over  the  gateway  of  the  Ves- 
pucci Mansion,  56. 
Santarcn,  the  Marquis  de,  his  letter  to 

Navarrdtc,  with  Humboldt's  remarks 

conceniing  it,  397 — 400. 
Scandinavians,  discoveries  of,  39. 
Scholars  of  the  East,  their  coming  into 

Europe,  48. 
Seneca,  the  celebrated  prophecy  of,  in 

the  Medea,  157,  note. 
Senegal  River,  discoveries  beyond,  31. 
Soderini,  Piero,  his   early    friendship 

with  Americus,  65. — Sketch  of  his 


life  and  character,  109—112. — FiiH 
porlioi.  of  letter  of  Americus  to  him, 
describing  his  first  voyage,  112— 
139. — Second  part  of  the  letter  of 
Americus  to  liim,  175. — Third  part, 
223.— Conclusion,  238.— M.  Ranke'i 
letter  to  Humboldt  respecting  him, 
401—404. 

Solar  Shadows,  noticed  by  Americuo, 
155. 

Soils,  Diaz  de,  260—202. 

Southern  Cross,  157. — Remarkable  pas- 
sage in  Dante's  Purgatory  relating  to 

it,  157,  note. 
St.  Augustine,  Cape  of,  doulilcd,  229. 

St.  Brandan,  Island  of,  36,  and  note. 

Subano,  Juan  de,  260. 


T. 

Taluvera,  a  piratical  leader,  387. 

Toscanelli,  Paolo,  a  Florentine  Physi- 
cian, writes  to  Columbus,  38,  39. — 
His  mop,  ib. — His  lettrrs  to  Colum- 
bus, 330—337. 

Tuana,  a  remarkable  animal  seen  by 
Americus,  129,  note. 


u. 

Ugolino  Verini,  lines  of,  respecting  thn 

Vespucci  family,  55. 
Ursa  Major  and  Minor,  216,  230,  231 

—233—235. 
Uraba,  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of,  386. 
Usury,  false  ideas  of,  in  the  middle  r  gea, 

23. 


V. 

Venezuela,  anival  of  Americus  at,  12(ik 
Veragua,  gola  mines  of,  271. 


•V^-FTV'^' ' 


INDEX. 


•431 


M 
a, 

jf 
rt. 

Of 


S 


/erozzini,  Giovanni,  a  Florentine  nav- 
igator, sketch  of  hiH  life,  43. — Saila 
in  ^10  i'rigat(!  iJauphin,  17lh  January, 
1624,  43. — His  unhappy  futc,  44. 

Cnrgara,  Juun  dc,  partner  of  Ojcda, 
3«7. 

Vespucci,  SCO  Amcricus. 

Vespucci,  Anastusiu,  the  father  of 
Amcricus,  55. — Secretary  of  the  Re- 
public of  Florence,  69. — Letter  from 
Ainericus  to  him,  G8,  69. 

/espucci,  Amerigo,  letter  from  him, 
419,  420. 

Vespucci,  Georgio  Antonio,  uncle  of 
Americus,  distinguished  as  a  scholar, 
63. — His  school  and  instruction  of 
Amcricus,  64. 

Vespucci,  Girolomo,  the  brother  of 
Americus,  his  misforti'ncs,  71. — His 
letter  *o  Americus,  72. 

Vespucci,  Giovanni,  the  nephew  of 
Americus,  accompanies  his  uncle  on 
his  departure  from  Florence,  73. — 


Petnr  Martyr's  friendship  for  him,  ib, 
notj. 

Vespucci,  visit  to  the  old  mansion  of 
the,  57,  note. — Account  of  tl  j  prcsenft 
family  of,  405—420. 

Ve8i)ucci,  Simone  di  Piero,  his  wealth 
and  lil)crality,  57. — His  tomb,  58. 

Vespucci,  Piero,  commanded  the  Flor- 
entine galleys,  50. 

Vespucci,  Guido  Antonio,  distinguished 
in  letters,  59. 

Vila,  Grand  Chamberlain  of  King  Phil- 
ip, 258. 

Villegagnon,  253. 


w. 

Webb,  Thomas  H.,  Secretary  of  th« 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  hit 
account  of  Dighton  Rock,  39,  40,  41« 
note. 


*  The  work  contains,  including  the  engravings,  162  p.p. 


EXTRACTS   FROM   NOTICES   OF   THE   PRESS. 


es 


#«» 


Fnm  Ihi  Albany  Sputttar 

Tho  subject  of  this  work  is  snffloiciit  of  itself  to  attraot  ana  interest  everj  Ama< 
rioan.  The  iimn  who  f(ave  name  to  this  groat  western  continent  can  never  bo  for< 
gotten.  Tlie  volume  before  us  is  not  the  production  of  a  few  short  davs ;  it  hM 
occupied  mouths  of  labor  and  researcn.  Many  old  manuscripts  in  Italian, 
Spanish,  and  Hcrmnn,  bearing  on  his  life  and  voyages,  have  been  examined  ;  and 
all  the  large  libraries  in  this  country  have  been  searched  for  oollecti'iis  relative  to 
tho  great  discov^jror.  It  is  written  in  that  flowing  and  attrp>.uve  style  whioh 
oharaetcrizes  nil  Mr.  Lester's  product!': us,  uiv^  nnnno^  f^H  lo  have  an  oxtenuv* 
circulation. 


From  thi  Nt\§  York  Jountal  of  Commtrc*. 

Tliis  is  a  very  interesting  and  iiistruotivo  volume,  especially  to  Americana,  as  it 
relates  to  the  discovery  ami  early  history  of  this  continent  Tho  fourteen  platas 
illustrating  various  pomts  in  the  history  of  the  great  navigator,  add  to  the  value 
of  tho  work,  and  still  more  to  its  acceptableness  to  the  common  reader. 

From  the  tfne  Haven  Palladium 

Mr.  Lester  has  made  a  most  agreeable  book  in  his  life  of  this  world-renowned 
navigator,  and  it  is  printed  and  illustrated  in  such  a  stylo  as  greatly  to  increase 
its  attractions.  Tho  author  resided  some  years  in  the  land  which  gave  birth  to 
Americus,  and  ho  had  abundant  opportunity  to  obtain  valuable  material  for  the 
work,  which  he  has  now  perfected,  with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Andrew  Foster  of 
Boston,  whose  invaluable  services  are  kindly  acknowledged  in  the  preface. 

From  (A*  lf*m  York  Mirror. 

This  is  a  lart;e,  well  printed  volume,  devoted  to  the  life  of  the  great  navigator, 
and  to  the  incidents  eonneeted  with  the  discovery  of  the  Now  World.  Mr.  Lester's 
long  residence  in  Italy,  and  his  personal  acquaintance  with  the  living  raemborB  of 
the  Vespucci  family,  afforded  him  rare  opportunities  of  obtaining  information. 


■j 


From  the  Neto  York  Christian  Obterver, 


In  this  elfgantly  printed  volume,  the  compilers  have  preserved  all  the  informa 
tion  aceessibk  respecting  this  celebrated  voyager.  The  documents,  the  history* 
incidents,  and  reflections  hero  embodied  are  worthy  of  being  examined,  and  the 
book  itself  will  be  a  valuable  acquisition. 


From  the  Ntw  York  Baptist  Recorder. 

This  is  a  worthy  tribute  to  one  of  the  groat  navigators  whose  name  and  history 
will  be  for  ever  connected  with  the  American  continent  The  work  is  well  worthy 
of  attention  as  a  repository  of  much  that  is  valuable,  bearing  on  the  early  history 
of  the  New  World.  The  publisher  has  evidentlv  spared  no  pains  to  make  the 
•work,  in  its  externals,  attractive  and  worthy  of  the  subject 


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